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S67X A
NH F THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
IN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM
Volume 58 Band
May 1972 Mei
Part I Deel
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE
CAPE NGUNI
Part I Settlement
By
E. M. SHAW & N. J. VAN WARMELO
JAM ASO;
Cape Town Kaapstad ( JUN 274 K
Nw
The ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
are issued in parts at irregular intervals as material
becomes available
Obtainable from the South African Museum, P.O. Box 61, Cape Town
Die ANNALE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM
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van stof
Verkrygbaar van die Suid-Afrikaanse Museum, Posbus 61, Kaapstad
OUT OF PRINT/UIT DRUK
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Price of this part/Prys van hierdie deel
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Trustees of the South African Museum © _ Trustees van die Suid-Afrikaanse Museum
1972
ISBN 0 949940 09 7
Printed in South Africa by In Suid-Afrika gedruk deur
The Rustica Press, Pty., Ltd. Die Rustica-pers, Edms., Bpk.
Court Road, Wynberg, Cape Courtweg, Wynberg, Kaap
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
Part 1 Settlement
By
E. M. SHaw
South African Museum, Cape Town
&
N. J. VAN WARMELO
Department of Bantu Administration and Development, Pretoria
(With 17 plates, 13 text-figures and 1 map)
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction . é : 5 : : j , 2
Abbreviations F : : ‘ ; é : 2
Bibliography
Discussion ‘ , ’ i : F ; 3
Chronological list of sources i : 2 ; 4
Cape Nguni: Historical Introduction é 2 15
Map : ; : : : * facing page 16
Homesteads
Sources . : : : : : : : 20
Terms -. : 4 : : : : F 34
Discussion : : : : A ; : 36
Huts
Sources . : ‘ : : é : F 40
Tenms. .. : : : ‘ , ; ; 61
Discussion : : p : : : : 65
Construction. ‘ , : , ; 66
Plan : : : 4 : : z 76
Abandonment . : ‘ : ; : vi
Kraals
Sources . : : : : é : A 78
Nerms) | 3 : : : : : : 83
Discussion : : : : : : : 84
Granaries
Sources . : d : : ‘ ' ‘ 85
Rermse : : ‘ . ‘ ‘ : 04
Discussion
Grain-pits ; : : : : : 95
Grain-bins : : E : : : 97
Enclosures and huts. : : : ; 98
Summary : ‘ : : : : : ‘ 99
Acknowledgements . ; : : i ‘ A ynkba
Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 58 (1), 1972: 1-101, 17 pls, 13 figs, 1 map
2 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
INTRODUCTION
The objects of this work were to give a picture of the material culture of
the people of the Cape Nguni group, and its change during the last two cen-
turies; secondly to provide a reference book for material objects made and used
by these people, as far as possible from the earliest recorded times to the present
day; finally to try to give some clues to the various cultural streams that have
combined in the Cape Nguni. It does not pretend to be a technological hand-
book. Each of the subjects with which the various sections deal could be, and
in some cases more than others (for example clothing) needs to be, the object
of intensive research, while here is only the outline. Since 1946, when the study
was begun, change has been faster than ever and much that was then in use is
now obsolete.
The original starting point was the terminology of the Xhosa language,
which is spoken throughout the group, because it constitutes a complete
inventory of the material culture, in a classification made not by outsiders
but by the people themselves, and which contains, moreover, many clues to
origins and affinities.
The sources for the study have been the extremely extensive literature,
specimens from museums in South Africa and elsewhere and the people them-
selves.
While both authors have been to a certain extent concerned in all sections,
the responsibility for utilization of the sources and for the discussion rests with
Miss Shaw, and for the Xhosa terms and the plates, with Dr. van Warmelo
who took most of the photographs.
ABBREVIATIONS
acc. to according to
Afr. Afrikaans
Alb Albany Museum
AM Africana Museum
Bh Bhaca
Bk Dr. W. T. H. Beukes, at one time ethnologist Transvaal Museum
BM British Museum
Bo Bomvana
CK Ciskei
CT University of Cape Town ethnological collection
D Kropf-Godfrey Xhosa Dictionary
DC Duggan-Cronin—see sources 1939
Du. Dutch
EG Griqualand East
EL East London Museum
Em. eMbo
Fgo Fingo
FH Fort Hare
GA according to Miss Graham (missionary), Albany Museum
GEL according to gardener, East London Museum, probably Xhosa
Hlu Hlubi
HW Hamilton-Welsh (Mrs. E. Hamilton-Welsh, collector, grew up and lived in the
Transkei)
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 3
Licht Lichtenstein—see sources 1803
McL D McLaren’s Xhosa Dictionary
Mak Makalima—see sources 1945
Mp Mpondo
Mpm Mpondomise
Mz G. Mzamane, lecturer at University College of Fort Hare
nD not in Kropf-Godfrey Xhosa Dictionary
perh. perhaps
SAM South African Museum
SAL South African Library
So Sotho
Ss South Sotho
T Thembu
TK Transkei
™ Transvaal Museum (collection now housed in National Cultural History and
Open-air Museum)
UCT University of Cape Town ethnological collection
Ve Venda
vol. volume
xX Xhosa
Xes Xesibe
Zu Zulu
BIBLIOGRAPHY AND SOURCES
The sources are listed chronologically. An alphabetical list of authors
and artists will be published at the end of Part 3. ‘The dates used in the chrono-
logical list are preferably those of the author’s or artist’s sojourn in that part
of the country, or, if the work was published while the author was still in
the country, the period between arrival and publication. If the author dated
his narrative as it went along, that date is used. For short current reports the
current date is given. In the case of later reports or compilations, or if the
author is an editor, the date of the period described or of the source used, if
either is known, is given. Where no actual dates are known the date of publica-
tion is used, and given in brackets. If the dates cover a period of more than two
years, the middle date of the period has been used for the chronology, though
the full dates are given.
The references for each subject are quoted at the beginning of each section
to avoid the necessity of bracketed references in the text or numbered footnotes,
except in the introduction.
In quoting references on any subject, the earliest is quoted in full, and
thereafter only such as give additional information, or the same information
at a much later date. In this way it is hoped not only to relate descriptions of
objects to their proper date, but also to quote the original descriptions, since
in very many cases later authors have taken over, verbatim, whole passages from
previous publications with or without acknowledgment. It should also be
noted that the tribal name put against each quoted reference has not always
been given by the author, particularly in the early years, when Kafir, an Arabic
word meaning ‘infidel’, was used, particularly for the Xhosa, but also for all
the Cape Nguni and even more loosely to include other tribal people as far as
4
ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Delagoa Bay. An attempt has been made to sort these out by the geographical
position of the writer at the time.
The sources listed here represent the bulk of the literature relating to the
material life of the Cape Nguni, but there are several that it was not possible
to obtain for consultation, though the titles were known, and there are likely
to be others.
1552
1554
1593
1622
1635
1647
1679
1687-8
1686
1688
1752
1770-3
1772-6
1776
1776
1776-7
1776-95
CHRONOLOGICAL LisT OF SOURCES
Anonymovus. Relacga6 do naufragio do galeaé grande S. Foad. (Narrative of the wreck
of the great galleon St. John.) In THEAL, G. M. Records of south-eastern Africa
1: 108-149. London. 1808.
PERESTRELLO, M. bE M. Relacao do naufragio da nao §. Bento. (Narrative of the
wreck of the ship St. Benedict.) In THEAL, G. M. Records of south-eastern Africa
1: 150-285. London. 18908.
LavanHa, J. B. Naufragio da nao Santo Alberto no Penedo das Fontes no anno de
1593. (Wreck of the ship Saint Albert at the Rock of the Fountains in the year
1593.) In THEAL, G. M. Records of south-eastern Africa 2: 225-346. London. 1898.
AutmaDA, F. V. p’. Tratado do sucesso que teve a nao S. Foad Baptista. (An account
of the misfortune that befell the ship St. John the Baptist.) In THEraL, G. M.
Records of south-eastern Africa 8: 1-137. London. 1902.
CaABREYRA, J. DE Naufragio da Nao Nossa Senhora de Belem (Wreck of the ship Our
Lady of Belem), In Theal, G. M. Records of south-eastern Africa 8: 141-234. London.
1902.
Feyo, B. T. Relagam do naufragio que fizerao as naos Sacremento & Nossa Senhora de
Atalaya . . . (Account of the wreck of the ships Sacremento and Nossa Senhora de
Atalaya.) In THeat, G. M. Records of south-eastern Africa 8: 235-360. London.
1902.
ScHREYER, J. Johan Schreyer’s description of the Hottentots, 1679. (Translated,
with notes, by R. Raven-Hart.) Q. Bull. S. Afr. Libr. 19: 56-69, 88-101. 1964-65.
(CenTAuRUs.) Dagregister van de Centaurus. Cape Archives C.660, Scheeps en andre
journalen, 1644-88.
(STAVENISSE.) Stranding van ’s Compagnie’s fluitschip de ‘Stavenisse’. In GoODEE
MotsBeErGEN, E. C. Reizen in Kuid-Afrika in de Hollandse tijd 3: 50.’s Gravenhage:
Nijhoff. 1922. See also
Birp, J. 1888. The annals of Natal, 1495 to 1845 1. Pietermaritzburg: Davis.
SUTHERLAND, J. 1845. Memoir respecting the Kaffers, Hottentots, and Bosjemans, of South
Africa 1. Cape Town: Pike and Philip.
(Noorp.) Voyage of the Noord. In SUTHERLAND, J. Memoir respecting the Kaffers,
Hottentots, and Bosjemans of South Africa 1. Cape Town: Pike and Philip. 1845.
(Noorp.) [Voyage of the Noord.] In Birp, J. The annals of Natal, 1495 to 1845 1: 46.
Pietermaritzburg: Davis. 1888.
BEUTLER, A. F. Journaal gehouden .. . op de togt . . . in den jaare 1752 ...In
GopEE Mo rsBErGEN, E. C. Reizen in Kuid-Afrika in de Hollandse tijd 3: 265-336.
*s Gravenhage: Nijhoff. 1922.
THUNBERG, C. P. Travels in Europe, Africa and Asia, Performed between the years 1770
and 1779 1. London: Richardson & Egerton. 1793.
SPARRMAN, A. A voyage to the Cape of Good Hope . . . from the year 1772 to 1776...
Dublin: White, Cash & Byrne. 1785.
SWELLENGREBEL, H. Journaal van eenen landtogt . . . in den jare 1776. In GODEE
MotsBerGEn, E. C. Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de Hollandse tijd 4: 1-38. ’s Graven-
hage: Nihoff. 1932.
Hautiema, A. Een bezoek van mnr. Hendrik Swellengrebel aan den Kafferkapitein
Jeramba. <uid-Afrika 9, 1932: 131-137.
ScHUMACHER, J. S. The Cape in 1776-7. The Hague: Slots. 1951.
Gorpon, R. J. [Sketches made at the Cape between 1776 and 1795.] (Unpublished.
Originals in The Hague Archives; photocopies in Africana Museum,
Johannesburg.)
1777-9
1778
(1782)
1782
1782
1782
1782
1788
1790-1
1790-1
1791-7
1796
1797
1797
1796-1801
1800
1800-1
1803
1803 _
1803
1803
1802-3
1802-6
1803-6
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 5
Paterson, W. A narrative of four journeys into the country of the Hottentots, and Caffraria,
in the years 1777, 1778, 1779. London: Johnson. 1789.
VAN PLETTENBERG, J. Dagverhaal van de landreise . . . in den jaare 1778. In GoDEE
Mo tsBERGEN, E. C. Reizen in Zuid-Afrika in de Hollandse tijd 4: 39-62. ’s Graven-
hage: Nijhoff. 1932.
SONNERAT, P. Voyage avx Indes orientales ...2. Paris: Dentu. 1782.
Carter, G. The wreck of the GRosvENOR . . . Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society.
(Van Riebeeck Society Publications 8.) 1927.
DatrymMPLeE, A. An Account of the loss of the GROSVENOR Indiaman . . . New edition.
London: Sewell. 1785.
Husserty, W. Loss of the Grosvenor Indiaman. The journal and evidence of William
Hubberly. Jn Kirsy, P. R., ed. A source book on the wreck of the GROSVENOR East
Indiaman: 56-135. Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society. (Van Riebeeck Society
Publications 34.) 1953.
Le VAILLANT, F. Voyage dans l’intérieur de l Afrique. Nouvelle édition 1-2. Paris:
Desray. 1797-08.
Von WINKELMAN, F. Reisaanteekeningen . . . 1788-1789. In GoDEE MOLSBERGEN,
E. CG. Reizen in Kuid-Afrika in de Hollandse tijd 4: 63-99. ’s Gravenhage: Nijhoff.
1932.
Riou, E. A journal of a journey from the Cape of Good Hope, undertaken in 1790 and 1791
by Facob van Reenen . . . in search of the wreck of . . . the GROSVENOR .. . London:
Nicol. 1792. (Reprinted 1927: Van Riebeeck Society Publications 8.)
Kirsy, P. R. Facob van Reenen and the GRosVENOR expedition of 1790-91. Johannesburg:
Witwatersrand University Press. 1954.
De Jone, C. Reizen naar de Kaap de Goede Hoop... in de jaar 1791 tot 1797 1. Haarlem:
Bohn. 1802.
Stout, W. Interesting particulars of the loss of the American ship HERCULES, Captain
William Stout, on the coast of Caffraria, June 16th, 1796 . . . London: Tegg.
(c. 1810).
Barrow, J. Travels into the interior of southern Africa. 2nd ed. 1. London: Cadell &
Davies. 1806.
Anonymous. Baviaanskloof (Genadendal) diary. Periodical Accounts ... of the...
United Brethren established among the Heathen, London. 2, 1797: 283, 284.
ReEnsHAW, R. Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope and up the Red Sea . . . Manchester:
Watts. 1804.
VAN DER Kemp, J. T. An account of the religion, customs, population, government,
language, history and natural productions of Caffraria. Trans. Lond. Mission
Soc. 1, 1804: 432-468. (Reprint: Dr. van der Kemp’s account of Kaffraria
and the Kafirs . . . Cape Q. Rev. 1, 1882: 331-342.)
YoncE, G. Sir George Yonge and his aide-de-camp, 1800-1801. Q. Bull. S. Afr.
Libr. 23, 1968: 2-4.
Howen, O. bE. [Paintings: journey with General Janssens, 1803.] (Reproduction
S.A. Permanent Building Society Calendar, 1964.)
JANssENS, J. W. Journaal en verhaal eener landreyse in den jaare 1803. In GODEE
MotsBeErGEN, E. C. Reizen in Kuid-Afrika in de Hollandse tijd 4, 1932: 100-209.
*s Gravenhage: Nijhoff.
PARAVICINI DI CAPELLI, W. B. E. Rezze in de binnen-landen van Zuid-Afrika, gedaan in
den jaare 1803... uitgegee . . . deur W. J. de Kock. Kaapstad: Van Riebeeck-
Vereniging. (Van Riebeeck Society Publications 46.) 1965.
VAN REENEN, D. G. Die joernaal van Dirk Gysbert van Reenen, 1803; uitgegee . . . deur
...W. Blommaert en... J. A. Wid... Kaapstad: Van Riebeeck-Vereniging.
(Van Riebeeck Society Publications 18.) 1936.
DE Mist, A. V. Dagverhaal . . . Penélopé, Amsterdam 8, 1835: 72.
ALBERTI, L. De Kaffers aan de zuidkust van Afrika. Amsterdam: Maaskamp. 1810.
Translated edition: Alberti’s account of the Xhosa in 1807; translated from the
original German by Dr. W. Fehr. Cape Town: Balkema. 1968.
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Volkerstamme ... Allg. Arch. Ethnogr. Linguistik, Weimar 1, 1808: 259.
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LICHTENSTEIN, H. Reisen im stidlichen Africa .. . 1. Berlin: Salfeld. 1811.
DANIELL, S. African scenery. London: Taylor. 1820.
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takken van de Rivier T’Ky en door het Kafferland in het jaar 1809 . . . Kaapstad:
Brand. 1835.
CarMIcHAEL, D. Biographical notice of the late Captain Dugald Carmichael . .
by the Rev. Colin Smith. Jn Hooxsr, W. J. Botanical miscellany. 2, 1831: 1-59,
258-343. London: Murray.
Reap, J. [Letter.] Trans. Missionary Soc. Lond. 3, 1813: 304.
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Brethren, Lond. 5, 1811: 148, 217-218.
OFFICER, 21st Lt. Dragoons. A collection of portraits of ce savage tribes wee the
boundaries of the Colony of the Cape of Good Hope: taken from life in 1812... London:
Orme. 1822.
CAMPBELL, J. Travels in South Africa . . . 3rd ed. London: Black Parry. 1815.
LatRoBE, C. I. Journal of a visit to South Africa in 1815 and 1816... London: Seeley &
Ackermann. 1818.
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Soc. (2nd ed.) 4, 1820: figs 3-4.
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MooptrE, J. W. D. Ten years in South Africa. 2. London: Bentley. 1835.
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SHaw, W. Letter from Wesleyville, 21/7/24. Methodist Missionary Reports 7, 1824: 55.
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Kay, S. Travels and researches in Caffraria. London: Mason. 1833.
VAN Kampen, N. G. Afrika en deszelfs bewoners .. . 1. Haarlem: Bohn. 1828.
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SHaw, W. Journal, 1829. Methodist Mag., Lond. 1829: 129, 198, 565.
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c. 1831-2
c. 1831-2
(1832)
(1832)
(1832)
(1832)
1832
1832
(1833)
1833
1833-4
1834
1834
1834
1834-5
1834
(1835)
(1835)
1835
1835
1835
1833-7
(1836)
1820-36
1837
1837-8
1838
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1839
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THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 7
Smitu, A. Memoranda C. (Notes on Natal.) (MS. In South African Museum.)
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Boyce, W. B. Letter (from Pondoland). Methodist Mag., Lond. 1832: 663.
Bonatz, A. Shiloh journal, 1832. Periodical Accounts . . . United Brethren, Lond. 12,
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Bonatz, A. Shiloh journal, 1834. Periodical Accounts ... United Brethren, Lond. 13: 279.
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bouring tribes. Periodical Accounts . . . United Brethren, Lond. 13, 1834: 302-308,
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ALEXANDER, J. E. Note. Jl. R. geogr. Soc. 5: 318.
ALEXANDER, J. E. Narrative of a voyage of observation among the colonies of western Africa
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CaMERON, J. Buntingville journal. Missionary Notices . . . Methodist Conference, Lond.
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ENGLAND, R. Sketchbook: Kaffir war, 1836. (MS. In Africana Museum, Johannesburg.)
Martin, R. M. History of southern Africa: comprising the Cape of Good Hope, Mauritius
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Suaw, W. The story of my mission in south-eastern Africa. London: Hamilton, Adams.
1860.
Doéung, J. L. Das Kaffernland. Berliner Missionsberichte 1837: 60-75.
Bunsury, C. J. F. Journal of a residence at the Cape of Good Hope... London: Murray.
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ScHULTHEIss, J. [Report.] Berliner Missionsberichte 1840: 40.
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(1856)
1856
(1857)
(1858)
(1858)
(1858)
1859
(1861)
(1861)
1862
1862
1860-6
(1865)
1863-6
1858-89
1866-7
(1867)
1845-89
1845-89
(1868)
1868
1869
1869
1869
(1871)
1871
1871
1872
(1874)
1875
1872-9
1874-8
1876
(1877)
1877
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 9
FLEMING, F. Southern Africa... London: Hall, Virtue. 1856.
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IO
1877
1877-8
1877-9
1878
(1879)
1880
(1881)
(1881)
1875-87
1875-87
(1882)
(1882)
(1883)
1883
(1884)
1883-8
(1886)
(1887)
(1888)
c. 1888
1879-1902
(1891)
(1893)
1893
(1894)
(1895)
(1896)
(1897)
(1898)
ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
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(1910)
I9IO
(1911)
(1912)
(1912)
(1914)
(1915)
(1916)
(1919)
(1919)
(1919)
(1920)
1921
1924
1924
(1925)
1925
1925
1925
(1926)
(1926)a
(1926)b
(1926)
(1926)
1926
(1927)
(1927)
(1927)
(1927)
1927
(1928)
(1928)
1928
1928
(1929)
(1929)
(1929)
1929
(1930)
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI II
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Kawa, R. T. [Bali lama Mfengu. Lovedale: Lovedale Press. 1929.
Nauuaus, C. Die Beschneidung bei den Xosa. Briicke 7 (1, Wiss. Beilage) 1929: 1-6.
(MaGIstTRATE, WVgamakwe). [Letter to Secretary for Native Affairs, 3-12-1929. ]
SCHAPERA, I. The Khoisan peoples of South Africa. London: Routledge. 1930.
12
(1930)
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1931
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1932a
1932)
1932a
19325
1933
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1936-7
1937
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ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Soca, J. H. The south-eastern Bantu. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press.
1930.
CoERTzE, P. J. Dolosgooiery in Suid-Afrika. Annale Univ. Stellenbosch (B) g (2) 1931:
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Cook, P. A. W. Social organisation and ceremonial institutions of the Bomvana. Cape Town:
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PLANT, R. W. Notes on native musical instruments. Blythswood Rev. 8, 1931: 97.
Hatz, W. E. 1931. ‘Coming of age’ rites in South Africa. Ill. Lond. News 179, 1931:
661-663.
Brunotti, —. Kampfspiele in Kafferland. Stern der Heiden, Limburg 39, 1932: 126-127.
Dornan, 8.8. Some beliefs and ceremonies connected with birth and death of twins
among the South African natives. S. Afr. 7. Sci. 29, 1932: 690-700.
LAIDLER, P. W. The Bantu potting industry and its impacts on other native potting
industries in South Africa. S. Afr. F. Sct. 29, 1932: 778-791.
Maincarp, L. F. History and distribution of the bow and arrow in South Africa.
S. Afr. 7. Sci. 29, 1932: 711-723.
Soca, J. H. The Ama-Xosa: life and customs. Lovedale: Lovedale Press. 1932.
Tuompson, F. R. B. Studies in native animal husbandry. Jl S. Afr. vet. med. Ass.
3, 1932: 190-193.
Watt, J. M. & BrEYER-BRANDWYk, M. G. The medicinal and poisonous plants of
southern Africa .. . Edinburgh: Livingstone. 1932.
GoprFrey, R. Lexicography. Blythswood Rev. 9, 1932: 24.
Goprrey, R. Native sea-lore. Blythswood Rev. 9, 1932: 132.
Hunter, M. Results of culture contact on the Pondo and Xosa family. S. Afr. 7.
Sci. 29, 1932: 681-685.
Hunter, M. Reaction to conquest. London: Oxford University Press. 1936.
Pim, H. A Transkei enquiry 1933. Lovedale: Mission Press. 1934.
Anonymovs. Notes. Stern der Heiden 40, 1933: 116.
Anonymous. [Photograph]. Stern der Heiden 41, 1934: 150.
Batrour, H. The Tandu industry in northern Nigeria and its affinities elsewhere.
In Essays presented to C. G. Seligman: 6, 13. London: Kegan Paul. 1934.
Kirsy, P. R. The musical instruments of the native races of South Afica. London: Oxford
University Press. 1934.
Larpier, P. W. Beads in Africa south of the Zambesi. Proc. Trans. Rhod. scient. Ass.
34, 1934: 1-28.
SHAw, E. M. Some native snuff-boxes in the South African Museum. Ann. S. Afr.
Mus. 24, 1935: 141-162.
Cornne_r, F. [Correspondence. ]
Dyer, R. A. The vegetation of the Divisions of Albany and Bathurst. Mem. bot.
Surv. S. Afr. 17, 1937: 1-138.
Duccan-Cronin, A. M. Bomvana Khwetha. (Calendar, published by Herbert Lang.)
1937-
Soca, T. B. InTlalo ka Xosa. Lovedale: Lovedale Press. 1937.
Van WarRMELO, N. J. Grouping and ethnic history. In ScuHapErA, I., ed. Bantu-speaking
tribes of South Africa. London: Routledge. 1937.
LAIDLER, P. W. Pipes and smoking in South Africa. Trans. R. Soc. S. Afr. 26, 1938:
I-23.
Laiw_er, P. W. South African native ceramics: their characteristics and classifica-
tion. Trans. R. Soc. S. Afr. 26, 1938: 93-172.
SHaw, E. M. South African native snuff-boxes. Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 24, 1938: 221-252.
Suaw, E. M. Native pipes and smoking in South Africa. Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 24, 1938:
277-301.
Duccan-Cronin, A. M. The Bantu tribes of South Africa. 3 (Section I). Introductory
article, The Ciskei and southern Transkei tribes (Xhosa and Thembu) by
W. G. Bennie. Cambridge: Deighton, Bell; Kimberley: Alexander McGregor
Memorial Museum. 1939.
Goopwin, A. J. H. The origins of certain African food-plants. S. Afr. 7. Sci. 36,
1939: 445-463.
1939
1939
1941
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1944
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1945
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1949
(1949-51)
(1951)
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1952
1949-554
1949-55)
1949-55¢
(1953)
(1953)
(1954)
(1954)
(1954)
(1954)
1955
1949-62
1955-74
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 13
Fox, F. W. Some Bantu recipes from the Eastern Cape. Bantu Stud. 13, 1939: 65-74.
CiarkE (Mrs.) F. [Correspondence. |
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ScHOFIELD, J. F. A preliminary study of the pottery of the Bantu tribes of the Union
of South Africa. S. Afr. F. Sci. 39, 1943: 256-281.
Fazan, S. H. Land tenure in the Transkei. Afr. Stud. 3, 1944: 45-64.
BROWNLEE, F’. Burial places of chiefs. Afr. Affairs 53, 1944: 23-24.
TY LpEN, G. Bantu shields. S. Afr. archaeol. Bull. 1, 1945: 33-37.
MakaA.imA, J. Answers to Native Affairs Department questionnaire: description of
the Thembu of Umtata District. (MS.) 1945.
Burton, A. W. [Correspondence. ]
Lone, U. An index to authors of unofficial privately-owned manuscripts relating to the history
of South Africa, 1812-1920 ... London: Lund Humphries. 1947.
Lone, U. Notes on Fort Willshire. Africana Notes News 5, 1948: 78-85.
SCHOFIELD, J. F. Primitive pottery. Cape Town: South African Archaeological Society.
(Handbook Series 3.) 1948.
Duccan-Cronin, A. M. The Bantu tribes of South Africa 3 (Section II) The Mpondo
and Mpondomise with an introductory article... by M. Wilson. Cambridge:
Deighton, Bell; Kimberley: Alexander McGregor Memorial Museum. 1949.
TYRRELL, B. Tribal fashions. Nos. 6-8. Cape Times (Mag. Section) 17 Sep., 24 Sep.,
1 Oct., 1949.
Watton, J. South African peasant architecture: Nguni folk building. Afr. Stud.
8, 1949: 70-79.
Latimer, M. Courtenay-. [Correspondence. |
Hammonpb-Tooke, W. D. The function of annual first fruit ceremonies in Baca
social structure. Afr. Stud. 12, 1953: 75-87.
Watton, J. [Correspondence. ]
Bourguin, W. Click-words which Xhosa, Zulu and Sotho have in common. Afr.
Stud. 10, 1951: 59-81.
McCartny, F. D. Breast-plates: the Blackfellows’ reward. Aust. Mus. Mag. 10,
1952: 327-331.
TRANSVAAL Museum. Cape silver gorget, 1788. SAMAB 5, 1952: 155-156.
Wert, E. A. 1952. Highlights of Xhosa fashion. Comml Opin., Cape Town go, 1952:
273, 275.
Hammonp-Tooxe, W. D. The initiation of a Baca Isangoma diviner. Afr. Stud. 14,
1955: 16-21.
Hammonp-TookeE, W. D. The tribes of the Mount Frere District. Ethnol. Publs Un.
S. Afr. 33, 1955: 1-80.
Hammonp-Tooxe, W. D. The attainment of adult status among the Mount Frere
Bhaca. Afr. Stud. 17, 1958: 16-20.
Kirsy, P. R. A source book on the wreck of the GROSVENOR East Indiaman. Cape ‘Town:
Van Riebeeck Society. (Van Riebeeck Society Publications 34.) 1953.
Rau, O. F. The rolling target (hoop-and-pole) game in Africa. Afr. Stud. 12, 1953:
104-121, 163-180.
Hewrrt, J. J. Pottery from the Eastern Province. S. Afr. archaeol. Bull. 9, 1954: 38.
Duccan-Cronin, A. M. The Bantu tribes of South Africa. 3 (Section V) Baca, Hlubi,
Xesibe, with an introductory article .. . by W. D. Hammond-Tooke. Cam-
bridge: Deighton, Bell; Kimberley: Alexander McGregor Memorial Museum.
1954-
Kirpy, P. R. Gquma, Mdepa and the Amatshomane clan: a by-way of miscegena-
tion in South Africa. Afr. Stud. 13, 1954: 1-24.
Watton, J. The forked sledge in southern Africa. Ethnos 19, 1954: 24-33.
Stnctair, U. Pondo horserace was unforgettable. Cape Times (Week-end Mag.)
19 Nov. 1955.
Hammonp-Tooke, W. D. Bhaca society: a people of the Transkeian uplands, South Africa.
Cape Town: Oxford University Press. 1962.
Hammonp-Tooke, W. D. The tribes of the Umtata District. Ethnol. Publs Un. S. Afr.
35, 1957: 1-76.
4s
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1969
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ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Hammonpb-Tooxe, W. D. The tribes of the Willowvale District. Ethnol. Publs Un.
S. Afr. 36, 1957: I-91.
VAN DER SLEEN, W. G. N. Trade-wind beads. Man 56, 1956: 27-29.
Watton, J. African village. Pretoria: Van Schaik. 1956.
Wa Ton, J. Early Bafokeng settlement in South Africa. Afr. Stud. 15, 1956: 37-43.
Hammonp-Tookxe, W. D. The tribes of the King William’s Town District. Ethnol.
Publs Un. S. Afr. 4%, 1958: 1-148.
SKEAD, J. 1956. [Correspondence. |
Gowte, M. The Red People. Nat. Hist., N.Y. 66, 1957: 84-87.
Doxe, C. M., Matcotm, D. M. & Sixaxana, J. M. A. English-Zulu dictionary.
Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. 1958.
Mac aren, P. I. R. The fishing devices of central and southern Africa. Occ. Pap.
Rhodes-Livingstone Mus. 12, 1958: 1-48.
REDGRAVE, J. J. & BRapLow, E. Frederick I’Ons, artist. Cape Town: Maskew Miller.
1958.
Murpock, G. P. Africa: its peoples and their culture history. New York: McGraw-Hill.
1959-
Witson, M. The early history of the Transkei and Ciskei. Afr. Stud. 18, 1959:
167-179.
AxELSON, E. Portuguese in south-east Africa, 1600-1700. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand
University Press. 1960.
NIENABER, G. S. ’n Ou ongepubliseerde lys Hottentot- en Xhosawoorde. Afr. Stud.
19, 1960: 157-169.
De Lance, M. Dolls for the promotion of fertility as used by some of the Nguni
tribes and the Basuto. Ann. Cape prov. Mus. 1, 1961: 86-101.
De Lance, M. Some traditional cosmetic practices of the Xhosa. Ann. Cape prov.
Mus. 3, 1963: 85-95.
Anonymous. Traditional authority of Rarabe tribe restored. Bantu 9, 1962: 9-15.
THELEJANE, I’. S. Pondo rain-making ritual: ukukhonga. Afr. Stud. 22, 1963: 33-36.
Hammonpb-Tooxe, W. D. Kinship, locality and association: hospitality groups
among the Cape Nguni. Ethnology 2, 1963: 302-319.
Louw, J. Catalogue of the Estelle Hamilton-Welsh Collection. Fort Hare: University Press.
1964.
Der JAcER, E. G. Die geskiedenis van die Ama-Xhosa en Ama-Thembu. Historia 9,
1964: 215-227.
Broster, J. A. Red blanket valley. Johannesburg: Keartland. 1967.
Lawton, A. C. Bantu pottery of southern Africa. Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 49: 1-440.
Hammonp-Tooke, W. D. The present state of Cape Nguni ethnographic studies.
In Ethnological and linguistic studies in honour of N. J. van Warmelo. Ethnol.
Publ. S. Afr. 52, 1969: 81-97.
ReeEp, J. E. The development and construction of Xhosa huts. The Eastern Cape
Naturalist 35, 1969: 12-16.
Witson, M. & THompson, L. eds. The Oxford history of South Africa 1. Oxford:
Clarendon Press. 1969.
Gitwa, V. Z. The arts and crafts of the Xhosa in the Ciskei: past and present. Fort
Hare Papers 5 (2): 87-165. Appeared after this manuscript had gone to press.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 5
THe Carre NcGuni: HisToRICAL INTRODUCTION
The Bantu-speaking people who have been known since the sixteenth
century to have inhabited the eastern part of what became the Cape Province
of the Republic of South Africa, are known to anthropologists as the Cape or
Southern Nguni. The term indicates their relationship to other groups of the
south-eastern Bantu—the Zulu-speaking Nguni, with their offshoots in Mozam-
bique, Rhodesia and Malawi, the Swazi and the Transvaal Ndebele. With the
exception of that between the Nguni of Natal and their offshoots, most of whom
have broken away within historic times, the relationship between the various
sections of the Nguni, and also between the various tribes in each section, is
not entirely understood.
Of the Nguni in the Cape and just across the border in Natal, the largest,
oldest established and most important existing tribes are Thembu, Mpondo,
Mpondomise, Xhosa and Bomvana. To them were added, during the first half
of the nineteenth century, fugitives from the reign of terror instituted by Shaka
in Natal—the Fingo (from izmfengu=a destitute homeless wanderer) who
represent the remnants of a number of tribes! and who came via the Drakensberg
foothills right through to the west of the area; the Hlubi, most of whom remained
in the north, along the foothills of the Drakensberg; the Xesibe, who are said
to be close relatives of the Mpondo and Mpondomise and who settled to the
north-east of the latter; and the Bhaca, who settled still further north-east, but
some of whom still live on the Natal side of the border and who are said to have
no affinities with any of the other Transkeian tribes.”
Many of the records, well into the nineteenth century, refer to another
people, known variously as Embo, Amanbambo, Abambo, Mambookie.
According to Soga® they comprised the Mpondo, Mpondomise, Bomvana and
Xesibe. According to Ayliff & Whiteside* they were the ancestors of the Fingo.
Very little is known of the pre- and proto-history of the area between the
Drakensberg and the sea and west of the Umtamvuna River, but before the
sixteenth century, as far as is known, it was occupied by the Bushmen in the
interior, and the Hottentots in a fairly narrow strip towards the coast. Some
historians consider that the Hottentots advanced as far east as the Buffalo
(Wilson),° the Kei (Schapera)® or the Umtamvuna (Theal).’ The Hottentots are
1 Ayliff, J. 1835. Account of the Fingoes including a list of tribes composing them... .
Methodist Missionary Notices 8: 193-194, 210.
Hammond-Tooke, W. D. 1969. Present state of Cape Nguni ethnographic studies. Ethnol.
Publs S. Afr. 52: 84.
2 Hammond-Tooke, W. D. 1955. The Tribes of the Mt. Frere District. Ethnol. Publs Un. S. Afr.
33: 33-
3 Soga, J. H. 1927. Aba-Mbo Genealogical Tables, Bantu Stud. 3: 49.
4 Ayliff, J. & Whiteside, J. 1912. History of the Abambo. Butterworth: Gazette Office.
® Wilson, M. 1969. The Hunters and Herders. In Wilson, M. & Thompson, L. eds. The
Oxford History of South Africa 1: 57. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
§ Schapera, I. 1930. The Khoisan Peoples of South Africa: 43. London: Routledge.
* Theal, G.M. 1910. History and Ethnography of South Africa before 1795. 1: 34. London: Sonnen-
schein.
16 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
believed to have come from the west or north-west and pushed the Bushmen back
inland or isolated them in groups, as they went. Into this situation, and a
sparsely populated country, the Bantu-speaking tribes began to move. There
is some evidence (Wilson)® that in places they lived side by side with Bush and
Hottentot groups, but in the end, by their greater numerical strength, they
must have, in their turn, pushed back, isolated, gESOyEns e or to a considerable
extent, absorbed those who were there before them.
It is difficult to reconstruct the arrival and subsequent movements of the
several tribes, and in view of the number of accounts that have recently been
published, no more than an outline will be attempted here.
The starting point was, according to tradition, the headwaters of the
Umzimvubu River, where the main Cape Nguni tribes, except the Thembu,
had been living for some generations before the seventeenth century,? when
Mpondo, Mpondomise and Xhosa are thought to have started moving south
and west. But people who were evidently Bantu were encountered by survivors
of Portuguese wrecks east of the Umzimvubu River in 15521° and west of it and
as far south as the ‘Infante’ (?Keiskama) river in 1554." These could have
been Thembu, who according to Bryant! lived on the Natal coast and moved
into the Cape along the sea. The graves of Thembu chiefs are recorded in more
or less the present ‘Thembuland as far back as shortly after 1600,!° which gives
strength to the suggestion that the Thembu were the first Nguni arrivals west
of the Umzimvubu.
According to tradition, the Mpondo, Mpondomise and Xhosa started
moving south to the coast only from about the middle of the seventeenth
century. The Mpondo settled on the eastern side of the Umzimvubu and the
Mpondomise to the east of them. The Xhosa settled on the west of the river,
where they were joined later by the Bomvana.* With the splitting off of sections
of the tribe under independent sons of chiefs (a characteristic of the Nguni
social system),!° and some pressure from the rear, all these tribes except the
Bomvana gradually moved westward.
It was not until 1686 that the actual tribal names were mentioned in
written records of this area. In that year the Stavenisse was wrecked just south
of the Umtamvuna and some survivors who set out to walk to the Cape recorded
the names, in order, of the tribes through which they passed. Despite the variety
of spelling in each account, these are easily recognizable as Mbo, Mpondomise,
Mpondo, Thembu and Xhosa. Between the Thembu and Xhosa they recorded
8 Wilson, M. 1959. The Early History of the Transkei and Ciskei. African Stud. 18: 176-177
(167-179).
® Soga, J. H. 1930. The South Eastern Bantu: 91, 92, 469. Johannesburg: Wits. Univ. Press.
10 Anonymous, 1552. Wreck of S. Joa6. In Theal, G. M. 1898. Records of South Eastern Africa
I: 135. Cape Colony: Govt. Printer.
11 Perestrello, M. de M. 1554. Wreck of the S. Bento. In Theal, G. M. 1808. Ibid., 218.
12 Bryant, A. T. 1929. Olden Times in Zululand and Natal: 8, 242. London: Longmans.
13 Soga, J. H. 1930. Ibid., 468-470.
14 Soga, J. H. 1927. Ibid., 52-53.
15 Hammond-Tooke, W. D. 1969. Ibid., 84.
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THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 17
the Makrigga, which Soga?® identifies as Hottentots and Theal'’ as Bushmen,
but which seem more likely to have been the Ngqika, a branch of the Xhosa.
This agrees with Soga’s record of the traditions, except that the Mbo are
included as a separate people, and that the Xhosa are placed west of the
Thembu. The men of the Stavenisse stayed with the Xhosa for many months and
were rescued by the small ships Centaurus and Noord, who found them between
the Kei and the Buffalo rivers.18 By the end of the seventeenth century the
vanguard of the Xhosa had reached the Fish River. Fifty years later the forward
clans had crossed it, settled sparsely as far west as the Gamtoos River or beyond,!®
were living in intercourse, friendly or quarrelsome, with the Hottentots, and
were the first of the Cape Nguni to meet the white colonists who were spreading
eastward from the Cape, and with whom they soon had their first conflict.?°
In 1803 a group of about a hundred fled from internal quarrels and settled in
the Koup on the Karoo.”4
Meanwhile the Hottentots east of the Fish River had more or less disap-
peared or been absorbed, as had the Gonaqua west of the Fish, who became
the Xhosa tribe amaGqunukhwebe. The Fingo emigrants from Natal came in
during the first half of the nineteenth century.”
The Thembu, through this and other pressure from the east, moved some-
what further west, and the main branch settled early in the nineteenth century
at the headwaters of the Kei, near Shiloh.”*
The above over-simplified account of the arrival and settlement of the
Cape Neguni into the territory they now occupy does not include details of the
many tribal and intertribal wars nor of the century of war, threatened war, or
uneasy peace with the colonists on their western border from the time of the
declaration of the Fish River as the boundary in 1778 to the annexation by the
Cape Colony of the last of the Transkeian territories, Pondoland, in 1895. Nor
does it include details of the events which led up to the declaration of the
Transkeian ‘Territories as the first Bantu Homeland in 1963.
<8 Soga,:)+H. 1930, Ibid. 1io:
17 'Theal, G. M. 1897. The History of South Africa. 2nd ed. 1: 298, 306. London: Sonnenschein.
18 Dagregister van de Centaurus. Scheeps en andre journalen 1644-1688. Cape Archives
C. 660.
Theal, G. M. 1897. Ibid., 291-206.
19 Thunberg, C. P. 1793. Travels in Europe, Africa and Asia . ..1: 203. London: Richardson
Egerton.
20 'Theal, G. M. 1910. History and Ethnography of Africa south of the Zambesi 3: 128. London:
Swan Sonnenschein.
*1'Van Reenen, D. G. (1803) 1936. Die Joernaal van Dirk Gysbert van Reenen, 1803 18: 245.
Cape Town: V.R.S.
22 Stanford, W. 1958. The reminiscences of Sir Walter Stanford. [Ed. J. W. Macquarrie] 1: 9.
Cape Town: V.R.S. 39. ‘The Tembus called them all Imfecane . . . one afternoon without any
premonitory signs the pathways over the hills between Glen Grey and the country towards
Qogqodala and the Lukanji . . . were crowded with men, women and children with their stock
and carrying their household effects in full flight into the valley of the White Kei. First came
the men and big boys from each village or kraal driving stock, the men fully armed with assegais
and shields. Then followed the women and the children.’
23 Anon. 1839. Periodical accounts ...of... the... United Brethren 15: 168.
18 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
In considering the contribution that a study of material culture might make
towards understanding the relationship of the Cape Nguni tribes to each other
and to other groups it must be remembered that since their migration into their
present area, they have lived in increasingly greater proximity to each other
than to other Bantu groups. Records of those who were shipwrecked mention
‘deserts’ between groups, but these have diminished with the increase of
population. Each group would, moreover, have been subject to many of the
same influences, from the land itself, the previous inhabitants and the later
arrivals. So that fundamental differences which may have existed formerly in
the material culture of the individual tribes are unlikely to be found now,
though numerous differences in local style and fashion are found.
The country itself must have modified their technology to accord with
available materials. Did the Xhosa, for example, never know how to smelt metal
from the ore, or did they lose the art from lack of ore to smelt?
The people they met first were Bushmen and Hottentots, from the latter
of whom, in all probability, they acquired the clicks in the language. T. B. Soga
thinks that the use of red ochre on the person and clothing was learnt from
the Bushmen.”° It seems likely that it was only the Thembu and to a greater
extent the Xhosa who came in contact with the Hottentots. For the Xhosa it
was a contact lasting probably about two hundred years, and there seems no
doubt that there was a borrowing of cultural elements. For example the swallow-
tail apron and elaborate cap worn formerly by Xhosa women seems to have
been a Hottentot style, as does the wearing of an apron by men.
A group of the Bafokeng tribe of the South Sotho moved into the area
from Natal early in the seventeenth century,” and eventually north into
Lesotho.?’ A potentially more far-reaching Bantu influence was the immigration
of the broken Natal tribes in the early nineteenth century, who came in via the
north and settled there and in the extreme west. Again it was the Thembu and
Xhosa who were most in contact, but who influenced the Fingo as much as
they were influenced by them.
As far as can be judged, the most far-reaching effect on the material culture
was, however, from contact with Europeans. At first European wares in very
small quantities— beads and metal for example—were brought from the north-
east over old trade routes of which little is known. ‘Then over a period of nearly
two centuries, Europeans themselves and Asiatics were stranded on the coast
by shipwreck. These persons, though a number married and settled among
them, cannot have given them much of material things, except ornaments and
the metal they already knew how to use. After the Dutch settlement at the Cape
it did not take very long for certain objects from that source to reach the Cape
Nguni via the Hottentots. The survivors of the Stavenisse in 1686 reported an
24 Van Warmelo, N. J. 1936. Grouping and Ethnic History. In Schapera, I. Bantu-speaking
Tribes: 45.
25 Soga, T. B. 1937. InTlalo ka Xosa: 236. Lovedale Press.
26 Ellenberger, D. F. & MacGregor, J. C. 1912. History of the Basuto: 19. London: Caxton.
27 Walton, J. 1956. African Village: 27. Pretoria: Van Schaik.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 19
annual meeting between Xhosa and Hottentots for the purpose of exchanging
tobacco and dagga (hemp) by the Xhosa for beads and copper by the Hot-
tentots.?8 The real influx of European wares from the Colony in the west began,
however, about the middle of the eighteenth century. At first the wares came
slowly and sporadically, then the tempo increased and by the middle of the
nineteenth century traders were known throughout the area.
It is interesting to consider the different ways in which European wares
were introduced once direct contact had been established. In the first place
haphazard; cattle were acquired from the border colonists by theft or trade
that was illegal, in sufficient numbers to influence the native strain; beads,
trinkets, or sets of fine clothing were given as presents or rewards for service
by travellers or government missions; guns were acquired from gun-runners,
and fallen soldiers. In the second place there was legitimate, and later on
organized trade, in which ivory, horn, hides and a little garden produce were
exchanged for beads, cloth, tobacco and a few garments; eventually trading
stations were established where European or local Nguni wares could be bought
for cash or produce. Thirdly, there was definite training on the part of mis-
sionaries and government agencies, both generally and at the industrial schools
that were established. Among the most notable introductions by missionaries
were European-style clothing for converts, the rondavel and later the square
hut, the iron hoe and the plough. Finally there has been the impact of a money
economy, which has probably been the most far-reaching influence of all.
28 (Stavenisse, 1686) 1922. Stranding van . . . de Stavenisse. In Godée Molsbergen, E. C.
Reizen in Kuid-Afrika in de Hollandse Tijd. 3: 61. ’s Gravenhage: Nijhoff.
20 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
HOMESTEAD: SOURCES
1686 (Stavenisse) p. 63 Xhosa: removal
*°t Huijs daar hi in. . . gestorven is, word ter neder gesmeeten, . . . Vorders
breeken sij met alle man, pak en sak op, na een ander plaats dewijl se deese
ongelukkig en onreijn achten.’
1776 Swellengrebel p. 13 Xhosa: fences and gardens
‘Naast de kraal zagen wy 2 stukjes grond, rontom met doorn afgezet; in de
eene stonden tabakplanten, en in ’t andere kalbassen en pampoenen.’
1776 Hallema pp. 133, 134 Xhosa: size
p. 133 ‘In deze kraal stonden 14 a 15 hunner huisjes, . . . ’
p. 134 “Tot deze kraal behoorden ruim honderd Kaffers .. . ’
1776 Schumacher Pl. 18 Xhosa: homestead
General view.
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 48 Xhosa: removal >
Nothing more.
1777-9 Paterson p. 90 Xhosa: size and situation
‘This village consisted of about fifty houses, situate on the banks of a pleasant
river called in the Caffre language Mugu Ranie; and it belongs to their chief.
It contained about three hundred inhabitants, all of whom were servants or
soldiers to their chief, who was likewise the proprietor of the numerous herds
of cattle.’
1782 Hubberly p. 114 Gqunukhwebe: guest hut
*... he conducted me to a hut with a fire in the middle of it. He then made
me understand I was to remain here all night.’
1788 Von Winkelman pp. 75, 76
p- 75 Xhosa: general description
‘Diese frohe und gréssentheils gutmiithige Nation wohnt in niedern—runden
—von Schilf und Stroh aufgebauten Hiitten nach Art der Hottentotten. Sie
suchen zur Anleggung [sic] ihrer Dérfer, wie ich schon erwahnte, meist
Gras- und Wasserreiche Thaler oder Hiigel auf, wo sie dann ihre Hiitten
allezeit an einen kleinen runden Busch und langs den beiden Seiten des
Bachs oder Flusses bei einander bauen. Jeder hat dann seinen eigenen Vieh-
Kraal bei siener Hiitte, wo er sein aus der Heerde ausgetriebnes Vieh in
denselben am Abend treibt. So ist auch die Anzahl ihrer Hauser in den
Dorfern oder Kraalen sehr verschieden; es gibt dergleichen, welche aus 6-8
auch welche die aus 100-150 und mehr Hiitten bestehen.’
px 76 Xhosa: removal
‘Abgeweidete und diirre Gegenden verlassen sie, und ziehen in fruchtbarere
Thaler; und finden sie da ehemals verlassene Hiitten, so nehmen sie Besiz
davon oder bauen sich neue. In diesen Hiitten empfangen sie den Fremdling
mit Freundlichkeit, der sich denn bei ihrer Verlassung jeder zeit verbindlich
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 21
fiihlt, ein kleines Geschenk an Korallen, Tobak oder Eisen, fiir das gastfreie
Darbieten ihrer Milch, zuriick zu lassen.’
1797 Barrow pp. 145, 152
p- 145 Xhosa: cattle post
‘On arriving at his place of residence, we found that the king, not
having expected us until the following day, had gone to his grazing village
situated about 10 or 12 miles to the northward, in consequence of some
intelligence he had received... .’
p- 152 Xhosa: homestead
Nothing more.
1800 Van der Kemp p. 437. Xhosa: fence and gardens
‘Every kraal has its common garden and many families private gardens;
they are fenced nearly in the same manner as the beast kraal, but they use
more wood to them; every year they make a new fence, and the old one
serves for burning.’
1803 Howen Three paintings | Xhosa: homestead
General views.
1803 Paravicini di Capelli p. 132 Xhosa: homestead
*, . . Stellen verscheidene familles hunne woningen circiels gewyze by den
andern dat dan eene Kraal is genaamd, van welke de rykste en magtigste
de Kapitein word... .’
1802-6 Alberti pp. 111-12, 144, 188-9, 203
pp: 111-12 Xhosa: fenced gardens
‘Een stuk Land, welks vlakke inhoud somtijds 20 tot 25 Quadraat-roeden
bedraagt, wordt in eene onregelmatige gedaante, naar gelang het door in den
weg staande boomen, bosch of rotsbank, beperkt is, met vereenigde doornen-
struiken omtuind, en deze is de éénige arbeid, dien de Mannen omtrent den
landbouw verrigten.’
p- 144 Xhosa: sites, cattle post
‘Behalve dit alles, heeft men nog eenige Omtuiningen, waarin een gedeelte
van het vee gedreven wordt, wanneer de woonplaats zelve geen voedsel
genoeg levert, of wanneer men zich, bij aanhoudende droogte, van genoeg-
zaam water en weiden beroofd vindt.’
pp. 188-9 Xhosa: hut for shields
‘Ieder weerbaar Man is verpligt, zich zelf een Schild aan te schaffen; doch
tevens hetzelve aan het Opperhoofd der Horde af te leveren, die dezelve
allen in eene daartoe afzonderlijk bestemde hut, tot op het tijdstip van noodig
gebruik, doet bewaren.’
Pp. 203 Xhosa: abandonment
‘Wanneer een volwassen Persoon, bij een onvoorzien toeval, in zijne hut
sterft, is de gansche woonstede verontreinigd, en wordt alzoo onverwijld
22 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
verlaten, zonder dat men zelfs gebruik maakt van de veldvruchten, ofschoon
tot volle rijpheid gekomen. Het doode Lik blijft onaangeroerd in de hut
liggen. Kinders, van 5 tot 6 jaren oud, worden bij den naderende dood buiten
de woonstreek gevoerd. Slechts jongere Kinders sterven in de hut. Deze
wordt alsdan gesloten en verlaten, zonder dat de onreinheid zich tot het
overige gedeelte der woonplaats uitstrekt.’
1804-5 Daniell pl. 4 Xhosa: homestead
1809 Collins pp. 10, 21 Xhosa: homestead, size
p. 21 ‘Wy zagen verscheidene kralen, bestaande uit twee tot vyftien hutten,
waaruit het volk op onze aannadering kwam loopen....’
1821-4 Thompson II pp. 359-60 Xhosa: fences
Nothing more.
1824-5 Smith
p- 77 general: building, fencing
‘All the laborious and unpleasant duties . . . devolve upon the poor unfortun-
ate females. . . . She is the object fixed upon for building the hut and convey-
ing the material for its construction as well as preparing them. She is required
to cook the victuals dig the ground sow the corn fence the garden... .’
p- 96 general: abandonment
Nothing more
1815-37 Shaw p. 59 Xhosa: fences
Nothing more
1820-31 Steedman II p. 268 Mpondo: homesteads
(quoting Boyce) ‘... from one hill near the Great Place Mr. Shepstone
counted a hundred kraals, each of which contained from twenty to forty
houses. ...
1827 Dundas Xhosa: size, situation, fences, cattle post
‘Proceeding [from Wesleyville] toward the Kei . . . the people are collected
in Kraals of from five to twenty-five huts, which are generally placed on
Banks declining towards some river or streamlet near which in the bottom
is their cultivated land, which they enclose with great care, in it one sees
millet or Kafr corn in great abundance . . . Indian corn, pumpkins and
beans. .. . From the common millet a kind of beer is made. . . . From this
ridge we descended, after visiting the great cattle place of Gaika on the
Namaka River, a branch of the Buffalo . . . visited Tslambie’s kraal . . . and
ii, proceeded on) our youmneyey. wa
1827 Hallbeck & Fritsch p. 305 Thembu: homestead
‘A ‘Tambookkie [sic] like a Caffre kraal, contains one family, a father with
his wives, children, and servants. They live by the breeding of cattle. The
cattle kraal is a round place, surrounded with thorn bushes, About it are
placed the people’s huts in the shape of bee-hives. .. .
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 23
At Bowana’s place, I observed, that each of his seven wives had her
separate hut, which she builds herself. There was another kind of dwelling
in which some of the men lived, being either servants or guests.’
1825-9 Kay pp. 15, 16, 106, 118-19, 131, 143, 154 Xhosa: homestead
p. 106 Xhosa: fencing
*,..the Coral tree. The natives frequently use its branches for fencing; and
being easily propagated and of rapid growth, the naked and hewed pole
soon takes root, and forms a living hedge; which, when full grown and in
blossom, might seem to vie in beauty with the richest flowers of the field.’
p- 131 Xhosa: fencing and gardens
“The erection of fences around their cultivated grounds constitutes another
part of the men’s occupation in the planting season; but to this they seldom
attend until the blades have made their appearance; and they are generally
so slight and loosely put together as scarcely to deserve the name of hedges.
Sometimes, indeed, posts or branches of trees are planted, which easily and
quickly take root. When this happens (for it is more the consequence of
accident than intention, that they lay hands upon this kind of material),
it saves them much trouble, as the other parts of the hedge are of course
considerably strengthened by them. They never think of making their
enclosures of durable materials, although this might in many places be done
with quite as little trouble. This inconsiderateness, productive of manifold
disadvantages, owes its origin doubtless to the unsettled mode of life induced
by their pastoral habits, and its universal prevalence to the custom of their
forefathers from time immemorial. No sooner has the harvest ended than the
garden is again thrown open, and becomes a part of the common as before,
the fence being converted into fuel... .’
P- 143 Xhosa: fencing
“The rubbish is then gathered together in heaps and burnt; and the men
called upon to perform their part, which, as I have already stated, is to
erect the utango or hedge, in which also the poor women are oft-times com-
pelled to assist.’
p- 154 Xhosa: courtyard
Nothing more.
1828 Steedman II p. 265 Mpondo: homesteads
Nothing more.
(1829) Rose p. 183 Xhosa: size
Nothing more.
1831-2 Smith p. 142 Xhosa: abandonment of homestead
*... When the thunder shakes a kraal they move from it, burn their karosses
and then make a new kraal after having wandered about with their cattle
in the fields for one month. Before leaving the kraal they kill an ox and burn
the flesh, then bury the ashes and make a kraal round it. This practice has
24 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
been abandoned since the time of Lynx who said that it was not good to
leave their abodes on account of the thunder. They during the month that
they wander in the fields are only covered with dresses of rushes, but after
the expiration of the time of their atonement they kill cattle and make new
karosses.’
(1832) Anon. p. 142 Xhosa: women’s work
‘ ... the most laborious part of their occupations being performed by the
women; they build the houses, till the ground, cut the wood, do all the
drudgery in the formation of a kraal....’
1833 Morgan pp. 10, 33, 34 Xhosa: composition of homestead, site, fences
p- 10 ‘Kraal is the name given to their villages by the Europeans; these in
general are formed by the members of one family, and by others united to
that family in bonds of friendship or servitude, for there exists in Cafferland
a state of vassalage. This kraal is under the controul of a person who is
generally the senior of the whole, and always the father of many who form
this society; to him belong the greatest part of the flocks, which are pastured
near it; to him they look for assistance and advice,— a sort of patriarchal
authority exists in him... .’
Pp. 33 Xhosa: arrangement of homestead
‘The kraals or villages of the Caffres are situated on rising grounds near the
sources of the various streams, or at the heads of the different ravines, where
water is to be found. They consist of several huts of an hemispherical form
placed in a semicircular position, to enable them to have a view of their
cattle-fold which is formed of bushes and is in the middle of the villages.’
1834 Bonatz p. 308 Thembu: moving homestead
‘Even in their best state, the kraals afford a miserable shelter, and the cattle
suffer much from the violent rains and high winds. On this account the
Tambookies are accustomed, when the winter sets in, to retire with their
cattle into the narrow mountain glens, where they meet with better protection
from the inclemency of the weather.’
1834 Palmer p. 597 Bhaca: homestead
*.. we reached Neapai’s people; everything around us had the appearance
of war, and the manner in which the houses are placed round the cattle-fold,
showed very clearly, that they were a people not accustomed to sit in peace.’
1834-5 Godlonton p. 227 Xhosa: fences
Nothing more.
1835, Alexander I pp. 392, 393 Xhosa: situation, fences
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw 343, 410-11, pl. p. 400 Xhosa: homestead
p. 410 Xhosa: description, courtyard
“The dwellings of the Kaffirs consist of huts, a collection of from five to thirty
of which constitute what the Colonists call a kraal, but which the natives
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 25
denominate umzi. The cattle-fold is a circular enclosure made from the
trunks and branches of trees, so placed and sometimes intertwined as to
make a strong fence, alike for the shelter of the cattle during the cold winds
of winter, and to prevent them from breaking out at night during summer, and
roaming into their cultivated lands, where they would do much mischief. ‘The
enclosure is also designed as an impediment to robbers and cattle-lifters. ‘The
kraals are usually formed on ridges, but so as to be sheltered by still higher
lands; and they are invariably so placed as to have an eastern aspect. There
may have been originally some special reason for this, but the only one
assigned to me was that by this means the cattle obtain the first rays of the
rising sun after the night is finished, and that when so placed the cows give
more milk at the morning milking-time. The huts are erected on the higher
part of the slope, at a convenient distance say from thirty to fifty yards, from
the cattle-fold, the gate or entrance to which is placed on the upper or higher
side of the circular enclosure. The residence of the principal wife of the
headman or master of the kraal is always that which is on the highest ground,
and nearly opposite to the entrance of the cattle-fold. The space between her
hut and the gateway is called the istkunthla, and is used for various purposes.
Sometimes when the fold is wet and disagreeable for the cattle and their
owners, by reason of heavy rains, the cattle stand on it, and the cows are
milked there. It is also the area for assemblages of all kinds, and more especi-
ally for dancing parties; while on the kraals of the principal Chiefs this is the
usual place where the legal courts are held, and whereon Kafhir law, if not
always justice, is dispensed to the various suitors in the open air by the Chief,
assisted by his Amapakati or Councillors. The huts of the entire umzi are
placed at regular intervals around the kraal, more or less distant from each
other, according to the number of families who reside on the place, and the
consequent number of huts required. Every married woman constructs her
own hut, and is sole mistress of it. If a man has several wives, each wife has
her own dwelling; and there are on every kraal other huts in which the unmar-
ried men and women find separate lodgings. On most kraals there is a hut
for strangers or travellers. This is usually placed in the least desirable spot on
the kraal, and is almost invariably the worst-constructed hut on the place,
and is, withal, generally found to be in a dilapidated condition, because it
is not under the care of any woman in particular, but of all the females of the
kraal in general. The badly lodged traveller finds that the rule holds good
here as elsewhere, ‘What is everybody’s business is nobody’s business’.
Indeed, the Kaffirs possibly think there is no wisdom in making strangers or
visitors very comfortable, as it might induce them to prolong their stay, while
the usages of hospitality oblige them to supply all such persons with food
during their sojourn.’
1837 Doéhne
p- 63 Xhosa: size of homestead
‘Ihre Kraale bestehen meist nur aus 8 bis 12 Hiitten.’
26 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p- 64 Xhosa: removal
Nothing more.
1838 Dugmore p. 56 Xhosa: cattle post
[Umhala fixed an tanga (grazing establishment) close to the mission station. ]
1836-44 Déhne pp. 15, 22 Xhosa: law court, removal
p. 15 ‘Merkwirdig sind dergleichen Versammlungen durch die grosse
Massigung, Bedachtsamkeit und Stille, die dabei beobachtet werden. Der
Versammlungsort ist der Viehkraal, und hier kommen zunachst die Ama-
pakati zusammen, wahrend der Inkosi zu Hause bleibt. Die etwaigen Klager
dagegen versammeln sich bei dem ungefahr zehn Schritte entfernten
Kalberkraal, wo sie, selbst bei Regen und stiirmischem Wetter, ruhig sitzen
bleiben, dort bringen sie ihre Klage vor... .’
p. 22 ‘Wenn ein Mann oder eine Frau stirbt, so ist die Familie dieses Platzes
unrein; die erwachsenen Personen beiderlei Geschlechts miissen drei Tage
lang im Busche bleiben, alsdann sich im Flusse waschen, mit dem Fett von
einem frisch geschlachteten Thiere sich einschmieren und allesammt das
Haar abschneiden. Letzteres thun dann auch weitlauftigere Verwandte. .. .
Auch wird, wenn der Verstorbene der Herr des Platzes gewesen, dieser Platz
gewohnlich verlassen und ein neuer angelegt.’
(1840) Schultheiss p. 40 Xhosa: abandonment
‘Es hatte in dieser Woche auf einem benachbarten Kraale eingeschlagen,
ein Haus war durch den Blitz in Brand gerathen und ein Ochse getédtet
worden. Die Bewohner des Kraals riefen nun eine alte Zauberin herbei, ein
Ochse wurde nach Kaffergesetz geschlachtet und als Opfer verbrannt, um
den Himmel zu versdhnen und den Platz vor fernerer Gefahr zu sichern.
Der Kraal selbst aber ist ein wenig weiter weggezogen, da die Leute dem
alten Platz nun doch nicht mehr trauen.’
(1841) Read pp. 166-7 Thembu: removal
‘Wir hérten . . . dass ein alter Mann und sein Weib von ihren Freunden
hinaus auf den hohen Rand eines Abgrundes getragen und dort liegen gelassen
seien, damit sie vor Hunger und KaAlte sterben méchten. .. . Pala (Bruder des
Hauptlings) ... sagte: . . . da giebt es ein Gesetz, dass solche Leute nicht
sterben sollen in einem ihrer Hauser oder nahe am Kraal, sonst muss die
ganze Nachbarschaft aufbrechen und fortziehen.’
(1843) Schultheiss p. 173 Xhosa: homestead
‘Jeder Mann, der eine Menge Vieh (50, 100, 200 Stuck u.s.w.) hat, macht
seinen Kraal und Wohnplatz fiir sich, am liebsten an einem Orte, wo Nie-
mand wohnt, denn die Furcht bei ihnen ist sehr gross, dass ihr liebes Vieh
mochte mager werden, und wenn sie mit Jemand anders die Weide theilen
miissen, so ist der Neid unaussprechlich. Zugleich bestimmt sie dazu ihr
unbandiger Trieb nach Freiheit und Unabhangigkeit. Sie wollen unter
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 26 |
keines andern Augen leben, und namentlich hiiten sie sich in der Nahe
ihrer Kapitaine zu wohnen.’
1845-8 Munro I p. 64 general: situation
Nothing more.
1846 Anon. p. 45 Xhosa: cattle post
Nothing more.
1848-52 Baines (Oppen.) XX No. 31, XXII No. 4 Xhosa: layout
figures
(1851) Darrell Pl. 11 ? Xhosa: homestead
(1851) Bell II p. 43 Thembu: size of homestead
‘A Kaffir kraal of three or four huts... .’
(1853) Kretschmar p. 242 Xhosa: situation
Nothing more.
(1856) Fleming p. 222 general : description
“Their mode of life is quite as barbarous as their dwellings are unique. ‘They
dwell in “‘kraals” or villages, which consist of an enclosure for their cattle,
usually surrounded by brambles and bushes, heaped together in a kind of
circular hedge, and enclosing an area of several yards in circumference.
Into this they drive their cattle at night, and, to protect them from the
attacks of wild beasts, they build their huts in rows around the outside of
this enclosure. Thus the word “‘kraal’’, in their language is used, by general
acceptance, to denote a “‘Kaffir village’’, but, strictly speaking, it means “‘an
enclosure for cattle’’.’
(1858) Maclean p. 150 Xhosa: removal
“While Kaffraria was but thinly populated, changes of residence, from various
causes, were common; but of late years, removals have been less frequent,
and in the future may be even more rare. But even while the country was
thinly inhabited, a Kafir never left his home simply for the sake of change,
except the change was for the better as regarded cattle and corn fields; and
. many kraals, at the breaking out of the war of 1850, had been on the same
locality for two or three generations.
When a Chief dies, a new kraal is always made, but is frequently not
more than six or seven hundred yards from the old site, and it may be nearer,
if there should be a favourable spot.
On the death of the head man of a kraal, there is seldom a removal, as
it is not considered necessary. A new cattle kraal only is made, so that its
back occupies the gate of the old one and all the huts continue to be occupied,
with the exception of the one in which the deceased lived. The shifting of
kraals becomes necessary, independently of deaths, from the accumulation
of dung; but it is not often that an entire removal takes place, except the old
kraal is considered unhealthy, and the cornfields become unproductive from
having for many years been cropped without manure.’
28 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1859 Warner pp. 5, 19 Thembu: homestead
Pp. 5 Thembu: great hut —
“The “ibotwe’’ or house of the great wife, is erected on the upper side of the
cattle fold, and as nearly as may be, opposite the gate thereof; and the
houses of the other wives are arranged in a semi-circle right and left of it,
according to their rank. Then come the houses of the Retainers, and which
are carried round the under side of the cattle fold, and join up to the houses
of the wives on the other side; thus forming a circle of huts round the cattle
fold.
The “ibotwe” being the principal residence of the “umninimzi” or
master of the kraal, is the place of general rendezvous. . . . ’
p- 19 Thembu: chief’s homestead
‘No one is allowed to reside permanently on a Chief’s place, but such as
properly belong to his own personal establishment. Hence a Chief’s Kraal
does not much exceed in the number of its huts etc. that of an ordinary kraal
belonging to a respectable private Kaffir—the only distinguishable difference
being the number of men who daily resort thither. .. .’
(1862) Anon. p. 84 ‘Kaffir’: abandonment
“The hut in which a man dies is abandoned. On the death of a chief the kraal
is deserted, and the spot and all its belongings tabooed.’
1863-6 Fritsch p. 78 Xhosa: plan of homestead
‘Die Dérfer der Xosa sind meist ganz regellos angeordnet, ohne bestimmten
Plan, wie gerade die Bodengestaltung es wiinschenswerth erscheinen liess.
Die Viehhiirden, im colonialen Dialekte Kraale genannt, von dem portu-
giesischen “‘coral’’, bilden nicht immer den Mittelpunkt des Ganzen, wie bei
andern Stammen als Regel anzunehmen ist; sie haben eine unregelmassig
kreisformige Gestalt und die Hiitten gruppiren sich darum, ohne nach
Aussen von einem zweiten Dornenzaun eingeschlossen zu sein. Die Kraale
sind von starken Dornen und Pfahlen unter Benutzung von Streifen roher
Thierhaute oder Bastseile dicht zusammengefiigt, um das Ausbrechen des
Viehes wie das Eindringen von Raubthieren zu verhindern und stellen in
den Augen der Kaffern als Bewahrungsort ihres ganzen Reichthums eine
Art Heiligthum dar. In Gegenden, wo Baumwuchs fehlt, pflegt man die
Einfriedigung von Steinen oder Rasenstiicken aufzubauen. Als ein wie
integrirender Bestandtheil die Viehhtirde fiir die ganze Niederlassung
betrachtet wird, geht schon daraus hervor, dass man den dafiir erfundenen
Namen ‘‘Kraal”’ allgemein ohne Weiteres fiir einen Wohnplatz der Einge-
borenen braucht.’
1845-89 Kropf pp. 97, 98 Xhosa: description and situation
Nothing more.
1871 Meyer p. 516 Hlubi: site of homestead
‘The people here have a way of building places so different from Kaffrland,
and the Colony, that strangers often do not see the kraals, which are for the
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 29
most part situated upon cliffs of the mountains in high and hidden localities,
where there is more safety, and time for preparation against the approach of
the enemy.’
(1874) Korner fig. 105 fp. 176 Xhosa: arrangement of huts
1877-8 Norbury pp. 5, 6-7 Xhosa: arrangement, situation
Nothing more.
(1886) Roskell picture fp. 52 Fingo: homestead
1893 Buchner pp. 140-1 Ciskei: description
Nothing more.
Ig01 Scully pp. 43, 45
Pp. 43 ; Hlubi: plan of homestead
Nothing more.
p- 45 Hlubi: use of courtyard
‘The gate of the cattle enclosure is the place where all important discussions
take place, and, in the case of the kraal of a chief, the place where cases are
tried and judgment delivered. ‘The magistrate’s court is called his “‘inkundla’’,
or ‘‘the gate of his kraal’’.’
(1907) Sim pp. 6,\7, 8, 9 Eastern Cape: timber and deforestation
General discussion.
(1911) Schachtzabel p. 15 Xhosa: homestead
Nothing more.
(1915) Kropf-Godfrey p. 41 Xhosa: sanctuary
‘tbhotwe the great hut; it is held sacred as a place of refuge for culprits.’
1925 Cingo p. 74 seq. Mpondo: plan of homestead
-‘Umzi womnumzana ubonakala ngezindlu ezininzi zawo (inggili) zakiwe
zaluluhlu olumi njengenyanga xa iliceba, zonke zijonge ubuhlanti benkomo
—eyona nto yayikangelwe njenge banki yomzi.’
[“The kraal of a man of rank in society (wmnumzana) was conspicuous by
the multitude of huts (zngqilz) built in the shape of a half-moon, all facing the
cattle-fold—which was regarded as the bank of the kraal.’]
(1926) Miiller p. 19 Hlubi: description of homestead
‘Die Hlubis wohnen nicht in geschlossenen Dorfern, sondern in einzelnen,
uber den ganzen Distrikt verstreuten Platzen. Ein einfacher Kafferplatz
besteht aus einem Wohnhaus und einem Vorratshaus, sowie einem mit
Mauer umgebenen Viehkraal. Gekocht wird entweder im Wohnhaus oder
im Freien vor demselben. Zu dem Zweck errichtet die Frau zwei kleine
Mauerchen die sich in der Mitte kreuzen. So entstehen vier Ecken, in die
sie mit ihrem Kochtopf je nach der Richtung, aus der der Wind weht,
fliichten kann.
Reichere Kaffern errichten auch mehr Hauser, und besonders, wenn
die Familie sich vergréssert, muss zugebaut werden. Ebenso bauen Kaffern,
30 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
die noch in der Vielehe zu leben wiinschen, fiir jede ihrer Frauen Wohn- und
Vorratshaus, entweder am eigenen Platz oder mehr oder weniger weit davon
entfernt.’
(1926) Vogel p. 358 general: homestead
‘Der eigentliche Kaffernkral [s7c] besteht wenigstens aus zwei Rundhiitten,
einer grésseren, die als Wohnung und einer kleineren, die als Vorratsraum
und zur Aufbewahrung von Werkzeugen, mitunter auch als Schlafraum fiir
die Kinder dient; dazu kommt dann noch der runde, mit einer Dornhecke
eingefriedigte Platz, der Viehkral [sic]. Doch nur die wohlhabenderen Kaffern
k6énnen sich einen Kral mit mehreren Hiitten leisten; die 4rmeren begniigen
sich mit einer einzigen Hiitte und einem kleinen offnen Verschlag fiir die
Hiuhner oder das Schwein.
Es ist merkwirdig, welche Vorliebe die Kaffern in unserem Missions-
gebiete fiir Berge und Hiigel als Wohnplatze haben... .
Der Hausbau ist Sache der Manner und ihrer erwachsenen Sohne, nur
das Gras fiir das Dach miissen die Frauen und Madchen herbeischaffen, oft
aus grosser Entfernung.’
(1927) Poto Ndamase p. 114 seq. Mpondo: description
Nothing more
(1929) Kawa pp. 79-80 Fingo: fence
‘Bekuye kubeko utango Iwamatye olujikeleze wonke lomzi, olwenzelwe
ukukusela umzi lowo ezintshabeni. Beluvalwa ke olutango ngendlela enqa-
bileyo, neqinileyo; ukuze utshaba luxakwe kukungena.’
[“There used to be a stone fence round the whole kraal to protect it against
enemies. This fence was built strong and impenetrable so as to make it
impossible for the enemy to enter.’ |
(1931) Cook pp. 12-15, 17 Bomvana: description of homestead
pp. 12-13 Bomvana: more than one homestead
‘Further a man may have several kraals. At one kraal he may have the huts
of his Great House and at another the huts of his right-hand House. . . .’
pe e7 Bomvana: hut for young men
‘This [és¢ggebe sombuso] is a hut built at the end of the left-hand side row of
huts for the young men who have come to the chief’s kraal to serve him in
the hope of being rewarded with cattle.’
(1932) Soga pp. 122-3 Xhosa: cattle posts
‘By means of the um-qolo (free gift of cattle), by fines imposed on law breakers
and other sources of income the chief was well provided with cattle which
represent coin of the realm. His banks or feed kraals were so placed within
his territory as to obviate the possibility of over-crowding.’ [There follows a
list of four owned by Kreli.]
pp. 236, 408 Xhosa: courtyard, homestead
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 31
1932a Hunter p. 681 | Mpondo: size of homestead
“The change in the content of the family group, the wmzz, is very apparent.
Within the memory of living men in Pondoland, it was usual for twenty or
more married men, related in the male line, to live together in one umzi. Now,
even in the country districts, it is rare for more than one married son to live
with his father. ...’
1932b Hunter pp. 15, 16, 17 Mpondo: arrangement, size of homestead
Nothing more.
pory Mpondo: naming
‘Each hut and each umzi has its own name, given by the owner. When a
man builds his own umzz he sometimes calls it by the name of his great wife’s
hut, but he may choose another name. One umzz I used to visit was called
by neighbours “‘the place of tricks’ because the owner was a wily old man.
No one but himself used the more reputable name he had given his
home.
p. 65 Mpondo: cattle posts
‘In some coastal districts stock are sent to cattle-posts inland during the
summer months, and inland districts send their cattle to the coast, or to
posts in the river valleys, during the cold winter months. The cattle-post of
*mBotyi was only five miles away, and from there milk was sent back every
day. To the more distant posts only oxen and dry cows are sent.’
Pp. 419 Mpondo: sanctuary
“Within the country of a man’s own chief, the great hut of the chief and the
grave of a deceased chief were sanctuaries. A man, having committed murder
or accused of witchcraft, could flee to the chief’s great hut, and having
attained it could not be touched, “‘even though it was the chief himself who
was chasing him’’... . A person having taken sanctuary paid the chief a
goat, ‘““‘because something unclean had gone into his hut’’.’
1937 Soga pp. 120, 130, 151
px 120 Xhosa: building homestead
‘Be kungumsebenzi ukwakha izindlu namaphempe, izibaya nentango
zenkomo nezegusha, kude kuye kwezezicuba. Kula misebenzi ke thina kuya
ncedwana bhukuqu ngezandla. Kuncedwana xa kufulelwayo, kuxhonywe
uphahla lIwendlu, xa _ kubiywayo, kuhlakulwayo amalima de_ kube
sekuchebeni, ekusikeni inqholowa nokuba yihabile ukuba asiyoncha
njalo-njalo.’
[‘ . . . Other trades included the building of huts and temporary small huts
(tphempe), sheep folds (zsibaya) and cattle and sheep hedges (uthango) including
tobacco gardens. In these works the people worked in full co-operation. They
helped one another in thatching and putting on the roof of a hut, in fencing,
weeding in teams including shearing, cutting wheat or oats if not thatching
grass, and so on.’|
32
ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 130 Xhosa: abandonment of kraal
‘Ngokuhlwa ma zitshiswe nqu izindlu nobuhlanti buchithwe kwakhiwe
bumbi “intondo” ngegama ze buthiwe ngqu ngala maxhanti madala, koko
ke bona busenkundleni ngoku xa lona inchwaba lendoda lingasezantsi
ngaphandle ekupheleni kwamahlahla.’
[‘In the evening the huts must be burnt to the ground; the cattle kraal
destroyed and another built, called intondo; the old gateposts of the kraal
removed. As a result, the old kraal is now on the znkundla if the grave of the
man is down below, outside, where the fence-bushes end.’ |
p. 151 7 Xhosa: cattle-posts
‘Kwizizwe ezi-Ntsundu be kuba ko imizi yasemathanga okuphungulela
khona impahla yasekhaya ingaxinani ndaweni-nye, kusenzelwa amaxesha
ezifo nokusulelana, amaxesha embalela nenqini kwa nencha etyiwa zimpahla
ukuba ingafani, kujongwe ekubeni impahla yonwabe, yande, ityebe. Ama-
thanga sel’ ephelile ngenxa yamaxesha ka-Rulumente wasem-Lungwini. .. .’
[‘Among the Native peoples there were cattle-posts where the stock could be
sent to relieve the congestion at home. This was done during epidemics,
when there was danger of infection, during times of drought and ingqini
(cattle disease following drought) and for the sake of rotational grazing, the
object being to improve the condition and reproduction of the stock. Cattle
posts no longer exist, owing to the European Government... . ’|
(1939) Duggan-Cronin pp. 25, 28 Xhosa: courtyard, storage
rg
p- 25 Nothing more.
p. 28 *... the storage hut was held to be very private and was called uvimba
(the stingy one). ». . 7
45 Makalima MS. Chap. 3
para. 35, 36, 41 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: gardens, abandonment
and arrangement of homestead
para. 35 : gardens
‘Izitiya: Igadana ezincinci zikho emzini. Zenziwa phambi komzi kufuphi.
Zisebenza ukulima imithi yeziqamo, namatapile, nama kapetshu, neminqate
njalo ke.’
[‘Gardens: There are small gardens in a kraal. They are made in front of it
and not far away. They are used for planting fruit trees, potatoes, cabbages,
carrots, etc.’ |
para. 36, 41
Nothing more.
1949 Duggan-Cronin p. 10 Mpondo, Mpondomise: size of homestead
Nothing more.
{949-55 Hammond-Tooke pp. 51, 54 Bhaca: homesteads
p- 51 ‘In each location the households (zmit:) are concentrated in certain
localities (1z7godzi), usually on the slopes of a hillside, in a river valley or on
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 33
the top of an escarpment. Izigodzi are usually occupied by members of the
same clan or lineage... .’
Pon
Nothing more.
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke pp. 33, 36, 147-9 Bhaca: settlement, decoration
of huts, distribution of land, homesteads
P: 33
‘Everywhere one comes across clusters of brown-thatched huts, each facing
north-east away from the prevailing south winds that drive the mists and
rain in from the sea. On each hut is painted a design in whitewash, about
two feet wide and encircling the walls just below the eaves. It is said that
these markings were first used by the Christians to distinguish them from
their pagan neighbours, but today practically every hut is so painted.’
“These huts are not spread uniformly over the country but tend to be
concentrated in definite areas, forming little communities, usually on the
slopes of a mountain or hill to ensure good drainage. Each concentration
consists of a number of hut groups, consisting of four or five dwellings built
in a row and facing a cattle byre and perhaps a garden fenced with brush-
wood or aloes. This group of huts, or umtz (Xhosa, umzz), is the basic unit of
settlement among the Bhaca and is occupied typically by a man, his wife or
wives and their children.’
p. 36 ‘Within the polygamous household each wife has her own hut and,
usually, also a store hut. Huts are seldom built in the traditional semicircle,
a straight row being preferred, and kraals today average four to five huts.
A newly founded family needs basically four huts—a sleeping-hut, kitchen,
store and guest-hut.’
p- 149 Bhaca: cattle-post
“This pattern of grazing within the area of the cluster is modified by the
institution of the cattle-post (cthanga). People who own large numbers of
cattle often have cattle-posts in other locations, some situated as far as eleven
miles away.’
(1956) Walton pp. 150-2, fig. 55 Cape Neguni: homestead
p. 152 “The... kraal... of the Cape Nguni is normally only a few huts
arranged in a semicircle with the cattle kraal at the centre. The kraal of the
Vundle chief, Maama Vova, which is based on the Thembu pattern, has a
semicircle of huts belonging to the great wife. Those of the first and second
wives and of married sons remaining in their father’s kraal form a second
semicircle to the left of that of the “great wife’, the Cape Nguni regarding
right and left from the point of view of a person looking out of the “great
hut’. The cattle kraal, with its adjoining calf kraal, has its entrance facing
the ‘“‘great hut’’ and the khotla, which consists of a semicircular hedge shelter-
ing the stone seats of the chief and his councillors, is some little distance away.’
34. ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1956-7 Hammond-Tooke pp. 53, 78
P- 53 Xhosa Ciskei: homestead
‘The people live in scattered homesteads (imizz), each occupied by a single
family, occasionally polygamous in which case each wife has her own hut
and storehut. Due to economic pressure, as well as Christian teaching, very
few men are today polygamists and the usual extension of the family is the
inclusion of a widowed mother or unmarried brother or sister. Young men
tend to set up their own kraal after marriage and no longer remain at their
father’s homestead as formerly. The average umzi is small, containing
perhaps two or three huts built in a row facing the cattle kraal (ubuhlanti).
There is, occasionally, also a calf kraal (2szbaya). Unlike the position in the
Transkei, where most kraals have a garden near the cattle kraal in which
early maize and pumpkins are planted for early harvesting, a large number
of homesteads have neither garden nor cattle kraal, indicating a maldistribu-
tion in the ownership of stock and land.’
p. 78 Xhosa Ciskei: inkundla
‘On occasions the whole tribe is called together at the great place. Because
of distances and the difficulties of transport this is not a common occurrence
but all important decisions affecting the tribe must be sanctioned by this
body, called the inkundla (lit. space between the huts and cattle kraal).’
HOMESTEAD: TERMS
The Xhosa terms relevant to each section are listed at the head of that
section, in more or less logical sequence, proceeding from the general to the
particular. Completeness was aimed at, with the inclusion of terms culled
from all sources and in some instances not confirmed by any of the informants
we consulted.
The capitalization of stems used in dictionaries has not been employed
here as it does not help unless one is familiar with the structure and sound laws
of Xhosa. 3
A term may, according to its many and varied meanings, be listed under
as many headings, and therefore bear as many numbers, which are shown at
the end of each entry. }
It is'important always to have the basic first meaning before one at all
times, followed by the other extended meanings. These are therefore given every
time, save in a few exceptional cases.
All the insights that might be gained from the linguistic material have not
been extracted here as this would have required too much philological discussion.
On the other hand the Xhosa terminology reveals problems which do not even
exist for the worker who neglects to obtain and scrutinize the vernacular names.
The terms are numbered in bold type as one series throughout, to facilitate
indexing. Where a term appears in more than one place its other numbers are
given as well in parentheses.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 35
tkhaya place of residence, home D. This definition is only correct to the extent
that home is always a place of residence. The true meaning is ‘home’ and
only that. The same root occurs in other South African Bantu languages,
(So. hae, gae, Venda haya, Tsonga kaya), but not in languages further north.
This is therefore one of those terms which, like that for ‘bovine’, serve to
define the southern African culture area 1
umzt (pl. 1mizi) assemblage of houses, village, town D general 2
ithanga cattle-post, general. This root occurs in the languages of the interior
with the meaning ‘cattle-kraal’ or ‘cattle-post’ (So. lesaka, moraka; Ve.
danga) 3
istza site for house to be built on; building lot, D general 4
ingqgili 1 round village; large cattle-kraal; district D; last two meanings not
confirmed. 2 large round homestead, group of huts, site for homestead
Mp X Bo general 5 (23)
inxiwa, inxowa, inxuwa deserted homestead, general. But some Mpondo maintain
that the first is Mpondo, the 2nd Thembu and the last Xhosa, whilst other
Mpondo themselves say inxuwa 6
indlu hut, dwelling. This is from the common Bantu root for ‘hut’, also shared
with other Nguni groups and with the groups of the interior, even though
the latter have a different type of construction 7 (22)
ibhotwe 1 house of great wife of chief, where councillors meet; capital D (first
meaning general, second rare, third not confirmed). 2 large hut for head of
umzi Bo, but acc. to some: of chief only Bo Xes_ 8
istggeba 1 house of chief, where he meets councillors or distinguished strangers,
D X (Bo-Cook). 2 principal hut (X-DC). 3 courtroom (X-Soga). 4 privy
council, not a structure, general but unknown to many others I Mp 9
ighamthwa 1 (Hlubi) milk-sack, D 523. 2 store, private room of chief, D 347.
3 not confirmed 10 (359)
inkongo (No. 1) 1 (a) mat put up lengthwise in a doorway to form a draught or
to screen from the smoke of a fire; (b) the umtshotsho or Saturday night dance
of boys D. 2 screen or half-open door, general. 3 hut for dancing, Mp Bo but
unknown to many others 41 (80)
uvimba store-house D X Xes 12 (116)
inyango (cl. 9) 1 small hut on poles for storing corn D. 2 nowadays ordinary
store- or kitchen-hut, general 13 (108)
unyango (=inyango of elsewhere) ordinary store- or kitchen-hut Mp Xes Bh 14
tkoyt 1 frame or crib for storing maize, from Du. kooi D. 2 storage hut or enclosure,
general 315 (105)
inkundla 1 clean, well-trodden place before a cattle-fold, where councillors
gather to judge D general.
This is etymologically the same word as kgotla found in the Sotho langu-
ages of the interior, meaning ‘courtyard, public or men’s place in village’.
Also found in Zulu and Ndebele dialects. Not found in language clusters
further north. Connected with the southern African layout of villages. A
36 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
root, like -kaya, confined to southern Africa 16
ibala bare space anywhere, also near or round a house 17
ujilo (-jila interweave bushes in hedge or fence, etc.) 1 fence made of wattles,
woven on stakes about 30 cm apart; right half of an ox’s or bull’s skin, formed
into a shield, D. 2 ‘fence’ confirmed by some X and Bo only, otherwise not
confirmed. 3 ‘shield’ not confirmed 18 (451)
ikhala 1 the Cape Aloe, whose leaves are burnt to make smoke for driving away
insects; the dried leaves are ground and mixed with snuff to make it pungent
D. 2 American Aloe (Agave americana L.) used for hedging kraals and gardens
X Mp Xes 19
uthango 1 fence or hedge, D general, hence 2 cattle-kraal, or for small stock,
except pigs, general 20 (96)
isife 1 small garden where sweet-cane grows D (cf. imfe sugar-cane). 2 small
garden planted early Bo Mp a1
HomeEsTEAD: Discussion
The typical settlements of the Cape Nguni were, and still are, not villages
but individual homesteads (zmizz), situated a little distance apart, and occupied
by the owner and his family and dependants. Formerly some owners liked to
be as isolated from other homesteads as possible, to avoid having to share the
grazing for their herds.
The favourite sites for the homesteads have always been on the slope
(Pl. 1:2) or top of a rise, on sloping ground above a river or along the ridges
between the numerous valleys that are typical of the eastern Cape Province
(Pl. 3:3). The choice is made with regard to drainage and a good and if possible
an eastern outlook. It was said, further, of the Hlubi, on the northern border,
who for many years lived in a battle area, that they placed their homesteads so
as to be well camouflaged by rocks and vegetation. Homesteads should be
near, but not too near, water, and near suitable garden land. The older authori-
ties mentioned preference for a woody site, which, however, like an isolated
one, is not easy to find these days. When the Cape Nguni first entered the country
that they now occupy it was very well wooded. Even the non-forest areas were
covered with Protea, Acacia, or other useful trees. But by the extensive cutting
of saplings for hut frames, fences, etc., and by clearing and burning the veld
to make gardens, the forest areas have been considerably reduced and the
non-forest areas have become in many places open grassland.
It is customary for each married woman of the homestead to have at least
her own living-hut and store-hut, perhaps a kitchen-hut as well and sometimes a
hut for children and visitors. Formerly a separate hut was kept for the use of
visitors and is still so kept occasionally. In the larger homesteads there would
be a hut for unmarried men and another for unmarried girls.
Formerly, though it varied according to the means of the owner, the
average homestead consisted, among the Xhosa and Thembu, of six to twelve
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 37
huts, and in Pondoland of about twenty. Nowadays only a few of the largest
homesteads have as many as that, and the average number of huts is about four
or five (Pl. 2:3). Men have fewer wives, a large proportion have only one, and
married sons, instead of remaining at their father’s place as was previously
the custom, tend to establish their own homes. The need to gather together for
defence has passed. Moreover, in surveyed areas the size of the homestead is
now by common practice limited to half a morgen (0,43 ha), and that includes
fenced gardens.
The homesteads of the chiefs were much bigger than those of ordinary men,
and might formerly have numbered, at least amongst the Xhosa, over a hundred
huts, since they had to accommodate, not only the immediate family, but also
servants, warriors and others who might be serving the chief in any capacity
and for whom, although they were only there temporarily, huts had to be
specially set aside. The chief also had a hut for his subjects’ shields, which were
kept there when not in use, and in some, possibly in all the tribes, he had a ‘hut
of the ancestors’ where the medicines were kept and the messengers or the
chief’s doctor lived. ‘The Bhaca still have such a hut. A chief’s homestead also
has a hut set aside for meeting distinguished strangers or his councillors.
Nowadays, even chiefs’ places are quite small, but a rich man may have more
than one homestead.
The hut of the great wife of a chief was regarded as a sanctuary for
fugitives.
Well-to-do Xhosa had cattle posts (ithanga) where they lived when
they took their cattle to find better grazing in time of drought or overstocking.
Similarly the Thembu are said by Bonatz to have retired to the mountain kloofs,
when bad weather set in, so that the cattle in their kraals might have better
protection. This must have become less and less possible as a general practice
as land became scarcer, but Hunter recorded that in 1932 in Pondoland there
were Cattle-posts inland, where stock from the coast was sent in summer, and
posts at the coast or in river valleys, where inland stock was sent in winter. The
Bhaca were still using cattle-posts in 1949.
The classical arrangement of the average Xhosa homestead was a semi-
circle of huts roughly equidistant from each other, centring on the cattle-kraal
(ubuhlanti), and if on a slope, above it. (Pl. 1:1, 2:1 and Text-fig. 1.) The doors
faced the kraal. In the homesteads of the Thembu, Mpondo, Fingo, Bhaca and
presumably other immigrant tribes following the Natal pattern, the circle was
complete round the kraal. Among the Xhosa this was only the case in large
homesteads, when there might even have to be a second circle of huts outside
the first. ‘The chief wife’s hut was in the highest position of the semicircle or of
the first circle, its door generally directly opposite the gate of the kraal, and her
store-hut and the huts and store-huts of the other wives were arranged alter-
nately on either side. ‘Then followed, in chiefs’ homesteads, huts for councillors
and servants and for other purposes.1 The full circle of huts, and the large
1 For the sociological aspect of the arrangement see Soga, Cook, Hunter.
38 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
INDLU
ENKULU
‘> UDLADLA
~<=1XHANTI
INKUNDLA (1BHOXO
UBUHLANTI
(ISIBAYA)
UMZI
ISANGO
UTHANGO
ISIBAYA
establishments that needed it, persisted longest in the eastern part of the terri-
tory, before giving way universally to the semicircular arrangement, which
though still to be seen near the coast (Pl. 2: 1 & 2), is itself now giving way
to a straight row of huts, particularly in Thembuland, east Pondoland and
Griqualand East (Pl. 3:1) whether or not there is a cattle-kraal attached to the
homestead. Cattle are often, for a variety of reasons, kept at someone else’s
homestead.
The kraal for calves and small stock (stcbaya) may be attached to the cattle-
kraal or built separately, in which case it is frequently, but not invariably, to
the right of the great hut.
Granaries and fowl-coops are placed haphazard in the open space between
huts.
The space between the main hut and the cattle-kraal is the inkundla, where
guests are received, dances and functions are held and, at chief’s places,
court-cases are heard (PI. 4).
In each homestead, generally at the back of the cattle-kraal, there is
usually at least one private garden where vegetables and tobacco are grown
(Pl. 3:2). In the Ciskei, nowadays, many homesteads are without a garden or
even a kraal. ‘The main gardens or cultivated lands were, and still are, away
from the homestead, often at some little distance, with other gardens of neigh-
bours.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 39
Among the Cape Nguni proper, at least from the end of the eighteenth
century,” it was not customary for the whole homestead to be fenced, but the
Fingo immigrants appear at first to have fenced theirs, or built a stone wall
round them.
Private gardens were and still are fenced, and early travellers mention
the fencing of the fields as well but this is no longer seen. In the early days
fencing was done with wood or brushwood, most commonly Acacia, but other
woods are mentioned, which sometimes took root and formed a living hedge.
New fences were cut and erected each year when the crops began to come up.
After the harvest the gardens were thrown open as part of the common ground,
and the fencing was used for firewood, which may account for the fact that in
some parts of the Transkei the only fencing material available today is stone or
the latterly introduced Agave americana L. ‘Today there is no annual rebuilding
of fences. They are merely renewed when in disrepair. Very commonly gardens
are hedged with agave.
There is no record of a ceremonial laying-out of a new homestead. Men
and women have always shared the work of building the huts, the man’s share
of the work increasing with the change in style of the huts. Men built the kraals
and in most cases fenced the gardens. When the homestead was ready, the
doctor was called in to plant medicated pegs round the homestead and the
kraals, and thereafter, in a headman’s homestead, a beast was sacrificed.
According to Xhosa informants this is now rare.
Among the Mpondo only, each homestead has a name, given by the
original owner. At Mpondo chiefs’ places each wife’s hut has a name too, and
when younger sons found their own homesteads, they usually give them the
name of the mother’s hut.
According to the earliest accounts, the whole homestead with its immediate
gardens was abandoned and the materials not touched again if lightning had
struck or if a death other than that of a young child had taken place in it, hence
the anxiety to remove a dying person from it. The custom was gradually
modified until by the second half of the last century it was fully observed only in
the case of the death of a chief, while in the case of other deaths, only the affected
hut was abandoned. ‘The site was also abandoned if the lands proved unfertile.
The homestead was not necessarily moved very far. Nowadays complete removal
takes place only for utilitarian reasons, or if the site has become unhealthy or
unlucky. In the latter case the huts may be burned. Von Winkelman states, but
there is no confirmation of it, that if a family on the move came across an
abandoned homestead not connected with themselves, they would occupy it.
Most of the modifications that have taken place in the arrangement of the
homestead during the last 150 years have been due to the restrictions of move-
ment of the tribes and the considerable increase in population.
In the last few years very considerable changes in the living pattern have
2 'Theal, Records... II, p. 294: .. . the people near the Umtata River in 1593 ‘surround the
huts with a hedge within which they keep the cattle’. This is the Hottentot style.
40 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
been brought about by rehabilitation and resettlement. Rehabilitation, or
betterment, involves the planned demarcation of arable land, grazing and
residential areas where people are encouraged to build their homesteads in
clusters or villages, instead of the widely separated homesteads of former days.
Individual homesteads may still follow the same pattern, but more often the
huts are arranged in a straight row, and the homesteads may be in long rows
with roads in between. These are the most visible signs of the social revolution
implicit in this new pattern of settlement, which is even more closely followed
in the resettlement areas, generally near towns, for people who have come back
to the area from the cities.
Huts: SOURCES
1554 Perestrello p. 162 near R. St. Christopher: huts
*...a Aldea que tinhamos visto, a qual seria de obra de vinte choupanas,
armadas sobre varas, e cubertas de feno, da feiga6 e tamanho de hum forno
de pa6, das quaes usa e se serve toda a gente daquella Costa, mudandoas
com as tempestades de humas partes para as outras, segundo a bastanca ou
esterilidade q dad de si os matos, de cujos frutos elles principalmente se
mantém.’
[p. 230°... the village that we had seen. . . . It consisted of about twenty
huts built with poles and thatched with dry grass, in form and size like a
baker’s oven, such as is usual among all the people of this coast. They move
them from place to place with the seasons, according to the abundance or
barrenness of the ground, upon the wild fruit of which they principally
subsist.’ |
1593 Lavanha p. 235 Umtata R.: huts
“Vivem juntos em pequenas povoacoens de cazas feitas de esteiras de junco,
que nao defendem a chuva, as quaes sa6 redondas e baixas, e se nellas morre
algum delles, logo os outros as desfazem, e toda a povoacaéd, e da mesma
materia fabrica6 outras em outro sitio, havendo que na Aldea, em que o seo
vizinho ou parente falleceo, succedera tudo desgragcadamente.’
[pp. 293-4 “They live in small villages, in huts made of reed mats, which do
not keep out the rain. These huts are round and low, and if any person dies
in one of them, the others take it down with all the rest of the village, and
remove to another spot, thinking that in a place where their neighbour or
relation died everything will be unlucky.’]
1686 (Stavenisse) p. 63 Xhosa: destruction at death
‘’t Huis daar hij in gewoond heeft, mitsgrs daar hij in gestorven is, word
b)
ter neder gesmeeten....
1752 Beutler p. 309 Xhosa: construction, screen
‘Haare huysen sijn rond spits op lopende van 10 a 12 voeten in het kruys met
een klijn vierkant deur daar inne, waardoor men om in huys te komen op
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 41
handen en voeten kruypen moet, dat *t welk voor muragie dier woningen
strekt is van sparren en biesen door malkander gevlogten van buyten met
lang gras gedekt en van binnen met koey mist gesmeert so dat de reegen
daardoor niet kan; voor de deur van het huys staad een hoog muragie van
kley, dat voor scherm dient en belet dat men sien kan wat in huys omgaat.’
p. 310 Xhosa: destruction at death
‘Als iemand onder haar sterft word het huys waarinne soo een heeft gewoond
verlaaten, en een ander niet verre van daar opgeset sonder egter dat tot den
opbouw van dit laatst huys iets in het minst van die materialen van het ander
wordt gebruykt omdat daarinne so se seggen iets quaads in steekt, en dat so
een huys hierom onbewoont moet blyven.’
1772-6 Sparrman II p. 165 Xhosa: huts
“Their houses, or huts, are said to be small and square, composed of rods, and
covered with clay and cow-dung, which gives them the appearance of small
stone-houses.’
1776 Swellengrebel p. 13 Xhosa: construction
*,.. hunne huysjes gemaakt in ’t rond, van omgebogen staaken, met teen
doorvlogten en van lang gras digt gestooken, mitsgaders met kley en beeste-
mist verder toe gesmeert, 8 a 10 voet wijd en zoohoog, dat men er ruym in
overeynd konde staan, maar den ingang zo laag, dat men er in kruypen moet.
Even binnen die ingang stond een scherm van digt gevlogte teen, die zy
zeyden, dat diende ter afweering der pylen van de Bosjesmans. .. .’
1776 Swellengrebel (Hallema) p. 133 Xhosa: construction
Same.
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 49 Xhosa: construction of huts
Nothing more.
1792 Le Vaillant II p. 129 Caffre: huts
Sparrman ‘... qu'il se fat aussi gardé de substituer la forme carrée a la
forme ronde des huttes de la Caffrerie, qu’il n’a jamais visitées.’
1782 Carter pp. 38-9 general: description
Nothing more.
1788 Von Winkelman pp. 75-6 Xhosa: construction
P- 75
‘Diese sah ich ohne Beistand der Manner, blos von Frauen erbauen. Sie
schlagen ruthenahnliche Pfahle in einer Zirkellienie, oder auch als ein Oval in
die Erde. Der grésste Durchmesser mochte etwa 8-10 Schuh betragen. Diese
biegen sie oben in Bogen gegen einander, und nehmen so denn Ried oder
Schilf, und flechten, binden und heffen es dicht an, und auf einander, so dass
schon jetzt kein Regen durchdringen kan. Alsdenn beschlagen sie die Hiitte
mit Rindsmist, den sie in betrachtlicher Dikke glatt und dauerhaft darauf
anbringen. Das alles zusammen genommen, schiizt die Kaffern denn nun
freilich gegen Regen und Wind....’
42
ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 76‘... Die grésste Hohe dieser Hiitten ist so ziemlich algemein 8.9.
Schuhe. Der innere Raum derselben richtet sich hingegen immer nach der
Starcke der Familie. Sie machen gleich den Hottentotten auch ihr Feuer
darinnen, an, braten daselbst ihr Fleisch und Millis.’
1797 Barrow I pp. 122, 152-3
psi122 Xhosa: temporary huts
“Their dwellings were all concealed in the midst of the shrubbery, consisting
only of a few living twigs, whose tops were bent and interwoven into each
other, forming a frame, of the shape of a parabola, about 5 ft. high and 8 in
diameter. These frames were rudely covered over with branches of trees and
long grass, and were evidently intended only as temporary abodes.’
pp- 152-3 Xhosa: description of hut
Nothing more.
1800 Van der Kemp p. 437 Xhosa: description
¢
... they are hemispheroidal huts, built by their women; they draw a circle
on the ground, of about eighteen to twenty-five feet diameter; they place on
its circumference long sticks at the distance of about a foot, leaving a place
for the door; these they bend, and join them so as to form so many arches,
crossing each other at the top; across these they fix thinner ones in various
directions; this kind of dome is supported by one or more strong poles,
thatched with straw and lined on the inside with clay, mixed with the cow-
dung; the entrance is two or three feet high, at the inside there is commonly
formed a kind of portal, which prevents the fire from being seen from the
door, the fireplace is in the centre, but they have no chimney, the smoke
passes through the straw of the roof.’
1803 Paravicini di Capelli p. 103 Kaffer: huts
‘,..de hutten, welke enigzints beter gesteld zyn, dan die der Hottentotten,
leggen op eene hoogte in een kreupelbosch. De zelve zyn te samengesteld
van zestien a twintig sparren, ter dikte van circa twee duimen en 14 a 16
voeten lengte; deze steken zy op een gelyken circulsgewyze in de grond en
buygen de bovenste dunne eindens gekromd op de wyze van een coupel
boven te samen, dit met peezen van dieren vastmakende. Eenige andere
sparren buygen zy in eene vlakke rigting twee a drie ryen hoog om dit coupel
geraamte heenen, de zelve wyders met gevlogte rietmatjes bekledende waar
over verder biezen-stroo gelegd zynde, de geheele bouwing met kleyaarde
word bevestigd; zy laten aan de eene zyde eene opening hun tot een deur
verstrekkende, benevens een gat juyst midden boven in het dak waar door
de rook van hun vuur dat te midden in de hut gestookt word optrekt. Als
het koud word sluyten zy de ingang met een beeste huid dat op sparren in
de manier van een raam opgespannen is,’
1803 Howen ‘Three paintings Xhosa: huts
1802-6 Alberti pp. 105-6 Xhosa: construction
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 43
p. 106 Interior tribes: double huts
‘Verder af van de grensen der Volkplanting, alwaar de Horden haar ver-
blijf minder verlaten en verwisselen, zijn deze woningen meestal dubbeld,
zoodanig dat twee tegen elkanderen over staande Hutten, behalve de inwen-
dige ruimte, nog een tusschenvak bevatten, hetgeen voor de Kinderen tot
eene slaapplaats, of ter bewaringe van menigerlei noodwendigheden dient.’
1801-3 De Mist p. 116 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1803-6 Lichtenstein p. 440 Xhosa: construction, door, floor
‘Der Eingang ist etwa vier Fuss hoch und wird mit einer Thir von Flecht-
werk verschlossen. . . . Der Boden der Hiitten ist eben und hart, sie halten
ihn reinlich und erneuern ihn oft, indem sie aus zerstampften Ameisenhaufen
eine Art von Estrich bereiten.... ’
1809 Collins pp. 11, 12 , Xhosa: description
p- 11 ‘... Met den avond begaven wy ons naar eene hut, gemaakt in de
gedaante van eene byenkorf, omtrent veertien voeten in diameter en in het
midden zeven voeten hoog, ondersteund door vier palen, met eenen ingang,
juist zoo groot, dat men bukkende daarin kon komen.’
p- 12°... De hut van het Opperhoofd was grooter en netter, dan eenige,
welke wy nog gezien hadden.’
1821-4 ‘Thompson p. 358 Xhosa: at death
‘The hut, also, of the deceased, although he were removed from it before
death, must be shut up; no person ever enters it again, and the children are
forbid to go near it. It is called the house of the dead. It is left to fall gradually
to decay, and no one dares even to touch the materials of which it is con-
structed till they have crumbled into dust.’
1824 Ross p. 215 Xhosa: beehive and square huts
‘... Their houses are exactly after the shape of a bee’s skiphive. They are
composed of a frame of osier similar to our bowers, covered with long grass
for thatch, which is bound on the frame. They are generally about [ |
feet in circumference. At Chumie station many of the people have some
square houses.’
1824-5 Smith p. 96, 397
p. 96 Kaffir: abandonment at death
‘If a grown person dies in a house the whole kraal becomes impure and must
be abandoned, if a child dies in the same manner the hut alone becomes
impure and must be closed up and forsaken. The corpse of persons so dying
remains undisturbed in the hut.’
P. 397 Mpondo: hut
“Their houses are not so neat as the Zulu, but warmer being daubed inside
with clay.’
44. ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1820-31 Steedman pp. 200, 262
p- 200 Mbo: description
*... the floor is raised at the higher or back part of the house, until within -
three or four feet of the front, where it suddenly terminates, leaving an area
from thence to the wall, in which every night the calves are tied, to protect
them from the storms or from wild beasts.’
p. 262 Mpondo: description
“Their huts which have the form of a hemisphere, are from eighteen to twenty
feet in diameter, and from six to seven feet high; .. . A small aperture is left
for the door, which is formed of basket-work, and usually screened by a
rustic kind of portal.’
1825 Phillips pp. 137-8 Thembu: hut
p. 138 “To prevent the cattle from destroying them, they sometimes cover
them with mud and manure, or fence them round with thorns. The inside
roof is not 4 feet high, black with smoke, and covered with millions of
Sac epee
1831-2 Smith p. 151, 167
p. 151 Thembu: mourning
“When a wife dies they kill an ox and eat the flesh. He stops secreted in the
house where the woman dies and no person can come and visit him for about
1 month. In the meantime a new house must be built by a young woman who
comes and makes it and then he pays for her and makes her his wife.’
Thembu: abandonment of hut
‘When the thunder strikes a house they kill an ox and bury it... When the
doctor comes they shut the house up and surround it with thorns. This place
they will not leave; the doctor says it is good for them to remain.’
Pe lo7 Mpondo: huts
‘In their houses they are much dirtier than the Zolas. The house is built of
small twigs laid parallel as in the other. Outside with long grass kept in its
place by wands in a circular direction. Inside the house, with the exception
of a small compartment near the door, the whole is one chamber, and it
contains the cooking utensils as well as every other. ‘The compartment men-
tioned as at the door is intended to keep the wind off, and is sometimes
only partial [and] at other times nearly complete. It sometimes consists of the
door only and sometimes of a wattled wall about the size of a door. Thus
three ways, so:
Inside the wattling the house is plastered with cow dung.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 45
1815-37 Shaw p. 58 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1827 Hallbeck & Fritsch p. 307 Thembu: huts fastened to trees
*,.. the winds are violent... . This is partly the reason why the round huts of
the ‘Tambookkies are placed under the shelter of mimosa bushes and are
even fastened to them.’
1825-9 Kay pp. 78, 117, 118, 143, 362 Xhosa: description
LAT, 17 Xhosa: hearth, description
‘The Kaffer znhlu, house or hut, is of the most simple description, and far
inferior in every respect to that of the Boschuana. The slight and fragile
materials of which it is composed, render the building but a temporary one
at best. A circular frame is first set up, consisting of long straight branches,
the upper extremities of which are bent and bound together with umxeba, or
wooden fibres. The thatch which is on the houses of the South Sea Islanders,
extending from the ground to the top, is then bound on with the same sort
of cordage, or otherwise with intsonielo, a small rope made of rushes, after
which the inside is lined with utyabeka, a strong plaster of clay and cow-dung.
| When complete, the form is exactly that of a bee-hive; and the doorway too,
is shaped in the same manner as the entrée of those little insect dwellings.
There being neither window nor chimney, this aperture necessarily serves
for the ingress of light, as well as the egress of smoke. The diameter of the
room varies from six to twelve or fifteen feet; its floor is slightly elevated,
and an umseli, gutter or drain, is generally made around the foundation to
carry off the water in rainy weather. Excepting a few thorn branches which
are sometimes thrown carelessly around the hut, to prevent the cattle tearing
off its grassy roof, it seldom has the benefit of a fence of any description what-
ever. Between the houses of the nobles and those of the most indigent, there
is no material difference, excepting that the former class are perhaps a little
neater at first, but not at all more substantial, nor yet more convenient.
Pp. 143 Xhosa: crop-watcher’s hut
‘Within this enclosure a slight and temporary hut is now built, which has
frequently reminded me of the figurative expressions of the Prophet (Isaiah
i.8.) “A cottage in a vineyard, and as a lodge in a garden of cucumbers’’. It
constitutes the miserable dwelling of one of the women, whose business it is
to preserve the crop from birds by day, and from straying cattle at night.
Here these watchers are obliged to remain as long as the season lasts, and
until the harvest be got in.’
p- 362 Mpondo: huts
“The houses of the Amaponedae are in general considerably larger than those
of the Amaxosae, and constitute calf-stalls as well as lodging-rooms.’
(1828) Van Kampen p. 175 general: huts
Nothing more.
46 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1829 Boniface p. 29 Xhosa: abandonment at death
‘I] est d’usage, nous a-t-on dit, chez ces peuples, lorsqu’une personne de haut
rang meurt de maladie dans sa cabane, d’enterrer le corps au lieu méme, et
de mettre ensuite le feu a habitation, afin de réduire en cendre et dans le
méme moment, tout ce qui peut avoir appertenu au trépassé. De fagon que
cette cérémonie étant regardée comme un acte religieux, c’est commettre
un grand sacrilége que d’approcher trop prés du lieu de Vincendie, ou d’en
interrompre l’accomplissement.’
1833 Morgan pp. 33, 34, 35, 43 Xhosa: description
p- 33°... [the boughs] ... are bound to other boughs laid round and dia-
gonally over the former, with the inner bark of the Tye Boom and Mimosa...
The inside is plastered a few feet from the ground with cow-dung and sand,
and the floor is made level and smooth with a similar composition. A circular
place is left in the centre surrounded by a ridge an inch or two in height:
this is the hearth, and on it is made the fire. ‘These huts are of various sizes,
from 10 to 20 feet in diameter. When large, the roof is supported by several
posts placed without any regularity round the fire hearth at a sufficient
distance to prevent them taking fire: though the circumference of these huts
varies so much, yet there is scarcely any difference in their height, which is
generally from six to seven feet, rarely ever exceeding the last measurement,
and though the larger ones are very flat on the top, yet they are covered so
very close and firm that they are no more able to be penetrated by rain than
the smaller ones.’
Pp. 34 Xhosa: crop-watcher’s hut
Nothing more.
p- 35 Xhosa: huts made by women
‘But the most laborious of their occupations are the building of their huts,
and the cultivation and harvesting of the corn, which is entirely their pro-
vince, though at time they are assisted by some of the family of the male sex.’
Pp. 43 Xhosa: at death
Nothing more.
1834 Bonatz pp. 307, 308, 351 Thembu, Mbo: description,
cleanliness, building
p.308 “The houses of the Tambookies are built of thin and flexible pieces of
wood: the staves which compose the framework, and are arranged in a
circle, are bent towards a common centre, so as to form a rude vault, and are
bound together with rushes. The woodwork is then covered over with reeds
or long grass, which, in like manner, is fastened to the frame beneath, by a
kind of rush-net of very neat manufacture. To render their houses warmer in
winter, they plaster the sides with clay; the roof, however, remains without
this additional covering, in order that the smoke may find its way through
the interstices. The dwellings of the Mambookies and Sootoos are distin-
guished from the rest by their neatness and cleanliness.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 47
p- 351 Thembu: women build huts
‘On arriving at a new dwelling-place, the women must build the round huts,
a work which they understand well.’
1834 Godlonton p. 228 Xhosa: crop-watcher’s hut
Nothing more.
1835, Alexander I pp. 392-3 Xhosa: description, floor, door, hearth
“The door is of wicker-work; the hardened floor of broken ant-hills, wetted
and pounded; the fire is in a hollow in the centre of the hut; and three
round stones support an iron pot.’
1833-7 England - Xhosa: hut
Sketch.
(1836) Martin pp. 157, 158-9 Thembu, Mbo: description
Nothing more (from Bonatz).
1836 Gardiner p. 239 Mpondo: huts
‘The Amaponda houses, though by no means so neat, are generally larger
than those of the Zoolus, and being daubed in the inside are much warmer;
but their chief advantage is in the height of the doorway, through which it is
only necessary to stoop low, but never actually to crawl.’
1820-56 Shaw pp. 343, 387, 411, 412, 413, 418 Xhosa: description,
construction
P- 343 Xhosa: guest-hut
“We were introduced to the stranger’s hut, always the worst on the place. ...
but no woman in particular has any charge of the stranger’s hut: hence it is
usually in a dilapidated and dirty condition.’
p. 387 Xhosa: door
*... wattled doors being merely tied with “‘riems’’, or slips of bullock hide,
and indeed frequently with nothing but green withs, twisted together. ...’
oavaiine) Xhosa: thatch, interior
“The whole of this wattle building is then covered with successive layers of
thatch, generally composed of long grass, and so fastened and disposed as to
carry off the rain. A trench is dug on the outside of the upper part of the hut,
to prevent the water running on its floors from without in rainy seasons... .
This “straight gate’’ of entrance may be closed at night by a wicker or matted
door. . . . The place of honour is to be seated on the higher side of the hut,
between the two principal pillars and beyond the fire-place, directly facing
the door.’
1837 Déhne p. 62 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1839 Backhouse p. 236 Xhosa: size and form
Nothing more.
48 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1838-54 Schultheiss pp. 7-8 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1848 Freeman p. 97 Xhosa: new style
‘Several Kaffirs in the neighbourhood of the Mission Stations are ploughing
lands, and raising corn for sale; some also are building either improved huts
(the round huts) or square cottages...’
1848-52 Baines (Oppen.) Vol. XXVI No. 71 Xhosa: hearth
Sketch.
No Date Duff unpublished Fingo: fence
Sketch.
1849 Baines pp. 162, 169
p. 162 Xhosa: decoration
‘In the mud with which the interior of the hut was plastered, pumpkin seeds
had been stuck in various patterns, one somewhat resembling a snake, and
then picked out, leaving their glossy scale attached to the surface of the wall.’
p. 169 Thembu: huts, screen
‘Many of the huts have a space before them surrounded by a mat composed of
bamboo reeds about seven feet long and an inch thick, laid side by side
between two ropes of reed round which small reeds are passed between the
bamboos, thus binding them firmly together; another row of fastenings
about eighteen inches from the first, and perhaps another below that, com-
pletes the mat, which is then set upon edge in a circular trench and earth
pressed in all round it, rendering it a firm and substantial fence.’
c. 1850 C.B. (?Charles Bell) Kafir: huts
Sketch of homestead.
1851-5 Brown pp. 99-100 Xhosa: screen
‘In the better sort of huts a partition runs from the one side, more than half
way across, at the side where the opening which serves as the door is left.
This cuts off usually about 3 feet from one side of the circle which the huts
form. ... The sort of corner where the partition described joined the outer
walls—if we may call rods covered with dry grass, and plastered inside with
cow-dung, a wall—was occupied by Unoxina and the children...’
(1853) Kretschmar p. 242 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1854 Kolbing p. 137 Xhosa: crop-watchers’ shelter
Nothing more.
(1856) Fleming pp. 222-3 Xhosa: hearth, thatch
p. 223 “They next procure a number of thin thatching rods, and tie them
round the frame-work, at intervals of about a foot apart; and on this skeleton
they place bundles of grass, and sew it down with “‘riems”’ of leather. On the
outside they fasten similar rods, so as to keep the grass firm...’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 49
(1861) Lucas fp.2 Xhosa: Gaika’s hut
Figure
(1865) Bowler Pl. 7 Fort Beaufort: enclosure
1863-6 Fritsch pp. 76—7, 86, 87, 88
pe 77 Xhosa: door, screen
‘... Zum Verschluss der Thi dient ein von Reisern geflochtener Schirm,
dessen Grésse genau der Oeffnung entspricht. Bei den eigentlichen Kaffern
wird haufig etwas entfernt von dem Eingang ein ahnlicher Schirm aufgerich-
tet welcher den Zweck hat, den Wind von dem Feuer abzuhalten, zugleich
aber allerdings auch dem Licht seinen einzigen Zugang versperrt. In andern
Fallen findet man vor dem Eingang einen kleinen Vorbau von geringer
Tiefe, wie ein solcher auf der obenstehenden Figur an der linken Seite der
Hiitten zum Vorschein kommt...’
pp. 86, 87 Xhosa: division of labour, door
Nothing more.
p. 88 Xhosa: crop-watcher’s hut
Nothing more.
1866-7 Wangemann pp. 152, 201-2
p- 152 Fingo: decoration
‘... theils noch Spuren von Wandmalerei zeigend.’
pp. 201-2 Fingo: hearth, rack
: . in der Mitte ein runder, etwas tieferer, mit einem Rande versehener,
zwei und einen halben Fuss im Durchmesser haltender Kreis, der fiir das
Feuer bestimmt war; ... An zwei Stricken hingen zwei hélzerne Haken
herab, in denen Assagaien, Kirris etc. lagen.’
1846-89 Kropf pp. 98, 99, 147
p- 98 Xhosa: construction, decoration
*...Nachdem der Mann etwa 200 12 Fuss lange, am untern Ende 1 bis 4 Zoll
im Durchmesser starke Latten zugespitzt und in Kreisform in den Erdboden
gestossen hat, beginnt die Arbeit der Frau. Sie . . . glattet die Wandflachen
und iiberstreicht sie mit gelber, roter oder weisser Erde oder macht auch
von allen drei Farben Gebrauch und malt rohe Figuren darauf... Der
Eingang wird mit einer Thiir, aus Baumwurzeln oder Lianen geflochten,
bedeckt, deren Haspen und Schloss gleichfalls aus Baumbast oder ledernen
Riemen bestehen.’
p- 99 Xhosa: screen
“Vor der Thir befindet sich, besonders bei den Fingus, ein oft das halbe
Haus umspannender Vorhof, in dem das noch unausgedroschene Korn
aufgeschichtet, und endlich ausgedroschen wird. Er dient im Sommer auch
des Nachts zuweilen als Schlafstatte, Gesellschafts- und Tanzlokal.’
p- 147 Xhosa: division of labour
Nothing more.
50 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1867) Taylor pp. 116-17 General: 4 types of huts
“These, with a few square native houses, stand out as the prominent buildings
of the place; next to these, what is more interesting to a stranger, the humble
dwellings of the natives. ‘These are, for the most part, round huts, one class of
which, shaped exactly like a haycock, consists simply of a framework of
small poles and twigs, covered all over and down to the ground with long
grass, beautifully thatched. A hole about two feet wide, and three feet high,
is left on one side as the door. ‘The fire is built in the centre, and the smoke
slowly works its way up through the thatch, making it black inside and out.
Europeans would not enjoy a residence in such an establishment I’m sure.
Others are built of “‘wattle and daub” in a perpendicular wall, from four to
five feet high, and covered with thatch, just like the former. A third class of _
huts are built just like the second, except that the round wall, rising from
five to seven feet high, is made sometimes of sod, but more frequently of solid
blocks of clay, somewhat like the Mexican “‘adobes’’, plastered over with
mortar. These are very comfortable dwellings for the higher classes.’
1871 Bauer p. 191 Thembu: abandonment at death
Nothing more.
(1874) Korner p. 175 Xhosa: rack
‘Der Thiir gegeniiber steht der Feuerheerd, ein ausgescharrtes Loch, und
dahinter ein Geriist fiir die Waffen.’
1874-8 Cunynghame pp. 143-4 Bhaca: type 2 hut
Nothing more.
1877-9 Ex C.M.R. pp. 174-5 Bomvana: huts
‘Their huts are covered with grass from the roof to the ground. In this they
differ from other tribes, who only thatch the tops, and plaster with mud
the remainder of the walls.’
1877-8 Norbury pp. 5-6, 7 Xhosa and Fingo: huts
p. 6 ‘The shape of the ordinary Kafir hut is a simple dome; that of a Fingo
consists of a perpendicular circular wall surmounted by a dome-shaped roof,
and often contains apertures to serve as windows; a kraal appearing at a
distance like a circle of toadstools.’
1875-87 MacDonald p. 276 Xhosa: at death
‘After the funeral rites are completed, and the mourners have dispersed, the
house occupied by the deceased at the time of his death is burned with all
that it contains, even articles of value...’
(1882) Nauhaus p. 201 General: walls decoration
‘Innen werden die Wande bis 6 Fuss hoch mit Lehm beworfen und glatt
gestrichen. Oft werden auch die Aussenwande bis 6 Fuss hoch mit Lehm
angetragen. An diesen Lehmwdnden beweisen die Kaffernweiber oft ihr
Geschick in Verzierungen, die sie in Putz anbringen; zuweilen bemalen sie
auch die Wande.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI RI
1882 Sampson p. 109 Mpondo: crop watcher’s hut
Nothing more.
1883-8 Bachmann p. 164 Mpondo: huts
Nothing more.
(1887) Matthiae pp. 12-13 Xhosa: description
p. 13 ‘Junge Kalber, Lammer und Ziegen, sowie auch Hunde, Katzen
und Hithner werden des Nachts in der Hiitte untergebracht...’
(1893) Buchner p. 141 Hlubi: enclosure
‘Some huts, especially amongst the Hlubi people, have an unroofed ante-
room, to protect the entrance from the wind. This serves in summer as a
cooking-place.’ ;
(1900) Lowndes p. 114 Xhosa: thatching
‘... thatching is the women’s work. I have seen them put a new thatch ona
hut, and very skilfully they do it, using long coarse grass. They begin at the
top, tying the grass firmly to the framework of the roof with strong rope made
of platted grass. The top of each handful is slipped securely and neatly under
the edge of the row above as they work down the slope of the roof, the last
row projecting beyond the edge of the hut walls. . . . There is a large flat
stone in the middle of the hut, on which a fire. ..is made...’
1901 Scully pp. 43-4. Hlubi: huts
‘Among the more southern tribes the hut is shaped like a low beehive, with
grass right down to the ground. The northern tribes, however, usually build
a perpendicular wall, about six or seven feet high, with an oval wattled roof
which is covered with grass. The wall is made of wattles covered with
plastered mud. Of late years, since wattles have become scarce, sods are often
used. The roof is usually supported by five or six poles, irregularly placed . . .
On the side of the hut opposite the door a rough staging often stands, and
on this are laid spare food, mats, calabashes and baskets.’
(1902) Eve p. 130 general: destruction of hut at death
‘If the head of a kraal dies his particular huts are immediately destroyed and
burnt. His spirit must not be offended by others . . . A sacrifice is offered at
his burial, which in every case takes place at the entrance of the kraal opening.
That opening is then blocked up, and from that time onwards another opening
into the cattle kraal must be made and used.’
1904. Kidd, Plates 22 and 93 & p. 121
Pls22 Mpondo: interior
Nothing more.
Pl. 93 Mpondo: framework
Nothing more.
p. 121 Mpondo: horns on hut
“The Zulus and the Pondos frequently place the horns of oxen over their huts.
There are many reasons given for this practice. Natives have often assured
52 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
me they simply do this for ornament; others say that it wards off the light-
ning.’
1911 Schachtzabel p. 37 Xhosa: hut
Nothing more.
1924 Hartmann
p. 8 Xhosa: huts
‘Auf den Hiigeln standen weit zerstreut die bienenkorbartigen Kafferhiit-
ten .. . den Héhen runder Kafferhiitten ... ’
p- 14 j Thembu: initiates’ hut
Nothing more.
p- 15 Thembu: removal of corpse from hut
‘Bald wird das Loch durch die Mauer des Hauses gemacht werden, durch
das der Verstorbene seine letzte Reise antreten muss. Mit einem Strick an
die Beinen word er durch dieses Loch gezogen .. .
Wird der Verstorbene zur Tire hinausgetragen, so kann er wieder
kommen.’
pp. 15-16 Thembu: grave and removal from hut
‘Die letzte Ruhestatte findet der Kaffer am Eingang zu seinem Viehkraal.
Viele Heiden brennen nach dem Tode eines Familiengliedes die Hauser
nieder, und siedeln sich fern an einem andern Platz an...’
(1925) Cingo p. 74 ff. Mpondo: huts
Nothing more.
(1926) Miiller pp. 20-1 Hlubi: huts
p. 20 ‘Sie bauen es entweder aus roh gebrochenen Feldsteinen, einer Art
Sandstein, die sehr haufig in Bethesda vorkommt, oder aus an der Luft
getrockneten Erdziegeln, oder endlich aus sogenannten Soden; das sind
viereckig ausgestochene Rasenstiicke. . . .’
pp. 20-1 ‘...auf denen das Stroh oder Gras mit Hilfe von Grastauen Biindel
nach Biindel festgebunden wird. Unten an der Mauer wird angefangen und
Lage um Lage nach der Spitze fortgeschritten. Aussen auf dem Dach hockt
ein Kaffer, im Inneren ein anderer, sein Gehilfe, auf einer Leiter stehend.
Der aussensitzende sticht die lange Holznadel, die sie sich selbst anfertigen,
mit dem Grastau im Ohr, nach unten, der innen stehende sticht sie nach
Anweisung des ersteren wieder zuriick. ... ’
D. 21 Hlubi: hearth, door
Nothing more.
(1926) Vogel p. 359 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
(1927) Poto Ndamase p. 114 ff. Mpondo: huts
Nothing more. | |
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 53
(1928) Godfrey p. 6 General: lightning-struck hut
“Three days later I found the remains of a lightning-struck hut knocked down
and arranged in the form of a cone.’
1928 Brownlee p. 181 Fingo: screen
‘(It may here be mentioned that, in the case of a death in a hut the body is
placed on the right side of the hut next to the wall and is curtained off with a
suspended mat or blanket, so that persons entering the hut may not be
rendered unclean by their proximity to the corpse).’
(1929) Kawa p. 79 ff. Fingo: floor, door
*,..lwaye ucango lwenziwe ngezinti eziphingelwe ngentambo zofele nokuba
yiminxeba, ’ze ke lutyatyekwe_ngobulongwe benkomo, kungenjalo kubekwe
ingcobo, eyalukwe, oko kukuthi, eyenziwe ngokuhlanganisa ingcongolo. .. .
Umgangatho ubusihla ukusinga emnyango. Ngemva kwendlu kwakuye
kubekho ikhusi, apo kwakugcinwa khona ozimbisa, izitya zokudlela, ama-
thunga emithi, mhlaumbi emizi; kuze ke kubeko indawana apho bekubot-
shelelwa khona amankonyana namathakane.’
[ . . . the door was made of laths woven in with thongs or monkey ropes
and it was plastered with cow-dung, otherwise reedgrass (zngcobo) was fixed
in, which was made by wattling reeds together . . . The floor (wmgangatho)
sloped towards the door. Behind the hut there was a screen of wicker work
(zkhust) where pots, vessels, milkpails of either wood or rushes were stored;
there was a small space also where calves and lambs or kids were tied up.”]
(1931) Cook pp. 12, 26, 53, 67, 90, 91, 158, 159, 161, 162 Bomvana: huts
p. 26, 53, 162 Bomvana: horns on hut
p- 26
‘Further, a favourite Bomvana means of adorning a hut is to place the horns
of a beast sacrificed above the doorway. The hut is thus likened to a beast.’
PP- 53, 162
Nothing more.
p. 67 Bomvana: screen
‘She now goes into the Intonjane hut which is any convenient hut. She sits
behind a mat which is stretched across the woman’s side of the hut.’
p- 90 Bomvana: at death
“The hut is not burnt as was formerly the case but simply deserted for a
week after which it is repaired, smeared throughout and inhabited again.’
p- gI Bomvana: burning of huts
‘If the huts have been burnt, as was the old custom which is followed by a
few to this day...’
pp. 158-9 Bomvana: building of hut, description
“The oldest type of hut to be found amongst the Bomvana is known as the
inqu-panise. ‘This type is also found amongst the Gcaleka and Neggika of
Willowvale and Kentani.
54. ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
The ground plan is circular and the outline is drawn with a stick and a
piece of string in the logical way. This idea of how to draw a circle seems to
have been known to the Bomvana as far back as they know.
The men plant long, slender poles along the circumference of the circle
bending them over to meet not all at the centre. Thus two poles on the
circumference which form a straight line with the centre are joined and the
other poles are joined in pairs so as to form arches parallel to the first. ‘This
is done in several directions forming a strong framework. The women now
thatch the entire outside of the hut with grass, after which they smear the
inside walls of the hut to a height of about four feet with clay.
The typical hut of Bomvanaland today is built as follows: It has a
circular ground plan. All along the circumference stout, straight poles are
driven in upright. They are about 8 feet long. Thin sticks are woven in and
out to form the walls. ‘The framework of the roof is made by interlacing sticks
much in the same way as is employed in the construction of the Wqu-pantse
huts. The framework is the work of the men. ‘The women thatch the roof and
smear the walls. The peaked roof type of hut is gradually being introduced.
Further inland, owing to the growing scarcity of wood, sod walls are finding
favour. In both the nqu-pantse and the ordinary type of hut the roof is sup-
ported by a number of poles planted inside the hut.’
p- 159 Bomvana: division of huts
‘The Bomvana divide their huts thus: The left-hand side going into the hut
is the men’s side. This side is in turn divided into two sections (A & B).
The inner portion A is that part of the hut which is peculiarly the part of the
owner of the kraal. The portion nearer the door (B) is the portion reserved
for visiting males or the sons of the house.
The right-hand side, on entering the hut, is the women’s side of the hut.
The inner portion (D) is peculiarly the portion of the wife who occupies the
hut. The outer part is usually occupied by visiting females or the daughters
of the hut.’
p. 161 Bomvana: door
‘It must be remembered that the door ordinarily employed is simply a
wickerwork frame smeared with dung and having no hinges. To close this
door a pole is placed horizontally across the middle of the doorway on the
outside and the door itself is secured to this pole by means of a piece of |
leather thong passing through the door and round the pole.’
(1932) Soga pp. 148-9, 210, 217, 231, 408, 409-10
p. 149 Xhosa: horns on hut
“The skulls and horns of animals slaughtered for sacrificial purposes are
preserved. Some are placed in a row over the entrance to the hut inhabited
by the head of the family; others are placed on the gate-posts (amaxaniz) on
each side of the entrance to the cattle-kraal.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 55
p. 210 Xhosa: hut
Nothing more.
p)267 Xhosa: screen
Nothing more.
Meal Xhosa: screen
‘A hut is now set apart for the use of the bride, in which is hung a curtain
(um-kusane). This is stretched across the hut from side to side and provides
her with a certain measure of privacy.’
p. 408 Xhosa: hut
Nothing more. .
p- 409 Xhosa: new style
‘Grass huts (Ngqu-pantsi) have almost entirely been superseded, among the
Xosas, by a later development which forms the intermediate stage between
them and the European square buildings. ‘These later huts are also circular,
but the walls, from the ground upwards, are made of earth sods of about a
foot in length and 4 inches in breadth and perhaps six in depth. These are
laid row upon row, each sod being laid as in brickwork, that is, is so placed
upon the lower row that these are bound by it where they join. The walls
are built up to a height of about eight feet. On top of the wall saplings are
driven into the final row, and the ends bent, as in the grass hut, inwards and
bound likewise to form a dome. This part is thatched with grass sewn on with
ropes as already mentioned. There are two varieties of these huts, differing
only in the style of the thatching. The one just mentioned, and another which
is thatched with sorted out grass, the stalkless leaves being sifted out, and
that furnished with stalks remaining. This is thatched in much the same way
as the roofs of European houses are thatched with wheat stalks.
The former of these two is called 2s2-Tembiso—A promise: the latter is
called 2-Rontawuli—probably the name has been derived from some Dutch
word. A considerable number of the more advanced Natives are now building
houses on European lines, brick walls and corrugated iron roofs, and square
in form.’
1932b Hunter pp. 17, 97-9, 105, 119, 171 Mpondo: huts
pp. 97-8 | : styles
“The old type of Pondo hut was the zndlu_yempuku (mouse’s house), a beehive
made of framework of saplings, covered with thatch. Now such huts are only
built in Pondoland as temporary shelters by people on the move, such as road
labourers. ‘They were replaced by huts with a wickerwork frame, mud walls,
and a rounded thatched roof. These in turn are being ousted by huts with
walls made ofsod or sun-dried “‘Kimberley bricks’’, with pitched roofs, thatched
in European fashion with ‘sewn thatch’. The hut with plastered walls is said
to have been first introduced to Pondoland by missionaries about 1850... .
Where the old technique of thatching is used women still thatch, but only
men do the sewn technique, learned from Europeans.
56
(1
ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
. . . Formerly each umzi built its own huts. With the elaboration of
techniques there is a growing tendency towards specialization. ...’
p. 98 Mpondo: repairs, death
‘Every autumn the whole of the outside of a hut should be replastered and a
new layer of grass put on top of the old, when the roof is thatched in the old
ukufulela technique. About twenty bundles of grass are needed for these
repairs. .. . A sewn thatch roof lasts many years without repairs.
... Formerly a hut was always burned when any person, even a child,
living in it died. Consequently huts cannot have been expected to last for
more than the married life of a woman, and, as the child mortality was heavy,
usually for a much shorter time. Now huts are only burnt on the death of the
owners or not at all... .’
p- 99 Mpondo: ventilation
“The old ‘‘mouse’s house’? had no windows, but smoke got out, and air got
in, through the thatch and through the door, which was made of wickerwork.
As the huts improve, the passage of air through walls, roof, and door (often
made by ‘“‘school people”’ after European pattern) decreases. Windows are
occasionally made, but they are often kept shut, and many sod huts with sewn
thatch roofs are entirely without them. Improvements in housing, therefore,
have been accompanied by the loss of old methods of ventilation and disin-
fection after death, and the old methods have not been adequately replaced.’
p. 105 Mpondo: floor
‘When the floor becomes rough and dusty, a new surface is made of mud
and cow-dung, pounded with a stone. The surface is about 2 inches thick,
and if well made will last six months.’
(Oaeon Mpondo: horns on hut
‘The umrotsho [right foreleg] and jawbones of the beast are hung up in the
hut, and its horns put in the thatch over the door: that is stated by most to
be the old custom.’
933) Pim pp. 15-18 Mpondo: huts
p. 18 : style change
“The Pondos were still occupying the ‘Bee-hive’ (Ngqu-panist) type of hut at
the time of Faku who died at the age of about 90 in 1867, but towards the
latter end of his reign, when the country was recovering from the effects of
Tshaka’s raids, began to build the present type of wattle and daub hut with
perpendicular walls (Nqugwala). Madubeza states the reason was that
Negqupantsi huts so easily caught fire on veld burning. Nomandindi asserts
that the people “‘just learnt to despise”’ the old bee-hive, but when Madubeza’s
reason was suggested to him he said “Yes, that is so”. To the Wesleyan
Missionary, Jenkins, who founded the Palmerton Mission in the Lusikisiki
District in 1845, is commonly attributed the credit of first teaching the Pondos
to build huts with perpendicular walls (Nqugwala). Nomandindi states there
were no longer any “bee-hive”’ (Ngqu pants:) huts in Mgikela’s time (he
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 57
succeeded Faku of course), but Madubeza says there were still a few but
they were dying out in the early years of his reign. ‘The change could hardly
have come all at once and I think the years 1845-1870 would probably see
it completed.
The use of sods in hut building in place of wattle and daub ‘ ‘was an
innovation subsequent to the date of annexation (1894) but large numbers,
probably the majority, are still wattle and daub. The sod is called Rontawule.
The use of sods I believe is due to the increasing difficulty of obtaining wattles
since the Forest Department took control of the larger forests and also the
desire to adopt more progressive methods.
A still later innovation, dating back only the last ten or twelve years
but now becoming increasingly popular, is the use of box bricks, ordinary
dagga dried bricks moulded in wooden boxes. One now frequently sees these
bricks drying beside the streams. They are known as ‘“‘Kimbili”’ bricks. The
source of the name is obvious.”’
(1939) Duggan-Cronin Pl. 14 and legend, Pl. 15, pp. 25, 27-8 Xhosa: huts
Nothing more.
(1945) Makalima chap. 3, paras. 22, 23, 25, 26, 37
Fingo, ‘Thembu, Pelee description
Para. 29 : shelf
‘Ithala leloku xhoma impahla, kanti inkuku ingakela egoloxeni izalele kanti
nempahla tyaxonywa. Amayeza ngawokukusela indlu kanti ke naxa kute
kwafika ukufa nokuba ngumtana ugule ngequbulo ahlala eko amayeza
ukwenza uncedo lokugala (First Aid).’
[“The shelf is for keeping goods whereas the cupboard-like hole i in the wall
may be a fowls’ nest where they lay their eggs as well as a place for keeping
goods. Medicines are for protecting the hut and besides that they. are always
there to guard against disease and sudden illness of children and to. apply
First Aid.’]
Para. 26 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: decoration
‘Izthombiso: Ucingo alunanto yazihombiso. Izindlu zake azihonjiswanga,
amasango, ucango, ipali zocingo, imigangato yezindlu zonke, ezonto azihon-
jiswanga. Iminqwazi yezindlu: kubekwe udaka, kufakwe amatye aqekezi-
weyo. Lonto ke ikangeleka kakuhle. _
[‘Decorations: There are no decorations about the fence. His huts are not
decorated, the gates, door, fence poles, hut floors, all these are not decorated.
The hut caps are plastered with mud and pieces of stone are placed in the
mud. That looks nice.’|
(1949) Walton pp. 70-1 Vundla: hut
“The small ngqu-panisi consists of a ring of stakes whose tops are bent
inwards to a point and which are bound together by concentric hoops in
exactly the same manner as the mohlongoa-fatse. Over this framework is laid
a covering of grass which is secured by means of a loose network of grass
58 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
rope comparable to that employed by the southern Sotho for their lephephe.
Certain lengths of rope stretch like the spokes of a wheel from the apex to the
ground, where they are either secured to a large hoop of saplings, fastened
to the upright stakes, or they are anchored by heavy stones which form a low
foundation wall around the base of the hut. . . . An identical hut was formerly
widespread amongst the Xhosa.’
(1949) Duggan-Cronin Pls. LXV, LXVI, LXVII & legends
Mpondomise, Mpondo: huts
Legend to LXV Mpondomise: description, thatching
‘Here (Qumbu) land is scarce, and the country relatively unbroken, so
homesteads are built closer together than in Pondoland. These pitched-
roofed huts are a modern type. The nearest has so-called ‘‘sewn-thatching”’
learnt from Europeans, and done by men, while the thatch of the second hut
in the picture is tied by a network of grass ropes in the traditional manner.
This kind of thatching is done by women. The oldest style of hut was domed,
and covered entirely with grass, without any mud wall, but such huts are
only built nowadays as temporary shelters.’
Legend to LXVII Mpondo: plastering
‘This woman is preparing mud to plaster her new hut. Women are
responsible for mudding the wooden frame-work put up by their husbands.’
1949-55 Hammond-Tooke p. 24 Bhaca: homestead at death
‘In the past, homesteads were not burnt on the death of the kraal-head,
as among the Mpondo, but the zntszka or centre-pole of the great hut was
renewed.’
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke pp. 26, 27, 28, 40-1, 141
p. 26 : Bhaca: thatching—men specialists
‘Formerly thatching was the work of the women, but today, with the
increasing popularity of the rondavel-type hut with its neat conical roof in
place of the more primitive dome-roofed building, men specialists, trained
in the art of the sewn technique, travel from location to location and are
employed for this purpose.’
pp. 26-7 Bhaca: huts
‘The earliest type of Bhaca hut was probably similar to the Mpondo
indlu yempuku, a beehive-shaped structure of saplings, thatched with grass.
A later development was the inqugwala, of wattle-and-daub construction,
which is very rarely seen today. Poles of wattle and mimosa are driven into
the ground in a circle and thinner branches are intertwined (ukuphingela) to
form a wickerwork structure. The post holes dug to receive the uprights are
first filled with cowdung ‘“‘to prevent the poles rotting”. Soil and cowdung
are thoroughly mixed with a hoe and packed tightly between the interstices,
the walls afterwards being plastered inside and out with the same material.
The roof is dome-shaped and the thatch is tied on with grass ropes. The
thatching is done by the women and the result is frequently not as sym-
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 59
metrical and neat as in the modern type of hut. Today at least 80 per cent
of huts are of this latter type. Called zrontawuli, and showing marked Sotho
influence, these are made of sundried ‘‘Kimberley”’ bricks with a neat conical
thatched roof, often surmounted by a metal cap bought at the store. The
bricks, of mixed earth and cowdung, cut into rectangular blocks and dried
in the sun are made by the women.! A circular trench about eight inches
1 Occasionally a wooden frame is used for shaping these bricks.
deep is dug for a foundation and this is sometimes lined with stones. A mortar
of mud and cowdung is used and the walls are plastered, as in the old-time
inqugwalo. Vhatching grass is cut by the women and is often difficult to obtain
as it only grows in certain areas. For a medium-sized hut between 50 and 100
large bundles of grass are necessary if the roof is to be thatched at all ade-
quately, and work parties are often organized for thatching. Hut floors are
made by pounding the earth with a wooden block or stone and smearing it
with cowdung and mud to a smooth, hard surface.’
‘Every autumn, after the rains, the outside of each hut should be
plastered by the women of the homestead, although a hut may be left for
two or three years without being so repaired. Huts which are kept in good
order may last from fifteen to twenty years.’
p. 28 ‘Formerly huts were burned on the death of the owner of the kraal and
a new homestead built some distance away, but this is no longer the case and
kraals are relatively stable—although they are occasionally moved after a
quarrel with neighbours, because of accusations of witchcraft or because the
situation is unhealthy.’
pp. 40-1 Bhaca: huts
“This homestead consists of three huts, a kitchen, main hut and store
hut. The kitchen is rather dark and smoky and the thatch and roof-poles
are grimy and black from the fires of years. Bunches of drying kaffir corn and
knick-knacks such as knives, a pair of scissors and medicines, stuck in the
thatch, are also covered with a thick layer of soot. In the centre of the mud-
and-dung floor, which is rather dusty and strewn with objects of daily use,
is the circular iziko or hearth on which most of the evening cooking is done.
The open fire fills the hut with dense clouds of smoke and makes breathing
difficult, but during fine weather and on moonlight nights it is made outside
the inkundla (courtyard). Fire is a sociable thing and, especially during the
cold East Griqualand winters, the evening meal is a time when all the family
come together to discuss the news of the day. At such times the kitchen
assumes the status of the most important hut in the umtz. Against the back
wall is built a low shelf of earth on which pots are kept. On it are three
three-legged iron trade pots, blackened by use, three large clay pots of beer
and an ordinary trade bucket, fairly new. A shallow enamel basin lies with
them, while in front of the ledge lies the large flattened grindstone with its
bowl-shaped hollow worn in the centre. Near it is the pecked grindstone.
60 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
The left-hand wall is occupied by an uthango, a semicircle of sundried bricks
and stones, built against the wall, in which dried maize cobs are kept for
more immediate use. Not all huts have this wthango. On the men’s (right-hand)
side an old battered army kitbag hangs from a peg. It belongs to Nkose, the
eldest son of the kraalhead, and is packed with dried roots, bottles and other
magical paraphernalia. There are also a few tin cans (z7bekile, Afr. beker),
widely used by the Bhaca for carrying sugar, meal and other foodstuffs, a
large iron bath and some woven grass mats and trays. A rough block of wood
does service as a seat and a large wood-drill, used for making holes in
the logs used for sledges, a spear and one or two sticks protrude from the
thatch on the men’s side. Pigs, hens and even young calves wander in and out
while the inevitable dog lies in the sun, covered with flies, making the
approach of a stranger a hazardous affair.’ |
p41 Bhaca: hut
“The main hut of this wmti is a bigger structure than the kitchen, but in
general plan they are similar. All Bhaca huts today are made of sundried
brick with a conical thatched roof and large doorway, an improvement on
the traditional Nguni beehive type of hut with the low entrance. Most huts
also have window openings on one or both sides, closed by means of a wooden
square hinged at the centre and swivelling round on itself to block the
aperture.’
p. 141 Bhaca: division of labour |
“There is, however, no hard and fast rule, particularly under conditions
of contact, and both sexes occasionally co-operate in contexts which formerly
were reserved for one or the other.
In general, house- and field-work is the domain of the women, and
hunting, care of the cattle and, formerly, warfare, the prerogative of men.
Under economic pressure, however, particularly with a large number of the
men away at work at the labour centres, this dichotomy of activity is some-
times modified. With the introduction of the plough, men have taken to
planting and may even occasionally be seen assisting women in weeding.
Animal husbandry, hunting, woodcarving, thatching, cutting out bush, |
ironworking, sledge-making, ploughing, digging and cleaning grainpits and
leatherwork are all men’s activities, while housekeeping, hoeing, weeding,
grasswork, pottery-making, grass-cutting, plastering, stamping and grinding
fall into the women’s sphere. The sexes collaborate in reaping, clearing the
fields and threshing. It will be noted that, in the few cases where men and
women combine, there is always some urgency or the work is particularly
arduous, necessitating co-operation. This is especially so in reaping... .’
(1969) Reed pp. 12-16 _ Xhosa: construction
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 61
Huts: TERMs
indlu hut, dwelling. This is from the common Bantu root for ‘hut’, also shared
with other Nguni groups and with the groups of the interior, even though the
latter have a different type of construction 22 (7).
ingqguli 1 round village; large cattle-kraal; district D, last two meanings not
confirmed. 2 large round homestead, group of huts, site for homestead
Mp X Bo general 23 (5).
ungquphantsi 1 hut the thatch of which reaches to the ground D. 2 old style
beehive hut, general except Mp 24
indlu yempuku (lit. ‘mouse’s house’) old style beehive hut, general 25
inqugwala, inqugwale, inqugwane 1 white stripe painted round a house, D not
confirmed. 2 round hut with perpendicular sides, D. 3 round hut with domed
roof, various informants. 4 roof on supports, hut without walls, T. 5 old-
style hut, Mp Xes 26
ithungelo hut with sewn thatch and wicker frame Xes 27
istthembiso something giving hope: circular hut with mud walls but with old-
style thatch, thereby holding promise that one day it will be given a peaked
rondavel roof, general 28
ulatawula (Mp), tlontawuli (Bo), ulontawuli (Xes), urontabile (general), zrontawuli
(X), urontawuli (general) rondavel type hut with new style thatch, a word
derived from Afr. rondavel, whence the r is rolled in the last three forms,
though rolled r is foreign to Xhosa 29
iphempe 1 small temporary hut in garden to afford protection to those who work
there D, mostly crop-watcher’s shelter, general. 2 also shelter for herdboys
in bad weather Bo. 3 circumcision hut Bo Xes Hlu go (1019).
uxande 1 oblong building, square house as distinguished from a round hut D
general (from -xanda ‘branch out, spread’ because what struck observers
about European-type houses was that they had many rooms) 31
ixhobongo 1 temporary hut, better than zphempe, D X Bo. 2 old dilapidated hut
Mp. 3 any small hut Xes 32
yako 1 rafter; beam which lies on the znészka in a house, to bear the thatch, etc.
D general except Bh. 2 it lies across umgadi in old style X Mp. 3 it lies on
zmigolo and these on intstka Mp 33
umgolo 1 lintel of door; round cornice of hut supporting thatch; smaller beam;
(on zmigadi) supporting thatch D. 2 only last meaning generally accepted,
now roof wattles. 3 thicker, outermost coil on roof frame, supporting thatch X
34
intungo 1 upper part of hut roof from inside; thatched roof as a whole, D.
2 thatch Fgo. 3 withies laid crosswise on rafters Mp Xes Bh 35
intsika pole supporting roof; upright post, pillar, D general 36
istbonda 1 pole or stake in fence or hut D. 2 upright pole, general 37
isimiso (something which keeps something else standing) a less common word
for intstka “post serving as pillar’ 38
62 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
uluthi, uthi (pl. rzintz) 1 rod, stick, wattle, lath, switch, D. 2 spear shaft (McL.)
Xes Bh 39 (441, 457).
ujojost rafter smaller than umgadi, D unconfirmed 40
umgadt 1 principal, uppermost rafter, lying across the pillars D. 2 found in old
huts, and forming main roof tree in new, general except Mp 41
uphahla frame of old-style hut; (mod.) roof frame of any kind 42
zdobo 1 general term for long coarse grass D. 2 sp. of grass for thatching X 43
incopho 1 high point or pinnacle D. 2 earth peak or top of hut roof T 44
ingximba 1 band made of the trailing stems of the wild vine, D. 2 any climbing
plant, but esp. wmnxeba (wild vine); rope for keeping down thatch Bo.
3 otherwise unknown 45 (224).
inkatha 1 coil of anything twisted together, esp. grass headpad for carrying D
general. 2 peak cone of hut, made of stone and shell X, or made of grass
rope I. (From widely distrib. Bantu root) 46 (960).
isicholo 1 nD. 2 tuft of hair left on front or top of head of children and girls (cf.
same word in Zulu, meaning coiffure or long top-knot of women); fig.: peak
of hut roof, made of earth, stone, shells X 47
ithembu slender-stemmed plant, used for rope T, for tying thatch (F-Kawa).
Note: D says Sfaraxis, but this does not grow in the Eastern Province, so
perh. Diarama sp. 48 (199).
umbeleso 1 cross band for tying the thatching ropes, McL general. 2 (prob.
erron. under umbelese, which does not appear to exist) the lath or band of
baboon rope or rushes for tying and keeping down thatch on round huts,
D X. 3 most people call all such ropes by this name but some X call only the
radial ropes this, and the horizontal ones iintambo. Der. from verb -belesa, non-
existent in X but common in related languages, and causat. of -beleka, thus
meaning ‘put on the back of (like baby)’ 49
umbelesi all ropes, Mp and see foregoing 50
umnqwazi 1 covering for the head of women, being a high cap made of skin
trimmed with beads, bonnet, cap, hat, D general. 2 narrow beadwork
headband round back of head for girls, Mp. 3 beaded headring (Mp
Beukes). 4 married woman’s beaded headring, also called isinqgwazi, Mp-CT.
5 baboon-skin hat, Bh. 6 apex or pinnacle of modern hut X 51 (653, 733,
805).
umnxeba 1 generic name for the wild vine, Vitis, whose climbing stems form the
monkey ropes used for binding the thatch on hut-roofs and for basket-
making, D general. 2 any fibrous binding material, Bh 52 (210).
-thunga sew, stitch, D general and from very common Bantu root 53
utulo 1 lowermost layer of thatch on a house, D; thatch X. 2 thatching needle,
X Bo Mp Xes Bh 54 (398).
umngcele tall grass used for thatch D (but misprinted umncele) Mp. 2 thatching
rope T 55
iswalo (-vala ‘close’) 1 nD. 2 bar for fastening door Bh. 3 broad collar and strip
of beadwork worn from neck T 56 (852).
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 63
isifingo pole for fastening doors Mp (distinguish from isifingo the dawn D) 57
tstgobo 1 stick about an inch thick for fastening door of hut D X Bo only; this
is only part of the wider meaning: 2 short thick stick or log, block, as to sit
on, for head-rest, door-bar, cross-bar of skin-dressing frame 58 (252).
wxaba 1 bar to an entrance, bolt to door, mat or skin hung up against wind;
shed D. 2 kraal fence of branches stuck straight into ground Bo. 3 platform
for drying pumpkins or clothes, in the open or inside, Xes. 4 supporting pole
or buttress of straight fence X 59
axabo (-xaba lie across, obstruct) 1 nD. 2 bar, bolt, screen, shelter (McL).
3 anything that bars the way Mp 60
ucango, pl. zzncango door, as distinct from umnyango doorway D general 61
uhlango 1 nD. 2 door of any kind Mp Xes_ 62
udaka 1 mud, clay, mortar. 2 plaster of clay and dung, general 63
umgangatho mud floor of hut; now any floor D general (from -gangatha ‘tread
or stamp down into solid mass’) 64
umgubast 1 doorpost, D general. 2 mostly any one of the four timbers of door-
frame, whether horizontal or vertical X Bo Mp Xes Bh 65
umnyango doorway D. general 66
umqobo 1 plank forming threshold of hut D X Xes. 2 also plain block as head-
rest X Xes. 3 also lintel Bo. 4 log, pole Mp 67
umsele 1 ditch, trench, waterfurrow, drain D. 2 gutter round base of hut (Kay)
general. 3 also raised skirting shelf inside walled huts Mp Xes 68 (460).
utyabeka (from -tyabeka plaster) 1 nD. 2 plaster (Kay), general 69
igumbi (from -gumba carve, scoop out wood) I corner or room, recess, ante-
chamber immediately at the entrance of a house D. 2 part of hut on each side
of the entrance inside; part nearest wall all round inside of hut, general.
3 recess in wall, recessed sides of grain-pit, recess in grave to take the body,
general 7o (1028).
ilintla 1 part of hut directly opposite the door and beyond the fire-place.
Always occupied by the master of the hut D general. (Literal meaning:
‘highest part’, root -Ala, cf. Zu. enhla) 7%
astlila 1 part of hut set aside for use of individuals, for sitting or sleeping
in; a bedroom D. 2 side of hut interior, demarcated sleeping area, general
72
iziko fireplace or hearth in the centre of the hut, D general, but not necessarily
inside hut; also forge 73 (131).
tkhust (from -khusa ‘screen from’ D) 1 screen of wickerwork, fixed or movable,
placed inside the entrance to a Kafir-hut to keep out the draught; partition D.
2 movable screen T’. 3 screen for intonjane rites Mp Xes 74
tkhuselo (-khusa screen from ) 1 screen, curtain, D. 2 not confirmed 75
isikhuselo 1 screen, curtain, D. 2 not confirmed 76
umkhusane (from -khusa ‘screen from (rain or wind); shelter’) 1 screen, partition
D general, except Bh. Very often a blanket strung from a cord serves as
SCreen. 77
64 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ilengalenga 1 curtain, hanging thing D Mp. 2 not X Bo. 3 rope for children to
swing on or from Xes_ 78
inkusane 1 nD. 2 screen for intonjane rites X. 3 screen, partition Bo Mp Xes,
often merely a blanket hung up. Probably merely a variant of umkhusane, also
just a screen. See 77 umkhusane, or 74 ikhust same thing 79
inkongo (No. 1) 1 (a) mat put up lengthwise in a doorway to form a draught or
to screen from the smoke of a fire; (b) the wmtshotsho or Saturday night dance
of boys D. 2 screen or half-open door, general. 3 hut for dancing, Mp Bo
but unknown to many others 80 (11).
intendelezo 1 fence or wall forming enclosure; outer court D Mp Bh. 2 screen
for cooking Bo $81
isisitheliso screen, D. X only 82
umkhuselo (-khusa screen from) 1 nD. 2 screen, Bh. 3 screen for intonjane rites
only, TI. 4 not confirmed further 83
wgolonxa 1 recess, cupboard-like hole D. 2 shelf-like cavity built against wall,
also used as fowl’s nest (IT Mak) 84
wgwane 1 nD. 2 stick with hook for pulling things down, Mp. 3 hook suspended
from rafter, for hanging things from, Mp 85
wgonga 1 elevated place for storing fruit, corn, etc.; store, shelf D general, for
various purposes, as rack for sticks, firewood, platform on poles, built in
fields, for crop-watchers; rough bedstead of sticks made and used by healed
abakhwetha (Bo-Cook) 86 (109, 323, 505, 1025).
ithala 1 shelf or loft for storing provisions, D general. Such shelf may be a groove
in wall plaster, or wickerwork attached to it, or wicker door on poles, also in
lands 87 (533, 1095).
wxhayt 1 short jutting branch (on hut pillar) left for use as peg to hang things on
D X Mp Xes. 2 rack made of wood for suspending a gun D. 3 upright poles
of skin-dressing frame Bo Bh. 4 stirrer for medicines, twirled between palms
of hands, to stir medicines or for boys to stir up beestings Bo X Mp 88 (254,
1013).
umjingo 1 rope slung between poles for hanging clothes on; swing D X Bo T Bh.
2 swing, of children Xes Bh (From -jinga ‘hang, depend; swing backwards and
forwards; dangle’ D) 8g (1086).
ujingyjing’ same as umjingo swing etc. but this latter less common Bh go
umngando 1 nD. 2 rope in hut to hang things over Bh 1
umnqiwu 1 rod, bar, thong, on which curtains are hung D X Bo. 2 rack for
clothes Bo 92
umphanyiso 1 nD. 2 rope to hang clothes on Mp. 3 rope or poles to hang clothes
over Xes Bh. 4 rope suspended between poles in hut as swing for children
Mp Xes 93
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 6 5
Huts: Discussion
The earliest description available of a hut in the area now inhabited by the
Cape Neguni is by Perestrello in 1554. He describes as being usual among all
the people of the coast, ‘huts built with poles and thatched with dry grass, in
form and size like a baker’s oven’. This incomplete description is nearer to the
Cape Nguni style than the next one, by a survivor of the wreck St. Albert, in
1593. He saw huts ‘made of reed mats’ which could be taken down and moved to
another place—a description which fits the Hottentot type! of hut and does not
occur again in the literature for this area. The next description, a century and
a half later, and all subsequent early descriptions, are of the thatched beehive
hut (ungquphantsz; inqugwane (Mpo) ; inqugwale or ithungelo (Xes) ; or indlu_yempuku
(mouse’s house)) of which isolated examples might still be found as late as 1948
in out-of-the-way places, or as temporary dwellings or shelters (Pl. 5; Pl. 6:1).
A rough version of ungquphantsi is still used for the khwetha huts (Pl. 6:2, 3, 4),
but these and those erected merely as temporary shelters would not be as well
finished as those intended for any length of residence, though it has been
suggested that ungquphants: was itself most suitable for a people frequently on
the move.
The beehive hut gave way to the straight-walled type, which, like the
square hut, was first noted in the neighbourhood of mission stations in the
twenties of the last century. It was not until the end of the century, however,
that the new huts predominated. According to Scully the change was more
rapid among the northern than among the southern tribes, and the old huts
persisted longest probably among the Bomvana and the coastal Xhosa.
The main differences in the new huts are that the wall and roof are
separate, instead of being one curved dome, and that the hut and doorway are
higher by several feet. At first the walls were wattle and daub, then, as wood
became scarce, sods of turf, and later sundried box- or ‘Kimberley’ bricks or
stone were used. The earliest roofs were domed and thatched in the same way
as the beehive hut, then conical roofs began to be built, thatched either in the
old way or in the European way. In the language the round non-beehive huts
are classed in two sorts, according to the type of thatching; those thatched in the
old style are called zsithembiso (‘promise’, i.e. a makeshift, the intention being to
change the thatch later), and those with new style thatch, zrontawult. Amongst
the Xhosa near the coast, the Fingo near East London, the Bomvana, and the
Mpondo, isithembiso (Pl. 7:2) is the prevalent type although zrontawulti is gaining
ground; among the Xhosa away from the coast, the Thembu, and the immigrant
tribes in general, zrontawuli is by far the more common of the two (Pl. 8:1 & 2).
Where both are found together in the same homestead, izrontawuli, which costs
more to build, is the living-hut and istthembiso the kitchen- or store-hut. A local
variation seen in 1955 in the neighbourhood of East London and Peddie was a
1 Theal, History and Ethnography of Africa 1, p. 386: ‘From this description it is evident that
Luspance’s clan was of mixed Bantu and Hottentot blood, the former being greater in quantity
than the latter.’
66 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
hexagonal or sexagonal irontawuli type roof, sometimes made of corrugated iron.
Rectangular huts (uxande) of one or more rooms, although first mentioned
about the same time as the new round huts (c. 1824), have been slow in gaining
popularity (Pl. 8:3). (All those seen in 1948 were at chiefs’ and headmen’s
places, which is contrary to Soga’s statement in 1931 that the old beehive huts
were likely to be found at chiefs’ places, where the people are the most conserva-
tive). Oval huts were being used in 1963 by the Hlubi of Herschel, but these
are unusual. ‘They were recorded among the Xhosa in 1788 by Von Winkelman,
but no other author confirmed this.
A special variety of hut is the shelter (<phempe) built in the fields for the
people watching the ripening crops just before harvest. Early authors mention
its use by Xhosa and Mpondo, and it was used until recently by Thembu and
Mpondo. According to Barrow, living twigs were tied together for the frame-
work, but those seen in east Pondoland consisted of a simple wattled beehive
framework, three-quarters of an oval, the fourth quarter being open, roughly
covered with thatching grass (ikwame), tied on with bark or creeper stems
(Pl. 9:2). The watchers were concerned primarily with keeping the birds from
the ripening sorghum. Less of this is grown than formerly, so that there is less
need for the iphempe.
CONSTRUCTION
The construction of the huts is best understood by reference to the diagrams
(text-figs. 2-9). All round huts have this in common that when the site (2s1za)
has been levelled, a circle is drawn for the circumference with the aid of a piece
of rope tied to a peg in the centre of the floor space.
Ungquphantsi
The poles (istbonda) of the framework were planted in a single row in the
circle, about 30 cm apart, and leaving a space of about 60 cm for the door. The
poles were upwards of 3 m long and about 4 cm thick at the base. ‘The average
diameter of the circle was about 2,4 to 3,6 metres, but some were as much as 9m
Ata height of 120 to 150 cm from the ground the poles were bent over and bound
to their opposite numbers with monkey rope (umnxeba), bast or thongs, so as to
form a flattish dome, 150 to 240 cm high at the centre of the hut. Morgan states
that the diameter varied more than the height, so that the larger huts were very
flat on top. The manner of joining the poles to make the dome differed, and
there seem to have been three methods in this area. It seems impossible to
establish at this stage their distribution among the tribes, if there was in fact
a tribal distribution. There are increasingly few people alive who have ever
seen this type of dwelling-hut. Most informants described the rough version
used for the initiation schools. One method was to bring the poles to the centre
of the hut circle and bind them to their opposite numbers there (text-fig. 2).
In only one of the early authorities does the description evidently apply to this,
that of Bonatz for the Thembu, but several others for the Xhosa might be
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 67
Fig. 2
interpreted that way. Walton, however, believes that this was the Xhosa
method, and relates it to that of the Vundla of southern Basutoland who lived
among the Xhosa for some time (text-fig. 3). This method was confirmed to
him by modern Xhosa informants, and to us by one on the first visit, and
several on the second, but they were not old men. A second method was to
join only one pair of poles across the centre of the hut and to join the others in a
series of arches descending in size from the centre to the back and front (front
being the doorway) (text-fig. 4). Two early descriptions for the Xhosa evidently
apply to this method and several others might be so interpreted. It is the only
variety we have seen, and several modern informants confirmed it. It is the
same method as that of the Hottentot hut frame, which however differed from
it by being more open (i.e. made of fewer poles) and having no further filling in.
It is a more suitable method for larger huts, as it avoids congestion at the centre
of the roof. In these two methods other flexible poles were bound to the
arched frame horizontally and concentrically to make a criss-cross frame-
work. (Authorities differ as to whether this was done before or after bending
over for the dome.) The third method is to join the poles in arches as in the
second method, but in two directions, so as to obtain the criss-cross of the frame
from the original circle of poles which are, however, planted more closely. This
is the method used by Bomvana, Mpondo and possibly all eastern tribes, since
it is basically the method of Natal.
The dome of the second and third building style was supported by two sets
of rafters (umgadi and zmiqolo), the number of each depending on the size of the
68 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Se
di
LS CL
_-INTSIKA
ISIBONDA
"3 UMSELE
“SUMGUBAS|
Fig. 4
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 69
UMQADI
(MPO UMQOLO)
UMQOLO (MPO. IJAKO)
Fig. 5
hut, one set fixed at right angles across the other, and resting on two or more
wooden pillars (zntstka) irregularly placed in the centre of the floor (text-fig. 5).
The framework (uphahla) was strengthened by interlacing or binding to it
withies, reeds, or bundles of grass, until the fabric was fairly close. The inside
was then frequently, and by the Mpondo always, plastered (-tyabeka) as far as
the bend for the roof, with the usual mixture of mud (udaka) and dung,
smoothed over finally with liquid clay. Sometimes the outside was plastered too,
to a certain height (the dome of the roof was not plastered or the smoke would
not have been able to get out) before the whole was thatched down to the
ground with grass (zdobo, etc., etc.) tied on in bundles with monkey-rope or
bast, working from the top to the bottom. The thatch was held down on the out-
side with a criss-cross or network of plaited grass rope (umbeleso) or bark rope
or monkey-rope over the whole hut (text-fig. 6). The vertical cords went
from the centre top, down to the bottom where they were secured to the
70 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
vertical poles of the framework. The horizontal cords went round concentrically,
wrapping once round each vertical cord as they met it (Pl. 5:2). Those on a
level with the door were secured to the posts. According to Fleming, and to
Smith speaking of the Mpondo, the thatch was held on the outside with hori-
zontal rods—this certainly tallies with some of the early drawings and in East
Pondoland today many sewn-thatch roofs are secured with short sticks. A
trench (umsele) was dug round the outside of the hut to carry off rain-water.
According to Kay and Phillips, branches were sometimes thrown round the
circumference of the hut by Xhosa and Thembu, to prevent the cattle from
eating the straw. According to Hallbeck and Fritsch the Thembu used to
fasten their huts to mimosa bushes to prevent them from blowing away in the
strong winds.
Door
The doorway (umnyango) was only 60 to 120 cm high, so that one stooped
to enter, and 45 to 60 cm wide and was strengthened with extra posts at the
side and top (umgubasi and imiqgolo) bound closely with rope for strength. Among
the Bomvana the door-posts stuck out at the top like horns. The doorway was
closed by a wicker door (ucango) (Pl. 9: 3 & 4) woven of thin poles and creeper
stems or, according to Kawa, in Fingo huts, of reeds, or, according to Shaw
by a mat. Fingo and Mpondo doors were plastered with dung. Wicker doors
of chequer weave, and doubtless unchanged in style may still occasionally be
seen today. Warps and wefts are of tough creeper stems or thin withies. The
Vundla, however, use twigs for warps held together by three rows of twining
with rope. There is no adequate description of the fastening of the door (Shaw
says it was ‘merely tied with riems, or . . . green withs’), but judging by the
vocabulary it was probably held in position in the same way as wicker doors are
today, that is, by means of a thick pole put through a loop, usually a thong or a
plaited grass cord which is tied about the middle of the door. The door is
placed in position on the inside or outside of the doorway, and the pole fixed on
the other side (PI. 9:4).
Screens
It was customary to shelter the doorway either from within or without by
some form of screen. Beutler, who visited the Xhosa in 1752, speaks of ‘a high
wall of clay’ in front of the doorway, whether inside or outside is not clear.
Swellengrebel, a few years later mentions a wicker screen inside the door, but
most of the descriptions of Xhosa huts speak of a mat fixed diagonally from one
side of the doorway, screening the fire from the draught. This may be what
Brown refers to when he states that ‘in the better sort of hut a partition runs
from the one side more than half way across at the side where . . . the door is’ —
cutting off 3 ft from one side of the circle. He adds that the wife and children
sleep behind it. Fritsch (1865) describes a wicker screen like the door erected
inside the hut across the doorway, but a little distance from it, and adds that
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 71
occasionally a small enclosure was screened outside the doorway (PI. 10:2).
This latter was evidently a foreign practice brought with them by the Fingo
(text-fig. 7). It did not, however, become universal. Baines saw at Shiloh a
screen like the Ngwane screen of Natal. According to Kropf, the Fingo fenced
a courtyard in front of the door and often half-way round the house, while
Kawa states that the Fingo screen (ikhust) was behind the hut, and was
used for storing utensils, and there was ‘a little space also’ where calves and
lambs were fastened. According to Steedman the Mpondo doorway was
screened ‘by a rustic portal’; Smith calls it more explicitly a ‘wattled wall’,
which was placed just across the doorway on the inside.
=
Fig. 7. Plan of Fingo hut and enclosure (after Duff)
Floor
The floor (umgangatho) was laid 5 cm or more thick with pounded and
damped clay from anthills, which is very fine and sets very hard, and was then
smeared at regular intervals with fresh cow-dung to keep it clean and hard
(Pl. 9:1). According to Kawa the Fingo sloped it down towards the door.
Hearth
In the middle of the floor, between the roof pillars, generally in a line with
the door, but not necessarily dead centre, was the hearth (izzko), which was a
slight depression about 60 cm in diameter, surrounded by a wall of a few
centimetres high (Pl. 10:1). Lowndes speaks merely of ‘a large flat stone’ —
Alexander says that three stones supported the pots.
Apart from the differences in the framework, previously discussed, the
same form of beehive hut seems to have been made by all the Cape Nguni, but
according to such authors as comment, those of the Mpondo, Mbo and immi-
grant tribes, while rougher than the Zulu, were larger and more neatly made
than those of the Xhosa and Thembu, and because they were always plastered,
warmer. A slight variation in Mpondo and Mbo huts was that at about 90 cm
from the entrance the floor was raised and in the well so left near the entrance,
the calves were kept at night. (According to Matthiae small stock was taken
ISACHOPHO
72 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
into the huts at night by all the tribes.) Alberti speaks of a double hut, that is,
two huts with a passage between them where the children slept, as in use
among the tribes ‘at a greater distance from the borders of the Colony’. But
there is no indication which tribes these might be.
Tsithembiso
1. The first change from the beehive hut was to a round hut with ‘wattle
and daub’ walls. Poles about 120 to 210 cm high were planted in a circle and
side poles interlaced, chequer weave, to make a strong frame. The roof poles
were either incorporated in the wall, or fixed into the top of it, and bent
over either to the centre, or as arches, as before to form a flattish dome. Other
rods were tied at right angles to these, and the same support of rafters and pillars
from the floor was given as in the beehive huts. The walls were then plastered
thickly inside and out. This type of wall is still very commonly used in the east
of the area’ (1970) (Pl 12%) 1&7).
2. It was not long before the wattle frame was replaced by a wall built up
of sods of turf (zszsende) (Pl. 11:3) or of sun-dried clay box bricks (“Kimberley
bricks’) or, in the north, especially in Herschel, of roughly dressed or undressed
stone, the wall being as before plastered inside and out. In the Herschel district
mud is used as mortar to hold the stones. The roof poles were fastened into the
top of the wall to make a domed eaveless roof as before (text-fig. 8).
HIN SS: J
=> a. E>: a an ps =
mee a= “We
WS
UMQOBO
Fig. 8
UMSELE
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 73
3. The change to a pitched roof of conical shape on a strong eaved frame
is independent of the type of wall used, and the conical roof may have been
and still is used with any of the above-mentioned walls (Pl. 7:1 & 4). The
main rafters are fastened across the top of the wall, and meet at a point in the
centre (Pl. 12:1) where they are fastened to the the central pillar which is the
kingpost. This is still called zntscka and in some cases does rest on the floor, but
more often it is cut off 60 or go cm from the top. In either case there are generally
three or five struts from it to the rafters to give added support to the roof.
A method of erecting the roof frame, seen latterly in the Herschel district, was
to nail the two main rafters together on the ground, then haul them on to the
wall with ropes, and when they were in a vertical position to continue the
construction of the frame. The long straight poles that are required for this
type of roof are now almost exclusively supplied by pine and wattle saplings
grown in Government plantations and sold for that purpose. The rafters of
this type of roof are nailed in position (text-fig. 9).
INTSIKA
SS
mage cece
e325 TP aries.
5 Pony
ees ie
sy \iiAep gan
SENG <
Fig. 9
The roof of any of the above varieties was and is thatched in exactly the
same way as the bechive huts, from the top downwards. Stones are attached
to the free ends of the ropes of the network to hold them down until the hori-
zontal ropes have been fixed (Pl. 13:2), and the network has settled. The free
ends may then be tied to the roof frame, or to pegs from the top of the wall,
or, in the neater examples, fastened round a thick roll (wmgolo) of rope which
runs round the roof at a little distance from the edge of the thatch, and is
itself attached through the thatch to the frame or pegs (Pl. 7:2). A local variation
74 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
almost always seen in east Pondoland on this type of roof is for the thatch to be
held on the outside by pliable twigs stuck into the thatch in rows, each twig
overlapping the last (Pl. 7:1 & 4).
Trontawult
This, as previously noted, is primarily a change in style of thatching. In
istthembiso the whole grass is used and tied on in bundles. In zrontawuli the stems
are separated from the leaves and sewn on in the European manner with the
use of a needle and twined or plaited cord. Work proceeds from the bottom
upwards. Soga states that this type of thatching may be used on either type of
roof frame, but all that were seen were on the conical frame. While some
informants stated that it might be used with any type of wall, others, more
reasonably, stated that only the stronger wall would be able to bear the weight
(Pl. 8:1 & 2). Ata Mpondomise homestead near Tsolo a specialist thatcher was
seen using a thatching-comb (zdekspan) for smoothing the thatch. In order to
do the work he had a pole, suspended by ropes from the centre post of the hut,
on which to perch himself and move round while he worked.
The conical roof, whichever way it is thatched, should be completed by a
roof-crown (umngqwazt) at the peak, covering the projecting end of the kingpost.
It usually consists of clay plaster, decorated in some places by having white
stones or large white shells stuck in it (Pl. 13:1). Some people buy specially made
galvanised iron roof-crowns at the stores.
Modern modifications
Corrugated iron has been used for roofs for some years especially in the
Ciskei. Sometimes it is painted red or another colour. The shortage of thatch
grass has been suggested as a cause of this, but it seems rather to be simply a
modern trend. In fact a layer of thatch is generally put on first as insulation and
then covered with the iron.
In some of the modern huts there are small windows, but in many more
there are small square holes in the sides near the top of the wall—two or three
per hut. These are meant as windows for ventilation and they may be closed
by a wooden shutter on a swivel. They are, however, frequently kept closed and
thus hardly fulfil their purpose. Ventilation is moreover not as free in the solid-
walled, and particularly in the sewn-thatched huts, as it was in the beehives.
In the round huts there is a wooden frame (umgubasi) to the doorway
which is higher than the old type, but does not reach the top of the wall. Very
often a piece of wood is placed for the theshold (wmgqobo). Wicker doors may be
seen in the coastal districts though seldom elsewhere. It has been suggested
that they are retained at the coast where it is warmer, to let air into the hut, or
because material is available. They are the same as the old style, but a little
bigger to fit the bigger doorway. The modern style of door is an ordinary wooden
door, sometimes in one piece, sometimes the stable door type, hinged to the
door-post and fastened with a bolt and padlock.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 75
Enclosed yards though fairly recently abandoned are no longer seen, and
generally the only screens used now are mats or blankets, hung up to cut off
a portion of the hut for a special purpose, for example for the girl initiate to sit
behind for the period of her seclusion in the zntonjane hut; or for the bride to sit
behind for a little privacy during the wedding ceremonies; or, according to
Brownlee, in modern Fingo practice, to screen off a corpse so that anyone enter-
ing the hut will not be defiled. A recent modification of the old screen was seen
in Pondoland where a curved wicker screen like a door had been placed to
windward of an outdoor fire-place.
Floor and hearth (Pl. 10:1) are the same in the new huts as in the beehive
type. Finger patterns are seen in the smeared floors in Herschel. In fine weather
cooking is done outside (Pl. 10:3), and for inside cooking there is nowadays
usually a kitchen-hut, but all huts have their hearths for light and warmth.
The question of upkeep varies with the type of hut and the zeal of its
mistress. Floors should be smeared once a week. Walls should be replastered
and the old type of thatch repaired or renewed once a year in the autumn.
According to Tooke huts should last 15 to 20 years. According to Bizana
informants the huts only last five or six years and are not repaired because the
owners are quite keen to move further away and get new ground. ‘This seems
doubtful. According to Matthiae the plaster in the beehive huts was renewed
every month. This may have been due to the strain of the less substantial wall,
or merely to Matthiae’s imagination. The guest hut or strangers’ hut was said
always to be in poor condition because it was no one’s particular business to
look after it. |
Decoration
It is difficult to say how old is the habit of decorating the plaster of hut
walls. It is not mentioned by the earlier writers who gave such detailed descrip-
tions of the huts. Baines, however, saw patterns made by putting pumpkin
seeds in the wet clay and removing them when it was dry. Wangemann men-
tions seeing remains of painting on the inner walls of a Fingo hut of beehive
style; Nauhaus speaks both of patterns made in the actual plastering,
and of painting the walls; and Kropf says the Xhosa sometimes decorated the
plaster with yellow, red, and white pigment. Modern huts are very frequently
decorated on the outside with white or colour-wash, either as a frieze round the
top of the wall or as a band down each side of the door, or both. Plain bands
are the most common, but vandykes, scallops, and all sorts of patterns are seen
(PI. 8:2). No whitewash was seen in Bomvanaland in 1948, but a few huts had a
fresco slightly lighter in colour than the wall, and edged with coral colour. A
certain amount of whitewash was seen in east Pondoland, where its use is said to
be a matter of taste. The manner of putting on the plaster with the hands in fan-
like sweeps is often used to decorative effect, especially by the Hlubi of Qumbu,
Herschel and Matatiele. Nowadays some people use a fork to make the patterns.
Decoration of the inside of the walls does occur but much less frequently.
76 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
The decoration and proportions of the modern rondavel and the pitch of
the roof have combined to make a Transkeian type that is as characteristic in
style as the former grass hut—perhaps more so in that in the former style there
was a difference between those of the west and of the east.
In many places huts are seen ornamented with the skulls and horns of
cattle. According to MacDonald these might be the horns of any slaughtered
beast, but according to Soga and to a Mpondo informant in the Bizana
district these are all skulls of beasts that have been slaughtered as a sacrifice
for some member of the family of that hut, while skulls of beasts slaughtered
for the head of the homestead are placed on or near the gate of the kraal. Cook
records the same practice among the Bomvana, but the emphasis is on decora-
tion, although the skulls are those of sacrificed animals. Mpondo do the same
occasionally, according to Kidd for ornament or against lightning, according
to Hunter ‘because it is the custom’.
PLAN
The parts of the hut are differentiated as follows (text-fig. 10): the hearth
(zziko) ; the portion behind it and opposite the door (which is reserved for, from
ILINTLA
INTSIKA INTSIKA
IGUMBI
IGUMBI
UMNYANGO
Fig. 10
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 77
left to right, the master of the hut, the beer pots and the mistress of the hut)
(lintla) ; the sides where people sit or sleep (esz/zlz) ; and the portion to right and
left of the entrance where guests sit (7gwmbi). In modern huts the left hand
(zgumb1) often has a clay seat (isichopho) built into the wall. Women keep to the
right side of the hut, and the men and calves, if they are brought in, to the left.
For added convenience inside the hut, ropes (umjingo, umnqiwu, umphanyiso)
were and still are suspended from the roof or between two poles to hang clothes
on or to support a wooden rack or pair of hooks for storing weapons etc., and
are also used, according to most informants, to swing babies on. A shelf (zthala)
of plaster, sticks and rope, might also be built into the plastered part of beehive
huts, and a variety of shelves, one of which might be a fowl’s nest, 1s seen in the
walls of modern huts. In the clay walled huts there is often round the inside a
raised skirting, on which pots stand.
Builders
There seems to be some difference of opinion amongst early authorities
as to who was responsible for building the huts (estimated at about three days’
work). Some state quite definitely that it was entirely women’s work. (Von
Winkelman, Alberti and Smith, all careful observers, belong to these as does
Van der Kemp.) The majority of observers of the last century, however, say
that the men cut the poles for the frame, planted them in position and made the
wicker door, and that the women did the rest. Kidd, at the beginning of thi
century, found that Mpondo men built the whole frame for the wattle and
daub huts and left the women to thatch and plaster. Bomvana informants
stated that men prepared the clay for the women to plaster. Hunter confirms
that women do old sewn (isithembiso type) thatching and plastering, in addition
to cutting the grass, and helping to make Kimberley bricks, but men cut sods
and build with sods or bricks, and do the new sewn thatch. They make the
roof frame too. According to Hammond-Tooke, Bhaca women do the old type
thatching, while men, often specialists who travel from place to place, do the
new style thatching. Nowadays in west Pondoland specialists are often called
in for any or all of the stages of the work—women being rewarded with a
beer-party and men in cash. In the Herschel district a number of people
gather to collect stone for a new hut. Food and beer are provided by its owner,
as he does for the thatching party.
Except in larger size and better workmanship, there has never been any
difference between the huts of the chiefs and those of their subjects. The hut
of any head of a homestead is generally larger than the others.
ABANDONMENT OF HUTS
The practice of abandoning huts and homesteads if a death occurred in
them or they were struck by lightning was universal at the time of the earliest
travellers, but it has been modified partly as the result of missionary teaching
and partly to suit the decreasing availability of land. Up to the beginning of
78 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
the nineteenth century it was reported that the whole homestead was abandoned
in either contingency, unless the death was of a very young child. The first
modification was that if the death was of anyone except the owner of the
homestead, merely the hut in which it took place was burnt. According to
Thompson, the hut of the deceased, even if he had not died in it, was closed up
and never used again. Similarly after about the middle of the century only a
hut that had been struck by lightning was abandoned, after being doctored, or
destroyed or fenced off. ‘Towards the end of the century, the homestead ceased
to be abandoned on the death of the owner, and only his own hut was destroyed.
The Thembu had a variation in practice whereby a widower stayed in the hut
of a dead wife for about a month, while a new one was built. The old one was
then abandoned. Materials from a hut that had been abandoned or destroyed
were not used again. These practices continued until lately, but by 1948,
according to our informants, a death in it was no longer a reason for abandoning
a hut. It might be left for a space and then replastered and used again. A hut
struck by lightning, however, if not destroyed outright, should be doctored
before being used again.
KRAALS: SOURCES
1593 Lavanha p. 235 Umtata R: description
‘...das casas, as quaes cerca6 de huma sebe, e dentro della recolhem o seo
gado.’
(p. 294 “They surround the huts with a hedge, within which they keep the
cattle.’)
1782 Carter p. 29 general: definition
‘A Kraal is a plot of ground within a ring fence, into which the natives of this
country, every evening, drive their cattle, in order to preserve them from the
attacks of the wild beasts.’
1788 Von Winkelman p. 74 Xhosa: description
‘Diese [ihre Vieh-Kraale] liegen meistens dicht an ihren Wohnungen, und
sind so wohl mit griinen als mit diirren Biischen rund und hoch umgeben.’
1800 Van der Kemp p. 437 Xhosa: kraals
‘In the centre of the kraal there is a large circular area, fenced by trees, cut
down and laid in the manner of abbatis. Into this beast kraal, all the cattle
belonging to the kraal are driven at evening and milked. . . . Besides the
beast kraal, they have a smaller one in which they lock up the calves, which
they night and day keep separated from the cows, except at the time of
milking.’
1803 Howen ‘Three paintings Xhosa: kraals
1802-6 Alberti pp. 106, 129, 204
p. 106 Xhosa: kraal
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 79
p- 129 Xhosa: kraal as law court
‘... en eindelijk tot véér het Opperhoofd der Horde gevoerd, die zich met
zijn Gevolg tot dit einde in den Rechtsban geplaatst heeft. De Rechtsban,
of Veedrift, is de plaats, alwaar het Opperhoofd doorgaans zijne zittingen en
beraadslagingen houdt. Dezelve is ten dezen opzigte, in zekeren zin, eene
gewijde plaats, welke door de vrouwelijke Kunne niet anders, dan in dit geval
alleen, of wel op eene voorafgaande stellige uitnoodiging, mag betreden
worden.’
Pp. 204 Xhosa: as chief’s grave
‘Een stervend Opperhoofd blijft in zijne hut liggen, tot dat hij wezenlijk
dood is. Alsdan wordt het lijk in eenen mantel gewonden, en door zijne
Beambten in het midden van den Rechtsban of Veedrift begraven. Terstond
drijft men in deze plaats een aantal Ossen, die zoo lang in gedurige beweging
worden gehouden, totdat de eigenlijke grafplaats van de overige oppervlakte
niet meer te onderscheiden is. Ook deze Ossen, als onrein geschat, ontgaan
daardoor hun gewone lot van slachtinge.’
1827 Hallbeck & Fritsch pp. 305, 308 Thembu: functions of kraal
p. 308 Thembu: court in kraal
“They directed us to the beast kraal. Here all the men were seated in a semi-
circle, fifteen or sixteen in number, upon the dunghill as above described.
Bowana occupied the middlemost seat . . . Though we were unacquainted
with the ceremonies of a formal visit . . . yet we were soon made aware, that
this was meant to be a state audience.’
1825-29 Kay pp. 119, 129, 195 Xhosa: importance, construction,
abandonment.
p. 129 Xhosa: construction
“The erection of cattle-folds likewise constitutes a part of the men’s employ.
These, however, being of the most simple description, require no great pains
or labour. They seldom consist of anything more than a quantity of thorns,
placed so as to form a circular hedge, the vacancies and openings in which
are carefully filled up with smaller branches. These enclosures are sometimes
made with posts and boughs closely woven together as a kind of lattice-work;
and when the colder season sets in, every breach and interstice is filled up,
lest the wintry blast should destroy any of their flock. As they are absolutely
obliged to collect and bring home the cattle every night, in order to preserve
them from wolves and other beasts of prey, every man is extremely anxious
that his herd should lie as dry and as warm as possible; and considerable
judgment is generally evinced in their choice of situations for this purpose.
With this view, the sloping sides of hills, facing the rising sun, are invariably
preferred as places of residence. But there is, moreover, another reason for
their making the ubuhlanti as comfortable as possible: like the bantang of the
Mandingo tribes in Western Africa, it is invariably made the place of general
resort and concourse.’
80 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p- 195 Xhosa: abandonment on owner’s death
‘His herd is moved to another fold, and the old one is wholly deserted. The
posts and branches of which it is constructed are left to decay upon the spot,
no one daring to use a single stick for any purpose whatever.’
1833 Morgan p. 34 Xhosa: made by men
Nothing more.
1834 Bonatz p. 308 Thembu: description
‘Between the huts are the kraals, or enclosures for cattle, the fences of which
are constructed of stems and branches of acacia thrown loosely together,
and to the height of a few feet. This tree, the well-known acacia capensis . . . is
found growing abundantly on the neighbouring mountains. A kraal, Hike
that described, has the appearance of a hedge, the trees of which are all
dead. As the wood soon becomes the prey of worms, and the fence is thus
gradually destroyed, the cattle often break loose in the night, and trespass
upon the gardens, whereby much mischief ensues. Even in their best state, the
kraals afford a miserable shelter, and the cattle suffer much from the violent
rains and high winds. On this account the Tambookies are accustomed,
when the winter sets in, to retire with their cattle into the narrow mountain
glens, where they meet with better protection from the inclemency of the
weather.’
1835 Alexander I p. 393 Xhosa: construction
Nothing more.
(1836) Martin pp. 155, 158 Thembu: calf-kraal, description
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw p. 410 Xhosa: description, placing
Nothing more.
1838-54 Schultheiss p. 8 Xhosa, Fingo: materials
‘Dicht vor den Hausern steht der runde Viehkraal, bei den verschiedenen
Kafferstammen verschieden aufgefiihrt. Die Kosas machen ihn aus den
Zweigen der Mimosen und anderer Baume, die sie zu einer dichten Hecke
zusammenflechten; die Fingus bauen dazu aus Rasenstiicken eine ring-
formige Mauer...’
1845-48 Munro I p. 65 Xhosa: description
Nothing more. :
1850 C.B. (? Charles Bell) Sketches Kafir: kraal
(1856) Fleming p. 222 general: mention
Nothing more.
(1858) Maclean p. 150 Xhosa: removal
‘On the death of the head man of a kraal, there is seldom a removal, as it is
not considered necessary. A new cattle kraal only is made, so that its back
occupies the gate of the old one, and all the huts continue to be occupied,
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 81
with the exception of the one in which the deceased lived. The shifting of
kraals becomes necessary, independently of deaths, from the accumulation
of dung; but it is not often that an entire removal takes place, except the old
kraal is considered unhealthy, and the cornfields become unproductive, from
having many years been cropped without manure.’
1863-6 Fritsch pp. 78, 86 general: materials, importance
p. 78 ‘In Gegenden, wo Baumwuchs fehlt, pflegt man die Einfriedigung
von Steinen oder Rasenstiicken aufzubauen. Als ein wie integrirender
Bestandtheil die Viehhiirde fiir die ganze Niederlassung betrachtet wird,
geht schon daraus hervor, dass man den dafiir erfundenen Namen ,,-Kraal-”’
allgemein ohne Weiteres fiir e1nen Wohnplatz der Eingeborenen braucht.’
1845-89 Kropf pp. 98, 147 Xhosa: mention, men’s work
Nothing more.
(1887) Matthiae p. 13 Xhosa: materials
Nothing more.
(1901) Scully pp. 43, 44, 45 Hlubi: description, uses
p. 43 ‘In the centre of the ledge stands the cattle enclosure, formed of
upright poles stuck into the ground, if there be any forests in the neighbour-
hood; otherwise, built of stone to a height of nearly five feet.’
p- 45 Hlubi: importance of gate
Nothing more.
(1902) Eve p. 130 general: death of owner
‘If the head of a kraal dies . . . his burial . . . in every case takes place at the
entrance of the kraal opening. That opening is then blocked up, and from
that time onwards another opening into the cattle kraal must be made and
used.’
(1915) Kropf-Godfrey p. 27 Xhosa: calf-kraal sanctuary
istbaya—calf-fold ‘(the calves’ fold of a chief is held sacred as a place of
refuge for culprits)’.
(1926) Miiller pp. 36, 38
p- 36 Hlubi: importance of kraal
Nothing more
p- 38 Hlubi: shape
‘Baut er sein eigenes Haus immer rund, so ist es merkwiirdig, dass die Kraale
fir das Vieh immer viereckig errichtet werden, mit einem kleinen abge-
schlossenen Raum fiir die Kalber.
Das Melken ist die Arbeit des Mannes, keiner Frau wird das anvertraut.
Schon ganz kleine Jungen verstehen sich gut darauf.’
1926 Vogel p. 360 Xhosa: gatherings in kraal
Nothing more.
82 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1927) Poto Ndamase pp. 117-18 Mpondo: description
Nothing more.
(1929) Kawa pp. 79-80 Fingo: mention
Nothing more.
(1931) Cook pp. go, 91 Bomvana: at death
p- 90 Bomvana: burial of headman
‘In the case of the head of the kraal his grave is always dug just outside the
cattle-kraal gate on the left-hand side looking from the inside of the kraal.’
mp OL Bomvana: at owner’s death
‘If the huts have been burnt, as was the old custom and which is followed by
a few to this day, the cattle-kraal is moved so that the grave now comes at the
back of the new kraal. The gate posts and a few poles on either side of the
old gateway are always left while some people leave the entire kraal and make
the new kraal of entirely new material if it is any distance away. The remains
of the old kraal are left to rot and may not be used for any purpose. Trees
which grow up on an old kraal site may not be touched for firewood or any
other purpose. When the huts are not burnt the kraal is not moved and all
that is done is to make a new gateway.’
1932b Hunter p. 65 Mpondo: uses
‘Stock is enclosed at night in circular stockades, or kraals, built within the
semicircle of huts. Usually there are two kraals, one for cattle and one for
calves, goats and sheep. Where wild animals are troublesome a small enclo-
sure is also made for hens. Usually cattle are driven out in the morning as
soon as the dew is off the grass and brought back at noon to be milked, but
there is no zszko (custom) prescribing the time for milking, and some milk
before taking the cattle to pasture in the morning and again at night.’
‘New-born calves are often brought into the great hut and tied against the
wall on the men’s side that they may have warmth and shelter.’
(1939) Duggan-Cronin Pl. 34 & legend Thembu: stone kraal
Nothing more.
1945 Makalima chap. 5 para. 20, 21, 22, 23
chap. 9 para. 14
Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: situation, behaviour towards, description
chap. 5 para. 20 : description, doctoring
Ubuhlanti benkomo: Ubuhlanti bakhiwa phambi kwezindlu, buthi qelele
kancinci. Bakhiwa ngamatye kungenjalo ngamahlahla. Kwembiwa imi-
ngxunya kufakwe amahlahla kubiywe. Isango livalwa ngemi valo, imithi
enqunyuleziswa apha esangweni. Ubuhlanti buyanyangwa kubizwe igqira,
elithi liqumisele inkomo zande, kungangeni zinto zimbi. Lomthi umbelwayo
kuthiwa lihlengezi.
[‘ The cattle-kraal: The cattle-kraal is built in front of the huts, a little distance
away. It is built either with stones or branches. Holes are dug and the
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 83
branches are planted in them to make the fence. The gate is closed with
wooden bars (umvalo) placed across the gate. A doctor is called to come and
doctor the cattle-kraal, he raises columns of smoke amongst the cattle so that
they may increase. He also doctors the kraal to keep evil things out. The
medicine which is buried there is called (zhlengezz).|
1949 Hammond-Tooke pp. 77-8 Bhaca: ceremonial kraal
‘A short time before the start of the ritual men are sent by the chief into the
forests and river valleys to cut bush for a special cattle kraal to be erected
near the Great Place. It is circular in shape, constructed entirely of brush-
wood and is called isibaya sengcube (the cattle kraal of ingcube). It is round this
kraal that the pageant of the first fruit ceremony is centred.’
1949-55 6 Hammond-Tooke p. 54 Bhaca: kraal
“‘Homesteads average 3—4 huts, built in a straight line facing a square cattle
kraal of brushwood or aloes. The traditional circular cattle kraal with a semi-
circle of huts is no longer seen.’
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke p. 21 Bhaca: kraals
‘Practically every homestead has its cattle byres (itibaya), usually square in
shape and made of closely planted aloes or brushwood, and often a smaller
kraal for sheep and goats abuts on it. Calves, while still small, are often
tethered in a ruined hut or even brought into the great hut at night for
warmth.’
KRAALS: TERMS
ubuhlanti 1 cattle-fold D general except Bh, less usual Mp and Xes. This is an
unusual kind of word, in respect of both noun-class and stem. The latter
seems unrelated to anything in Xhosa or other languages, and its etymology
is obscure 94
istbaya 1 fold for sheep or calves; fold for Kafircorn before it is thrashed out D.
2 this first meaning is general except that Bh Mp Mpm and Xes use the word
for any cattle kraal, asin Zulu 95 (330).
uthango 1 fence or hedge, D general, hence 2 cattle kraal, or for small stock,
except pigs, general 96 (20).
isango 1 opening or entrance to cattle-kraal; gateway, D first meaning general.
2 loop, noose, as of slipknot; any bend ona line, general 97 (490).
wxhanit 1 forked bough or branch of a tree, D. 2 post with forks at the entrance
of the cattle-fold, into which the zmivalo (bars) are fastened, D X Bo T Mp
(though also zbhoxo, Mp). 3 tree whose branches are cut short, so that it can
be used as a ladder, D 98 (110).
tbhoxo 1 nD. 2 gatepost of cattle-kraal Mp Xes Bh gg
umvalo (-vala “Close’) cross-bar for closing the cattle-kraal D general 100
84 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
KRAAtS: DiIscussION
The cattle-kraal (ubuhlanti, isibaya), an enclosure in which cattle are kept
at night for safety and some shelter, was, and among the western tribes still is,
the centre of every homestead, spiritually as well as physically. It is situated in
front of the huts, within the circle or semi-circle if they are still so arranged, and
its requirements often determine the choice of the homestead site. The earliest
description (1593) of the whole homestead being fenced, and the cattle kept
inside the fence, but not otherwise kraaled, is not typical of the Cape Nguni,
and the people mentioned, if, as it seems from the description, they were not
Hottentots, must have been strongly influenced by them.
The traditional form was circular, but nowadays an increasing number of
square kraals is seen. ‘The Hlubi and Bhaca always build them square and
at least half the inland dwelling people do so too. The original type of enclosure
was a heavy wattled fence (uthango) about 150 cm high, of poles and
boughs, green or dry, or of tightly packed thorn and brushwood, sometimes
lashed together with thongs or ropes. Both these types are to be seen today in the
woody districts near the coast where they are the most common form (PI. 13:3;
Pl. 14:1 & 2). The fence may be a single row of poles planted closely, or a
single wattled fence, or a double row of poles with the space between filled with
brushwood, or it may be entirely of brushwood. By the middle of the last cen-
tury, stone or sod walls were being used by the Fingo, and stone walls or agave
hedges are the most common among all the inland tribes now (Pl. 15:1 & 5),
whether it is wooded country or not. A local variety seen in Thembuland had
stone walls with aloes planted on top. The Bhaca still use brushwood a good deal.
In all cases, however, the gateway (isango) (Pl. 14:3) consists of two pairs of
heavy forked wooden gateposts (ixhanti, ibhoxo) closed by crossbars (zmivalo)
(Pl. 15:4). In Pondoland a wicker door (uhlango) might be used as well (Pl. 15:3).
Kraals (isibaya) for calves and small stock may be built against the cattle-
kraal fence, or separately elsewhere in the homestead. In Thembuland many
stone kraals had a wooden enclosure at the side for small stock. In the early days
calves and small stock were, among the eastern tribes, taken into the huts at
night, and this is still done occasionally for the new-born.
Kraals should be well sited facing the morning sun. They are built by the
men, whose domain they are. When completed they are doctored and at a
headman’s homestead a beast would be slaughtered for the councillors. Wood
from an old kraal would not be used for firewood, but a branch might be taken
from a kraal in use to start the fire for a beast slaughtered from it. The cattle-
kraal is the place where milking, slaughtering and skinning are done and
ceremonies take place. Cattle are driven in for the evening milking, and led
out again after the following morning milking.
In strict households women do not enter the kraal except on specific
ceremonial occasions, when the head of the homestead takes up his position
there. In the last century, according to several authors, not only was the kraal
the meeting place for men, but also it was the custom for Xhosa chiefs to
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 85
receive distinguished visitors and to hold court in the cattle-kraal, while the
plaintiffs waited their turn at or in the calf-kraal. According to Kropf or
possibly Godfrey the Xhosa chief’s calf-kraal was a sanctuary for culprits.
Modern informants do not know these customs and nowadays courts and other
gatherings are held just outside and to the left (back towards) of the gate
(Pl. 4:1 & 2). Very often the fence is higher and thicker at that part.
Today in east Pondoland and East Griqualand where, as previously
mentioned, cattle are often kept away from the owner’s homestead, many
homesteads have no kraal at all. In this case the znkundla is the place for cere-
monial, and if a sacrifice has to be made, the beast is fetched to the homestead
and slaughtered on the inkundla. Mpondomise informants said that a mock-
kraal would be marked out with stones. Mock kraals for the same purpose are
made in betterment areas. Similarly the Bhaca make a ritual kraal for the
ingcubhe ceremony.
Chiefs used to be buried in the cattle-kraal, which thereafter was used only
for a small mourning herd of cattle. When the head of a homestead died, he was
buried just outside the entrance of the kraal, and if the homestead was not
abandoned, a new kraal was built backing on the old one. In the former case
the materials of the old kraal were allowed to rot, and were not used again for
any purpose. In later years the owner of a homestead was buried at the gate
and only a new gateway made, and this is still so in many places. Mpondomise
informants stated that where there was no kraal, the head would be buried at
the side of an imaginary kraal, and later on if the son built a kraal he would
place it so that his father’s grave was in the right place. Today kraals are moved
within the homestead only for the utilitarian reasons that have always necessitated
a move, for example if there is too great an accummulation of dung, or the
grain-pit has ceased to be fit for use.
GRANARIES: SOURCES
1686-8 (Stavenisse) p. 66 | Xhosa: preservation in pits
‘Hun koorn bergen sij in onderaardse kuijlen alwaar’t seer veel jaaren goed
en voor den calander bevrijd blijvd.’
1686-8 (Stavenisse) quoted by Bird p. 46 Xhosa: preservation in pits
Same as above.
1686-8 (Stavenisse) quoted by Sutherland p. 315 Xhosa: preservation
in pits
Same as above.
1800 Van der Kemp p. 437 Xhosa: use and opening of pits
‘In the middle of this beast kraal each family has its corn magazine, which
is a pit digged pretty deep in the ground; in this pit the corn lays on the bare
ground but is covered with the straw of the corn, and this again by cow
dung, the rest is filled up with earth taken from the kraal; in these pits the
86 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
corn remains dry, as the cow dung keeps out the rain, and sucks in the
moisture. Every one knows his own pit, though there is no mark upon it;
when the pit is opened for the first time after the harvest, the proprietor gives
a basket full of it to every family in the kraal, and a somewhat larger portion
to the Captain.’
1802-6 Alberti p. 114 Xhosa: description of pit
‘Eindelijk, graaft men in den stal eenen ronden kuil, die van onderen veel
wijder dan van boven is; men maakt de wanden rondom hard door het vuur,
dat men eenen geruimen tijd daarin aan den gang houdt, werpt de gierst
daarin ter bewaringe, en bedekt dezen voorraad-kelder eerst met droog gras,
en daarna met eenen grooten platten steen, die eindelijk met mest van
rondom wordt digt gemaakt. Boekweit en tabak worden na den oogst in de
hut zelve opgehangen en alzoo tot op het oogenblik van derzelver gebruik
bewaard.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein p. 448 Xhosa: description of pit
Nothing more.
1813 Campbell p. 370 Xhosa: description and discussion of pit
Nothing more.
1821-4 ‘Thompson II p. 360-1 Xhosa: construction and opening
of pit, seed grain
‘The Caffers preserve their corn in magazines contrived in the following
manner.—A pit is dug in the cattle kraal, little more than a foot in diameter
at the entrance, but gradually widening to the bottom; and the sides are
plastered with a mixture of sand and cow-dung. Being filled to the mouth
with grain, the orifice is closed with a flat stone, and so secured that no water
can penetrate. These magazines hold from ten to twenty-eight bushels; and
this being a quantity inconvenient for a family to dispose of when the store
is opened, they are in the habit of lending to one another in rotation. The
grain kept in these pits, being entirely excluded from the air, soon loses the
power of germinating; and therefore what is intended for seed is reserved
in the ear, and hung up in their huts till required.’
1824-5 Smith p. 117 Xhosa: pits
Nothing more.
1820-31 Steedman I p. 263, II p. 261
I p. 263 general: description of pits
Nothing more.
Li p26 Tshomane: grain pit
Nothing more.
1824-8 Smith p. 167 Mpondo: granary
‘Each house has a granary which is raised on poles like the Zola shield houses,
and this is sometimes enclosed at other times without enclosure.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 87
1827 Hallbeck & Fritsch p. 305 Thembu: grain-pits
‘Under the kraal, the Caffre corn is deposited in pits.’
1825-9 Kay pp. 145-6
Pp. 145 Xhosa: description and safety of pits
‘It is worthy of remark, that, although these subteranean store-houses
are frequently exposed, and the kraal in which they are made sometimes
deserted for weeks and months together, an instance rarely or never occurs
of one being broken open...’
p- 146 Xhosa: granary
‘Another contrivance is resorted to for the preservation of a part of their
produce. The imbeo (seed) and incuba, or tobacco, are not unfrequently stowed
away in a kind of upper store, called the zxanti. ‘This place has somewhat the
appearance of a hut perched upon bare poles, six or eight feet high. The
latter are firmly fixed in the ground; and upon their upper extremities rests
a sort of platform, made of sticks placed transversely, and covered with mats.
On this is raised a slight frame, which is thatched in the same way as their
houses. ‘Che whole structure is altogether detached from the other buildings,
and is characterised by its singularity rather than by either its safety or
utility. The stranger, on first viewing it, would in all probability conclude
that it was either a pigeon-cot or a poultry-roost.’
1829 Bain p. 100 Tshomane: grain-pit
“When at the Kraal in the afternoon I had an opportunity of seeing them
bury their corn. Perceiving some of them digging in the centre of the Kraal, I
had the curiosity to look at them & found them lifting a large flat stone which
on being removed presented to my view a Caffre granary in all its glory. It
was a hollow cavity formed, as I said before, in the centre of the cattle craal
& was capable of containing from 8 to 10 muids, but of the old corn there
only remained about a peck which was swimming in urine and dung water
which had found its way from the craal above. The stench on lifting the stone
acted nearly as an emetic would have done on me, but the Caffres seemed to
enjoy it extremely and several baskets of fresh corn were immediately thrown
into the pit without its being cleaned out, altho’ it was very mouldy all
round. When the corn is all deposited into this elegant store they are not so
lavish with their bread as at this season while the crops stand ripe in the fields.’
(1833) Morgan p. 34 Xhosa: drying on racks, storing in pits, safety
‘When it is ripe enough to be gathered, they cut off the heads, and either
hang them up in their huts or place them on a frame raised some height from
the ground to secure it from the depredations of vermin and cattle. After it
has been kept some time in this manner, they beat the grain out, and put it
into small holes prepared for that purpose in the centre of their cattle-kraal;
each hole is capable of containing about two sacksful. On the top they throw
a quantity of the stalks to absorb any moisture that may happen to penetrate
through the earth and the manure that is placed over the stone covering the
88 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
entrance. These granaries are opened only at particular times. Corn so
secured will keep sweet and good for a great length of time, though if the
season has been wet and it is stowed away a little damp, it sweats and becomes
sour, which is not thought of much consequence to their taste.’
1834-5 Godlonton p. 228 Xhosa: description of pit
Nothing more.
1835 Alexander I p. 394 Xhosa: use of pits
“They preserve their corn in conical magazines under their cattle-kraals;
except their seed-corn, which is hung up in the air that the germination may
not be destroyed.’
1820-56 Shaw fp. 400 fig., p. 419
fig., fp. 400 Thembu: granary
p- 419 Xhosa: description of pit
Nothing more.
1839 Backhouse pp. 235, 236 Xhosa: description of storage
Pp. 239 Xhosa: pit
Nothing more.
p. 236 Xhosa: granary
‘Near the hut, a sort of safe is sometimes erected, for the preservation of
pumpkins, and in which Indian-corn is also occasionally stored. It is made
of sticks interwoven in beehive form, and plastered with cow-dung, and is
placed on stakes about four feet high, to protect the contents from damp, and
from insects, and other vermin.’
1836-44 Dohne pp. 9, 73 Xhosa: preservation in pits
Nothing more.
1848-52 Baines (Oppen.) Vol. III No. 1, Xhosa: granary, platform,
Vol. XIX No. 22, Vol. XXI, No. 35 grain-pit
Sketches.
1849 Baines pp. 154, 162 Xhosa: granary
p. 154 ‘The Chief was from home at the time, but a young scion of nobility
whose acquaintance I had made at the kraal of Sandilli thrusting forth his
head from the aperture of a little beehive hut elevated upon poles seven or
eight feet in height and originally, I believe, intended for a granary, leaped
down from his rather confined dormitory... ’
p. 162 ‘Near one side of the hut stood a small provision locker resembling
a beehive, supported by poles three or four feet in height, and here, as
well as in the Amatola, similar but larger structures were erected in the
open air.’
1851) Walker PI. eneral: granar
5 37 g g »,
Figure.
—
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 89
1851 Baines II p. 274 Xhosa: grain-pit
‘ ... the Fingoes, sounding the earth of the cattle kraal with their iron
ramrods, not infrequently struck upon the stones covering the well-clayed
holes in which the Indian or Kafir corn was stored. Most of the grain was
spoiled by damp and smelled intolerably, nevertheless the little that was good
was separated [and] was greedily devoured.’
te50 Bell, Il p..45 Thembu: grain-pits
Nothing more.
1851-55 Graham & Robinson PI. 16 Xhosa: granary
Figure. (Pl. 17:1)
(1858) Maclean (quoting Ayliff) pp. 152-3 Xhosa: description of pit
p- 153 ‘The pits are formed in the following manner: a circular hole about
two feet in diameter is dug to the depth of about one foot; from the bottom
of this, another hole of about half its size is dug, and about one foot deep, or
until a firm soil is reached, when it abruptly widens and the real corn pit or
“Tsisele’’ is formed. The size of this depends upon the probable quantity of
corn required to be stored, but it is occasionally as large as six feet deep, and
the same in diameter.
On the shelf formed by the second opening, being smaller than the
first, a flat stone is placed, which is completely covered with wet clay, and
this is again covered with the kraal soil on which the cattle sleep, and then
left without any mark to indicate the spot; but it is suprising to see the uner-
ring accuracy with which a man will determine its presence, and any doubt
which may exist on the subject is quickly removed by stamping with the foot
on the suspected spot, when the hollow sound emitted decides the case.
During the war, the plan resorted to for determining the case, was, to
force a ramrod down, on any suspected spot, until a stone was struck. This
was soon dug down to, turned up, and the pit speedily emptied of its contents.
The corn is used either boiled whole, or reduced to flour, and then made
into porridge, or into cakes which are baked in the ashes.’
1863-6 Fritsch p. 89 general: position of pits
Nothing more.
1845-89 Kropf pp. 100, 107-8 Xhosa: preservation in pits
Nothing more.
1876 Weitz p. 327 Hlubi: grain-racks, baskets
‘In the huts of the Kaffirs we noticed very peculiar receptacles made of clay
hanging from the walls, after the fashion of swallows’ nests, in which the
Kaffirs keep corn and maize. Huge baskets are generally used for this purpose,
capable of containing six or more sacks of corn. The top is closed with round
stones.’
1877-8 Norbury p. 7 Xhosa: description of pits, storage of seed
*... [he seed mealies are stored in these pits still adherent to the cobs.’
go ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1887) Matthiae p. 13 Xhosa: pit also powder magazine
‘Gewohnlich steht das in einem Kreise gebaute Dorf auf einer Anhéhe, deren
Grund ausgehohlt ist und als Speicher fiir Gartenprodukte und als Pulver-
kammer gebraucht wird.’
(1925) Cingo p. 74 Mpondo: store-hut
“The store hut (znyango) was a separate one where maize, kaffir corn and beer
belonging to the head of the kraal were kept.’
(1926) Miller p. 42 Hlubi: description, capacity, of grain-bin
‘Ist die Herstellung der bisher genannten Flechtarbeiten aus Gras ausschliess-
lich Frauen- und Madchensache, so gibt es nun noch einen Haushalts-
gegenstand, den nur die Manner flechten. Es sind hohe, dichte Kérbe,
manchmal so hoch wie das kleine Vorratshaus, die sie in allem Wetter
draussen stehen haben, denn es kommt kein Tropfen Regen hindurch. In
ihnen bewahren sie ihren Mais und ihr Kafferkorn auf. Sie sind auf allen
Seiten geschlossen, auch oben mit angeflochtenem Deckel versehen, und
so dicht, dass auch Insekten und Wirmer nicht an den Inhalt herankénnen.
Ich glaube, sie sind sogar luftdicht. Hat der Mais, der solchem Korbe ent-
nommen wird, doch noch Wiirmer, so sind sie jedenfalls nicht von aussen
hereingekommen, sondern haben sich im feucht eingefiillten Korn von
selbst gebildet. Manche Kaffern haben vier bis sechs solcher Maiskeller auf
ihrem Platze stehen, manche noch mehr. In jeden gehen, wenn ich nicht
irre, drei bis vier Sack Mais, das sind 600 bis 800 englische Pfund. Als ich
einmal, im Anfang unserer Tatigkeit in Bethesda, den alten pockennarbigen
Hauptling Bubesi besuchte, fand ich ihn mit dieser Flechtarbeit eifrig
beschaftigt vor seiner Hiitte sitzen. Als ich in meiner Unerfahrenheit mein
Erstaunen kund gab, ihn so tatig zu sehen, antwortete er: Wer soll es sonst
tun? Die Frauen kénnen das nicht. Sie k6nnen wohl Koérbe und Matten
flechten, nie aber solche Maiskorbe (izilulu).’
(1927) Poto Ndamase p. 117 Mpondo: store-hut
Nothing more.
(1929) Kawa pp. 82-3 Fingo: grain from pit, construction
‘Wena mntu ongazange wakuva ukuyola kwesangcozi—ukutya kwesisele
akuvanga nto. Luyole unompela ugcado lombona obe usesi seleni. Emlon-
yeni wesisele bekuyekuthi kubekwe ilitye, lincanyathiselwe ngobulongo,
ukuze amanzi angangeni, kuze ke kufunjwe umgquba ngaphezulu oyakunya-
thelwa zinkomo, ziwugangathe uthi nqi, ’ze kungangeni nethontsi lamanzi,
ngenxayokuba ukutya bekugcinwa eziseleni, umntu ubengafumane abakhe
ubuhlanti bakhe, ubeqondisisa indawo engenamithombo..’
[“You who have never savoured the wonderful taste of musty maize from a pit,
you have tasted nothing. Roasted, maize is at its best if it comes from
storage in a pit. Over the mouth of the pit a stone was placed, which was
plastered with cowdung, to prevent water from finding its way in and dung
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI OI
was thrown on it and trampled on by the cattle and stamped firmly down
so that not a drop of water could enter. Since it was food that was to be
stored in the pits, a man did not just blindly build his cattlefold anywhere,
he was careful to find a place without underground water.’ ]
(1932) Soga p. 394 Xhosa: preservation in huts or pits
‘If the seed thus subjected to heat burst open it was considered to be suitable
for sowing. The necessity of this simple test was due to the fact that
all grain was stored either in store huts (0-vzmba), which were neither air nor
water tight, and thus liable to become mouldy or subject to weevil. Or it was
stored in pits where fermentation took place and rendered much of the corn
useless for seed.’ .
1932b Hunter p. 85 Mpondo: store-huts
‘Maize, millet, and pumpkin when first reaped are stored in znyango, store-
huts built on the same pattern as dwelling-huts.’
p. 86 Mpondo: construction of pits
‘Digging and cleaning grain-pits is the work of men. Bell-shaped pits, about
5 feet in depth and 2 feet in width, are dug in gravelly soil. If possible, they
are made in the cattle kraal, or the znkundla of the umzi to which they belong,
but the kind of soil is more important than the situation, and I have often
found a group of pits belonging to several different zmizz clustered together
in some gravelly patch of soil at some distance from any umzi. ‘The floor and
walls of the pit are smeared with cow-dung, the threshed grain put in, the
mouth closed by a large flat stone and sealed with cow-dung, and the whole
covered with dry cow-dung and earth. When the pit is in the cattle kraal the
mouth is hidden by the trampling of cattle over it.
Pits are used season after season, but before being used they are opened
up and re-smeared. In August and September at the coast, and in October
up country, pits are cleaned and aired, and grain stored. How well grain
keeps in pits depends upon the nature of the soil. In some damp districts it
goes mouldy quickly, in others it keeps well for many months. Always it gets
a somewhat musty taste, but this is appreciated by most Pondo, who consider
that porridge or beer made from pit mealies is more tasty than that made of
fresh grain. A number of basketfuls are taken out by the men as grain is
needed, and the pit re-sealed. Now iron grain tanks of European manufacture
2s) 3)
are used by a few “‘school people’.
(1939) Duggan-Cronin p. 28 Xhosa: baskets, pits, huts
‘Grain for early use was stored in large baskets, and the rest was poured into
a bottle-shaped pit, dug in the cattle-kraal and having its mouth covered
with a flat stone; this storage preserved the grain from weevil, but gave it a
strong flavour . . . additional huts might be built, where the bigger children
slept, and for storage of food; the storage hut was held to be very private,
and was called wvimba (the stingy one.)
92 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1945) Makalima chap. 4; paras. 32, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68
Para. 32 Fingo, Mpondomise, ‘Thembu: store-hut, granary
‘Apho igcinwa khona: Imbewu igcinwa ekoyini (store) uka yeyetapile
yanekwa nje phantsi, eyombona ihlala iziziswenye eludladleni, kuman-
qwanqwa alapho, nokuba kusekoyini apho.’
[Where it is kept: Seed is kept in a store hut (zkoyz). If it is potato seed, it is
spread out on the floor. Maize seed is kept in bundles in a granary (udladla),
it is hung on short lengths of wood there or in the store hut.’ |
Para. 64. Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: pit, store-hut
‘Ukugcina umbona: Othandayo umntu umbona umgcina eziseleni namazimba
ngokunjalo. Abanye abantu bamgcina ekoyini kodwa ibe yindlu engena
umoya kakhulu, iphole, aze umbona angangenwa yingogwane.’
[‘“Storing maize: If a man so chooses, he stores his maize and kaffir corn in pits.
Some people keep their maize in a store hut, but it must be a hut which allows
plenty of air in and which is cool so that no weevils can get in.”]
Para. 65 Fingo, Mpondomise, ‘Thembu: storing mealies
‘Into adityaniswa nayo: Umbona akukonto simdibanisa nayo thina xa simfaka
esiseleni. Naxa asekoyini akadityaniswa nanto.’
[‘What is mixed with it: If we store maize in a pit we do not mix it with
anything. Nor is anything mixed with it if it is stored in a store hut.’]
Para. 66 Fingo, Mpondomise, ‘Thembu: closing of pit
‘Uhlobo ekuvalwa ngalo: Isisele samazimba sivalwa umlomo waso ngelitye
elihle eliwulingeneyo umlomo lo. Kubekwa iminyani yamazimba ethi
yenzelwe ukukusela kunye nobulongwe benkomo. Kube kuthi kwakugqitywa
ukugangatha kufuneka elesibini ilitye elithi ke lona lenzele ukuba isisele
masiphakame umlomo lo ube buthi ngcu apha ebuhlanti nalo elilitye liya- |
gangathwa ngobulongwe benkomo.’
[‘How a pit 1s closed: The mouth of a sorghum pit is closed by means of a
nice stone that fits it. ‘To protect it, the bushy ears of threshed sorghum are
placed around it and it is plastered with cow dung. Then it is stamped down
and a second stone is placed to raise the mouth of the pit above the surface
of the ground in the cattle kraal. This stone is also stamped down and
plastered with cow dung.’ |
Para. 67 Fingo, Mpondomise, ‘Thembu: inspection of pit
‘Isisele stmana sihlale, sihlale sirotywe kuze kubonwe ukuba akungeni |
manzi na. Iyatyilwa into ephakathi esiseleni kubonwe ukuba akungeni
manzina. Kuthi ke kwakuba kuqondiwe uba kusalungile kubuye kuvingcwe
kwangoluya hlobo lokuqala.
[‘A grain-pit is examined at intervals to check whether water is getting
inside. The contents are turned over and over to make sure. If it is found
to be still in order, it is sealed again as before.’ ]
Para. 68 Fingo, Mpondomise, ‘Thembu: preservation in pit
‘Ixesha elihlalwa ngumbona nezimba esiselent: Isisele sihlala ixesha elide ukuba
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 93
umbona ugalelwe ebusika ukutshwe ukuthwasa kwehlobo. Kuba awusenakho
ukungenwa yingogwane ngoku. Omnye ukutshwa sele sisangcozi xa efun-
yenwe lithontsi akabonakala kwangoko. Kodwa xa ebesindile emanzini
ukutshwa engenanto, omile, afakwe ekoyini. Isisele siyaphindaphinda
ukusetyenziswa, iminyaka eliqela. Kuba sithi siqhunyiselwe ngokubaswa
umlilo sihlale somile, silindele owomnye unyaka umbona.’
[‘The period grain remains in a fit. Maize remains in a pit for a long time
because it is stored in winter and taken out early in summer, and once it is
taken out no more weevils can attack it. Some of it has turned musty if
a drop of water happened to find its way into the pit and was not discovered
immediately. But if no water found its way in, the maize is taken out dry and
put in a store hut. A pit can bé used for a number of years because a fire is lit
inside to keep it dry for the maize of the next season.’|
1949-1955 Hammond-Tooke p. 19 Bhaca, Hlubi: granaries
‘Harvested grain is stored in a bell-shaped pit (zszsele) in the cattle kraal and
the Bhaca maintain that they find the musty taste very appetising. The
neighbouring Hlubi, however, dislike the custom and store their grain in
large grain baskets. ‘“‘We bury our dead, not our food.” ’
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke pp. 19-20, 151 Bhaca: grain-pits
Ppp. 19-20
“The greater part of the grain is removed from the cob and stored for the
winter in bell-shaped grain-pits (zszsele, pl. ztzsele) dug in the cattle-kraal.
These are usually about four feet deep and six feet in diameter and are sealed
with a large flat stone and cowdung. Soil is spread over the stone so that the
pit is completely invisible. Every household has at least one istsele and the
majority have three or four. Grain in these pits often germinates and is then
considered a great delicacy, especially when ground and cooked with melons
and pumpkin. The sites of old cattle-kraals are marked by deep holes where
these pits have fallen in in the process of time. The neighbouring Hlubi do
not use grain-pits. ““We bury our dead not our food.”’ They use large wicker
baskets for this purpose. Pits are dug by the men of the homestead and are
cleaned out and resmeared with dung when they become empty. Only a
very few school people use the iron tanks, bought from traders, for grain
storage.’
p. 151
‘Grain is usually stored in grain-pits, one or two to each house. Informants
stated that the grain from two houses would never be pooled. ““They can’t be
mixed: one wife may be extravagant and use more than her share.’’ As
grain-pits are usually situated in the cattle-kraal, taboo to women, a wife
must get permission from her husband to get grain, although this taboo is fast
falling into disuse with the spread of education and Christianity.’
94. ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
GRANARIES: ‘TERMS
isisele 1 pit dug in cattle-kraal as a store for preserving mealies, D general.
2 not necessarily in kraal Mp Hlu Xes Bh ro1
isictko lid of any kind, general; also e.g. stone cover of grain pit 102 (148;
616). |
istlulu 1 light but very large basket for storing corn, made of coarse grass, with
a narrow mouth, D. 2 learnt from South Sotho, Hlu Xes Bh. 3 conical
garden basket, IT. 4 storage for maize, made like crib on sleigh, covered and
plastered, Mp. 5 not as generally known as might have been expected from
the nature of the article, and prob. the Zulu zszlulu grain-storage basket
introduced by the Fingo 103 (3309).
isixamba 1 nD. 2 grass bin for maize, made like crib on sleigh, covered and
plastered, Bh. 3 basket made of maize husks, for carrying seed (Mp Poto)
104 (341).
tkoyt 1 frame or crib for storing maize, from Du. kooi D. 2 storage hut or
enclosure, general 105 (15).
ilitye 1 stone, (lower) grindstone, D general. 2 flat stone, as used for grainpit
cover, general 106 (265, 577, 961).
ingobo round wicker enclosure of wicker work with convex roof, for storing
maize cobs, cf. zgonga, D not confirmed (-goba bend) 107
inyango (cl. 9) 1 small hut on poles for storing corn D. 2 nowadays ordinary
store- or kitchen-hut, general 108 (13).
igonga elevated place for storing fruit, corn, etc.; store, shelf D general, for
various purposes, as rack for sticks, firewood; platform on poles, built in fields,
for crop-watchers; rough bedstead of sticks made and used by healed aba-
khwetha (Bo-Cook) 10g (86, 323, 505, 1025).
ixhanti 1 forked bough or branch of a tree, D. 2 post with forks at the entrance
of the cattle-fold, into which the zmivalo (bars) are fastened, D X Bo T Mp
(though also ibhoxo, Mp). 3 tree whose branches are cut short, so that it can
be used asa ladder, D 110 (08).
udint 1 rim of cup or basin D. 2 stepped hollow round mouth of grain-pit, for
stone cover to reston X III
udladla 1 (Em) round wickerwork enclosure erected in the open air for storing
maize on the cob D X Bo Xes T not Mp 112
idladla maize crib Bh (what all others call udladla) 113
ingobe 1 nD. 2 temporary hut of bent saplings and grass only, as shelter whilst
first hut on new site is being built Mp (-goba bend) 114
umlomo 1 mouth, beak, opening of any receptacle D general. 2 mouth of grain
pit X Fingo etc. 115
uvimba store house D, X Xes 116 (12).
inqwanqwa (cl. 5 pl. amanqw) 1 nD. 2 lath, rod, as nailed down parallel, to form
floor of sled; or for hanging seed maize cobs from ‘IT 117
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 95
GRANARIES: DISCUSSION
One of the most important aspects of the settlement is the method of
storing grain and other crops that are not for immediate use. When first
harvested, sorghum, maize, pumpkins, etc., are either stacked on a raised
platform (zgonga) out of doors (‘Text fig. 11), or hung from the roof, placed on a
rack, or stacked in a store-hut. After the threshing of the grain crops, they are
put into their appropriate store. Maize cobs for seed are hung from a frame or
from slats of wood (amanqwanqwa, ‘Thembu) to dry; pumpkins are left on the
platform or cut in slices, dried, and stored in bags in the store-hut. Grain that
has been taken from store for immediate use is kept in garden baskets (zngoboz1).
The following storage methods have been, and for the most part still are,
used by the Cape Neuni, though the modern tendency is for jute bags, corru-
gated-iron tanks, and the store-hut to take over the functions of all. It is doubtful
whether any of them is completely insect proof.
IQONGA
Fig. 11
I. GRAIN-PITS (zsisele)
Except among the Hlubi, who use a grain-bin, the universal method
of storing maize and sorghum, is as first described by a survivor of the
Stavenisse in 1686, that is to pour the grain, after threshing, into a pit which is
dug usually in the floor of the cattle-kraal. The mouth is then sealed and
covered over.
Early writers, if they mention the position at all, always place the pits in
the cattle-kraal and one at least states that it is invariably so. The latter is still
the case in some parts, and the reasons given for the choice are safety, the fact
that the driest spot is always chosen for the kraal and the fact that the dung in
96 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
the kraal helps to keep water from seeping down. But in many places, and every-
where amongst east Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca, modern informants stated
that any suitable dry ground might be chosen, whether in the kraal, the inkundla
or elsewhere. According to Hunter gravel or gravelly soil is preferred by the
western Mpondo, and the soil is more important than the position. It seems
likely that all the tribes originally placed the pits in the kraal, but that this rule
has become modified now that the choice of site for the kraal is restricted and
may not always be dry enough.
Pits are dug and maintained by the men, and the description given by
Ayliff in Maclean’s Compendium in 1858, tallies exactly with that of a pit seen
in the Willowvale district in 1948 (Pl. 16:1-5). A circular depression is dug
to a few centimetres below ground level and from the middle of it a hole is dug
just big enough for a man to get through, which, after forming a narrow neck,
opens out to a conical chamber, about 1,2 m deep, and in diameter “big enough
for a man to lie down with his arms above his head’ (text-fig. 12). Other estimates
of capacity vary from 2 to 10 bags (6 to 30 bushels), and in fact it probably
varied according to the number of pits and the size of the crops. The walls are
plastered with clay and dung, or more commonly smeared with dung alone,
and dried out by fire. When the pit has been filled the grain is covered with dry
grass, or the stalks or threshed cobs of the corn, and then a flat stone (cszkiko)
is laid over the mouth, bedded on fresh dung to seal it. It is then covered
with dung and earth, and well stamped down to the level of the ground.
According to Makalima the Thembu place a second stone above the first to
form a slight mound above ground level. He states too that the pit is inspected
from time to time to see that the grain is not damp. In the Herschel district a
skin sack was put into the pit to contain the grain.
ae
Fig. 12
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 97
If stored dry, grain is said to keep well in these pits and free from weevils,
and the musty flavour which is caused by the action of a fungus and which is
greater or less according to how dry the pit is, is said to be enjoyed. Opinions
seem to be divided both in the literature and amongst modern informants as to
whether seed grain would or should be kept in the pits or elsewhere. It would
probably depend on how sure the owner was of the dryness of the pit, since any
damp or mildew would effect the power of germination. The majority favoured
keeping the seed grain out of the pits, despite the greater danger outside from
weevils. Opinions also differ as to the dryness or otherwise of the pits into which
cattle urine and other damp may seep, as to their safety from theft and as to
how much the musty or even rank flavour of grain from a damp pit is enjoyed.
The grain does in fact sometimes germinate and this is said to be relished.
The grain is not usually required to keep longer than a season, and the
pits are used again and again, but they are cleaned, aired, resmeared, and,
according to Makalima, dried out by fire before the new season’s crop is put in.
Alberti’s statement that the walls were ‘hardened by fire’ probably refers to this.
One exception to the early records that the inside of the pit should be dry
before the grain was put in, is Bain’s description of a ‘Tshomane pit near
Umtata in 1829 where water and mould were not removed from the pit before
the new crop was put in. This sounds unlikely and must surely have been
exceptional.
Matthiae suggests that the pits were also used as powder magazines during
the Frontier Wars, but there is no confirmation of this.
According to early writers each family, that is presumably the family of
each married man in the homestead, had its own pit in the kraal. Two state that
the pits were opened in rotation, each family lending grain to others in turn, but
from the remarks of the majority it would seem that the pits were opened
individually, and that a present of grain was made all round at the first opening.
Nowadays that the homestead consists of the family of one married man, it is
stated that the number of pits depends on the amount of land cultivated and
that there is not necessarily one to each wife. Pits are opened according to need.
The wife has to have permission to enter the kraal to get the corn, but latterly
this rule is falling into disuse.
Nowadays many people use iron grain-tanks, bought at the store and often
installed in a hut.
II. GRAIN-BINS
The alternative to an underground grain-store is a bin. The only type of
bin known in this area is the large narrow-mouthed basket (zsz/ulu) used by the
Hlubi, and sometimes seen among people in close contact with them such as
the Bhaca, who call it zsiximba. They say that they have copied it from the
southern Sotho. It is made by the men, and is loosely coiled on a grass founda-
tion, oversewn simply with a cord of plaited sedge or grass. It holds three to
five bags of grain (Pl. 16:8).
98 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
The soft fabric allows the basket to be tightly packed with grain, and it is
said then to be impervious to water, rats and weevils. A mat or lid is placed
over the mouth and the bin stands on stones in a store hut or in the open, with
or without a roof.
In Hlubi huts Weitz noticed grain stored on clay shelves ‘hanging’ from
the walls. These might be the zthala (see huts) which were not usually put to
this purpose in other tribes.
III. ENCLOSURES AND HUTS
1. Udladla (Pl. 17:2 & 4) (or ingobo Mp) a high wicker enclosure, standing
in the open, said to have had a conical roof, but not often seen with one now.
This is primarily for storing maize on the cob, but may be used for other crops.
The cobs reserved for seed may be hung on racks in the udladla. This store was
still commonly seen in 1971 in Xhosa coastal areas, and rarely among the
Thembu and western Mpondo but not elsewhere. It seems likely that it was
adopted from a similar article used by European farmers.
2. imyango [unyango, Mp Xes Bh ixhantt (Kay).] (Pl 17:1). This was
originally a small hut, similar to the beehive living-huts, but built on a platform
with a mat floor, raised on poles about 2 m above the ground (text-fig. 13).
According to Backhouse it was plastered with dung as well as thatched. It is
weeess tes,
Betis Tor
svay eee
INYANGO
Figs 19
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 99
shown in several early prints and has a branched tree stem as a ladder to get
up to it. (This probably accounts for Kay’s use of the word ‘exhanti’, which
according to the dictionary is the word used for such a ladder.) This was the
store for seed, tobacco and pumpkins. ‘This type of store is now obsolete and
not remembered, but the name inyango is used for the modern store-hut.
3. Uvimba, inyango. A store-hut, sometimes of the same size and style as
the living-hut, sometimes much smaller (Pl. 17:3). It is the modern equivalent
of the granary described above, and is gradually superseding the udladla and
even in some places the grain-pit. It is used for seed, tobacco, and non-cereal
crops. In 1955 in the Bizana, Flagstaff and Alice areas it was noticed that the
store-hut was often much smaller than the usual hut, and one at least, seen in
Pondoland, had the opening almost half-way up the side.
Though the enclosures and store-huts have their Xhosa names, both are
widely known as zkoy:. Judging by its form it is probable that the word was first
applied to udladla and spread to the others by analogy of purpose.
SUMMARY
The traditional pattern of Cape Nguni settlement was that of separate
family homesteads, often quite isolated from others, and occupied by a man,
his wife or wives and children, perhaps married sons, and elderly widowed
relatives. The recent tendency to congregate homesteads in clusters, if not in
actual villages, is the result of economic and population pressures, and does not
stem from tradition.
The beehive huts consisted of thatch over a light frame of saplings, and
were plastered inside to a certain height. They were arranged in a semicircle,
or a full circle in a large homestead, facing the cattle-kraal, which was placed
in the centre. In recent years the beehive hut has given way, by various stages,
to the modern rondavel and square house.
The kraal was a circle of brushwood, the gate of which faced the door of
the senior wife’s hut, and the open space between them was the meeting and
reception place of the men, and at a chief’s homestead the place where court
cases were heard. In areas where brushwood was scarce and stone plentiful,
the kraal was built of stone, and was sometimes square rather than round, but
the gate-posts and bars were of wood.
There were three types of storage for the crops. Threshed grain was stored
in pits dug in the floor of the cattle-kraal, sealed with a stone and hidden by the
dung of the kraal. Unthreshed heads of grain were stored in large wattlework
bins or enclosures, or in a small granary on poles, where other crops might be
stored too. The Hlubi alone used basket bins. There has been an increasing
tendency for a hut to be built as a store, and for threshed grain to be stored in
galvanised-iron tanks.
It is difficult at this stage to distinguish individual traits of the different
tribes of the group in the character of the settlhement, which varied only in
100 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
details from the basic Nguni pattern. The actual layout seems to have been
uniform throughout the group. In the huts themselves, those of the Mpondo,
and doubtless other tribes in the east, had a close framework of two sets of
arched saplings, in the style of the Natal Nguni. They were said also to be
bigger than those of the Xhosa and Thembu in the west, where the framework
consisted of one set of saplings, either arched in pairs, or all meeting at the
centre, and one set of horizontal withies—a much lighter and more open frame-
work and easier to erect. This difference in east and west still persists in the
greater use among the eastern tribes of a sapling framework for the straight
walls of the rondavel, than of box (Kimberley) bricks which are generally used
in the west. Differences in the material used for kraals are largely dictated by
locality—brushwood predominates near the coast and stone inland, but one
would like to know whether the Cape Nguni had knowledge of stone building
before they entered the Cape and if not, from whom they learnt it.
In the storage of grain there was uniformity throughout in the use of pits,
except by the Hlubi who used large grain baskets, but the udladla or wattlework
enclosure seems to have been characteristic of the Xhosa, Bomvana and Thembu
who, directly or through one another, were in contact with European farmers,
while the znyango or granary on poles was characteristic of the eastern tribes,
again like the Natal Nguni.
Outside, that is non-Cape Nguni, influences are to be seen in the Hlubi
grain-bin, which is of the South Sotho style, though called by the same name as
a similar article used by the Natal Nguni. South Sotho influence may also be
seen in the decoration of hut walls with line or finger patterns, in the areas
adjacent to the South Sotho. European influence is, of course, very marked in
the change from the beehive to the rondavel hut and to sewn thatch. Latterly
the change from isolated to clustered homesteads has been encouraged by
European authorities, in an attempt to ensure that the land is used to the best
purpose. Finally it has been suggested that the lighter hut framework, if not
the beehive hut itself, is attributable to Hottentot influence. In the absence of
archaeological evidence this is difficult to establish. If the influence was there,
it must, at least so far as the whole style of hut is concerned, have taken place
before the entry into the present area.
The Cape Nguni are by tradition primarily a pastoral people, whose
choice of settlement was largely dictated by the quality of the grazing. The
importance of cattle is further indicated by the central position of the kraal and
the regulations surrounding it, and also by the fact that those who could afford
to do so had alternative dwellings where cattle could be taken for better grazing
in certain seasons. Nevertheless, the established places for storing crops indicate
a long tradition of agriculture, even if it was secondary to cattle-keeping.
The whole aspect of the settlement, the light and easily built huts, the lack
of any attempt to hide them or fortify them or congregate them together for
security, gives the impression of a people who were mobile (except for the
buried grain stores), accustomed to move when and where they saw fit, whether
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI IOI
for utilitarian, supernatural or political reasons, and having faith in their own
ability to cope with any danger or crisis that might arise.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Acknowledgement is hereby made of the financial assistance of the Human
Sciences Research Council towards the publication of this work. Opinions
expressed or conclusions reached are those of the authors and should not be
regarded as representative of those of the Human Sciences Research Council.
Thanks are due to the Directors of the Africana Museum, the Albany
Museum, the Alexander McGregor Memorial Museum, the Archives, Cape
Town, the East London Museum, Fort Hare Ethnological Museum, the
Kaffrarian Museum, the National Museum, the Port Elizabeth Museum, the
Queenstown and Frontier Museum, the Transvaal Museum, the National
Cultural History and Open-air Museum, the British Museum, the Royal
Scottish Museum, the State Ethnographic Museum, Stockholm, and the
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, and to the University of Cape Town and the
University of Stellenbosch for permission to use material in their charge; to the
late Sir Ernest Oppenheimer and the late Mr. Hugh Solomon for permission to
consult unpublished material in their libraries; to the Bantu Commissioner,
Cape Town, the Manager and assistants of the Cape Town Municipal Adminis-
tration at Langa, the Manager and staff of African Explosives and Chemical
Industries, Ltd., Somerset West, the Manager and Compound Managers of
Randfontein Estates, and the Magistrates of Willowvale, Mt. Frere, Mt. Ayliff,
Bizana, Flagstaff, Libode, Ngqeleni, Mqanduli, Kentani, Idutywa, Engcobo,
Elliotdale and Umtata for assistance in obtaining information; to the late
Dr. A. W. Burton of King William’s Town, Mr. H. W. Pahl, Prof. W. D.
Hammond-Tooke and Mr. Mda, of Umtata, for information; to Mr. C. C.
Biden, Mr. R. E. Carter, Mr. C. C. Clarke, the late Mrs. F. Clarke, Mrs. B.
Jurgens, Mr. G. Velcich, the State Information Office and the Director of the
British Museum, for permission to use photographs; and to all others who have
assisted in one way or another, particularly to Mrs. S. Bruins, librarian of the
South African Museum, for checking the bibliography.
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PLATE 1
. Homesteads (umzi), c. 1851 (Darell. China, India, Cape of Good Hope and
vicinity, 1852, part of frontispiece with legend, ‘Run with the 7th Dragoon
Fox Hounds in Kaffirland’).
. Bomvana homestead on a slope, Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
. Group of Xhosa homesteads, Willowvale 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus.,
Vol. 58
Yy y
Plate 1
py
PLATE 2
1. Thembu homestead, Umtata 1948.
2. Fingo homestead, Mqanduli 1948.
3. Bhaca homestead, Lugangeni, Mt. Frere 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 2
PLATE 3
1. Xesibe homestead, Elubaleko, Mt. Ayliff 1948.
2. Khonjwayo homestead, Ntsimbini, Ngqeleni 1958.
3. Settlement on ridge, Mpondo, near Ntibane, Ngqeleni 1958.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
Plate 3
PLATE 4
. Xhosa inkundla (gathering place), with people sitting around, Bojeni,
Willowvale 1948.
. Bomvana inkundla, with court in session, Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
. Mpondo inkundla, people gathering for a dance, Tshonya, Lusikisiki 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 4
PLATE 5
. ‘Gaikas (Sandilla’s tribe)’, c. 1860 (Lucas, Pen and Pencil Reminiscences . . ., 1861
pl. facing p. 2).
. ungquphantsi, old-type hut, abandoned, belonged to Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
. Side view of foregoing.
| Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 5
ON
PLATE 6
indlu yempuku, old-type hut, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1948.
ibhoma, hut of abakhwetha, and umkhwetha, Thembu, Engcobo 1948.
Hut of abakhwetha, Thembu, Mqanduli 1959.
Interior of isuthu, hut of abakhwetha, Thembu, Gqabantshi, Mqanduli 1959.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 6
PLATE 7
. Mpondo huts with horns of slaughtered cattle on roof, Bizana 1955.
(Photo: E. M. Shaw, SAM.)
. uvimba (store-hut), Xhosa, Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
. Mpondo huts, Mbobeleni, Libode 1958.
4. Hut with thatch held down by withies, Mpondo, Mbotyi, Lusikisiki 1948.
PLATE 8
. trontawule, peaked-roof hut, of Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
. Mpondomise zrontawuli, Ncambedlana, Umtata 1955.
. Qawukeni, the Great Place of Paramount Chief Botha Sigcau of Eastern
Pondoland, Lusikisiki 1948. Note square house, veranda.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 8
\
«
\\\\\~
“
PLATE 9
. Bomvana girl smearing floor; wmgubasi (door-posts), umnyango (doorway),
Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
. Uphempe (cropwatcher’s shelter), Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1948.
3. ucango (door), Mpondo, Monteli (i.e. Mount Ayliff) 1942
(Albany Museum C305).
. uhlango (wicker door), plastered, held in position by bar (ubambo lwenja),
Mpondo, Nggqeleni 1958.
Plate 9
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
4. Doorway barred with poles (zmbambo zenja) Mpondo, Nggqeleni 1958.
PLATE 10
. iziko (hearth) and grindstone inside hut, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
. Hut with screen, probably Fingo, Fuller’s Hoek near Fort Beaufort (Bowler,
Kafhir Wars, 1865, pl. 7).
. Girl cooking at outside hearth, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 10
|
|
PLATE 11
. uhlango (wicker door) used as cooking screen, Mpondo, Ngqeleni 1958.
. River clay being worked up with hoe, to repair a hut wall, Mpondo,
Nggqeleni 1958.
Collapsed wall of hut being rebuilt, Mpondo, Nggeleni 1958.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 11
PB OF N
PLATE 12
Plastered hut wall and roof frame, Mpondo, Mbotyi, Lusikisiki 1948.
Frame of hut wall, Mpondo, Mbotyi, Lusikisiki 1948.
Interior of hut, old style, Mpondo, c. 1900 (Kidd, Essential Kafir, 1904, pl.
Stone foundation for hut, roof frame, Thembu, Mqanduli 1959.
Plate 12
PLATE 13
. umnqwazi (roof crown) of clay and stones, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
. Unfinished net for holding down thatch, weighted with large clods, Thembu,
Thungwana, Mqanduli 1960.
Cattle-kraal and huts, a cut captioned ‘Scene in Kaffirland, May 1’ and signed
‘Smyth’, who is described in the text as ‘. . . a clever and accredited artist,
resident in the Colony’, Illustrated London News 18 Jul. 1846, g (220): 40.
Plate 13
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
PLATE 14
. ubuhlanti (cattle-kraal), Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
. istbaya (cattle-kraal) of thin poles, Mpondo, Mbotyi, Lusikisiki 1948.
. isango (gateway) and ixhanti (forked post as entrance) opposite door of great ©
wife’s hut, Bomvana, Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
ee
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
Plate 14
PLATE 15
. Stone-walled cattle-kraal, Thembu, near Clarkebury, Engcobo 1958.
. Cattle-kraal with unusually high fence, Mpondo, Mgwenyana, Libode 1958.
. uhlango (wicker door or gate) of cattle-kraal, Mpondo, Mgwenyana, Libode
1958.
. tmivalo (bars) closing gateway of cattle-kraal, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
Old disused stone-walled cattle-kraal, Mpondomise, Malephe, Tsolo 1958.
ee
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 15
<<
PLATE 16
isisele (grain-pit) being opened, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
umnyazt (grain basket), dia. 467 mm, Bhaca?, Mangeni, Umzimkulu 1946
(Fort Hare Museum 537).
idem, texture.
istlulu (grain basket) of Hlubi type, at Lugangeni, Bhaca Great Place, —
Mt. Frere 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 16
PLATE 17
. Granary on platform, part of plate entitled ‘Kafir Women’, c. 1852 (Two
Officers of the 43rd Light Infantry, Scenes in Kafirland, 1854, pl. 16).
. udladla (granary), Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
.‘ Store hut, Fingo, Dwessa, Willowvale 1960.
. udladla (granary) and hut used as inyango (store-hut), Xhosa, Bojeni,
Willowvale 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
RWW’
REM
Plate 17
Sie!
eter cs ve i - d 4 pa On vey ne
Se
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INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS
Based on
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Style manual for biological journals. Washington: American Institute of Biological Sciences.
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REFERENCES
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volume number, part number (only if independently paged) in parentheses, pagination.
Examples (note capitalization and punctuation)
BULLOUGH, W. S. 1960. Practical invertebrate anatomy. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan.
FiscHER, P.-H. 1948. Données sur la résistance et de le vitalité des mollusques. 7. Conch., Paris
88: 100-140.
FiscHER, P.-H., Duvat, M. & Rarry, A. 1933. Etudes sur les échanges respiratoires des littorines.
Archs Zool. exp. gén. 74: 627-634.
Konan, A. J. 1960a. Ecological notes on Conus (Mollusca: Gastropoda) in the Trincomalee region
of Ceylon. Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. (13) 2: 309-320.
Konn, A. J. 1960). Spawning behaviour, egg masses and larval development in Conus from the
Indian Ocean. Bull. Bingham oceanogr. Coll. 17 (4): 1-51.
THIELE, J. 1910. Mollusca: B. Polyplacophora, Gastropoda marina, Bivalvia. Jn scHULTZE. L,
Koologische und anthropologische Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise 1m westlichen und zentralen Stid-
Afrika. 4: 269-270. Jena: Fischer. Denkschr. med.-naturw. Ges. Jena 16: 269-270.
ZOOLOGICAL NOMENCLATURE
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QH :
| 1 JALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
; S67X
NH VALE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM
Volume 58 _ Band
August 1974 Augustus
Part,): 2 = Deel
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE
CAPE NGUNI
Part 2 Technology
By ~
E. M. SHAW & N. J. VAN WARMELO
Cape Town Kaapstad
The ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
are issued in parts at irregular intervals as material
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Obtainable from the South African Museum, P.O. Box 61, Cape Town
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Court Road, Wynberg, Cape Courtweg, Wynberg, Kaap |
|
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
Part 2 ‘Technology
By
E. M. SHaw
South African Museum, Cape Town
&
N. J. van WARMELO
Department of Bantu Administration and Development, Pretoria
(With 16 plates and 1 text-figure)
CONTENTS
PAGE
Metallurgy
Sources . : : : : : : Om
Terms. S A - : ; : : 120
Discussion ; ‘ , é : Be hess >.
Pottery
Sources . : : 5 : ; , eS 7)
Terms . : A . A : : ¢. ERSA
Discussion : 3 , : : : aa ms
Wood-carving
Sources . : , : : ‘ : ey RAG
Terms . 5 . Se : ; it ek42
Discussion : é : 7 : ‘ 0) 14g
Calabash-working
Sources . : : A : : : . 146
Terms. 3 : : . : 5 . 148
Discussion : ; ‘ ; . ; . 148
Basketwork
Sources . : ; : : = - 149
Verms:—.. ; j : ‘ 3 j : 155
Discussion P . ‘ : : . . “158
Leatherwork and Skin-dressing
Sources . : : . ; : : . 165
Kerms,,; ; ; : P : : eu hgZ6
Discussion ‘ 3 ‘ y 3 : CA Gie
Horn, Tortoise-shell, Bone and Ivory
Sources . , : : : i : Panes ics
Terms. : : : ‘ ; ; Pnieagte 13 15"
Discussion , : ‘ ‘ ; ; «ROR
103
Aun. S. Afr. Mus. 58 (2),1974: 103-214, 16 pls, 1 fig.
104 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Page
Stone-working
Sources . ‘ : ‘ : : ; 2 OF
Terms . : : ‘ : : ‘ . 188
Discussion i : é i : : . 189
Beadwork
Sources . ; : : : : : . 190
Terms. : 4 : : : : . 196
Discussion , : 5 : ‘ ; . 198
Abrasives, Dyes, Glues and Repairs
Sources . , : d ‘ ; : . 200
Terms . : : 5 ‘ : : . 206
Discussion ‘ ‘ : 3 ; ‘ +b 207,
Summary ; : : : : , : . 209
Acknowledgements2 . . ° . . a OIG
ABBREVIATIONS
acc. to according to
Afr. Afrikaans |
Alb Albany Museum
AM Africana Museum
Bh Bhaca |
Bk Dr W. T. H. Beukes, at one time ethnologist Transvaal Museum |
BM British Museum |
Bo Bomvana |
CK Ciskei
CT University of Cape Town ethnological collection
D Kropf-Godfrey Xhosa Dictionary
DC Duggan-Cronin—see sources 1939
Du. Dutch
EG Griqualand East
EL East London Museum
Em eMbo
Fgo Fingo |
FH Fort Hare |
GA according to Miss Graham (missionary), Albany Museum |
GEL according to gardener, East London Museum, probably Xhosa |
Hlu Hlubi |
HW Hamilton-Welsh (Mrs E. Hamilton-Welsh, collector, grew up and lived in the
Transkei)
Licht Lichtenstein—see sources 1803
McL D McLaren’s Xhosa Dictionary
Mak Makalima—see sources 1945
Mp Mpondo
Mpm Mpondomise |
Mz G. Mzamane, lecturer at University College of Fort Hare :
nD not in Kropf-Godfrey Xhosa Dictionary
perh. perhaps
pron. pronunciation/pronounced
SAM South African Museum
SAL South African Library
So Sotho
SS South Sotho
4 Thembu
TK Transkei
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 105
™ Transvaal Museum (collection now housed in National Cultural History and
Open-air Museum)
UCT University of Cape Town ethnological collection
Ve Venda
vol. volume
».< Xhosa
Xes Xesibe
Zu Zulu
METALLURGY: SOURCES
1554 Perestrello p. 157 (Bashee R.): eagerness for iron
‘Ao outro dia pela manhaa da banda d’alem do Rio do Infante, apparecéraé
certes Cafres que andava6 ao longo da praya queimando alguns pedacos da
Nao que o mar langava, para lhes tirar os prégos: e sendo por nos chamados,
alguns delles se chegaraé a borda do Rio defronte onde estavamos; e afoutan-
dose mais despois que nos vira6 sem armas, que logo de industria na6 quize-
mos levar, andaraé atravessando o Rio a nado, e viera6é ter comnosco, aos
quaes Fernaé d’Alvares fez 0 mayor gazalhado que pode, dandolhes desse
pobre comer que tinhamos, barretes, panos, e pedacos de ferro, com o que
ficarad tad contentes, como se os fizeraé senhores do mundo. .. .”
[p. 224 “The next day at dawn on the other bank of the river Infante there
appeared certain Kaffirs, who went along the shore burning some pieces of
the ship which the sea had cast up, in order to get out the nails, and on our
calling to them some of them came to the edge of the river opposite to where
we were and became bolder on seeing us unarmed, for then purposely we did
not carry weapons with us. They swam across the river and came to speak to
us, and Fernaé d’Alvarez gave them the best welcome he could, giving them
such poor provisions as we had, and caps, pieces of cloth, and iron, with which
they were as delighted as if they had been made lords of the earth.’]
p. 159 (Bashee R.): iron for trading
*,.. cada hum apercebeo seo alforge das mais cousas de comer que achou, e
dos mais prégos e ferro que podia levar para o resgate: que estas eraé naquelle
tempo as joyas de mais estima.’
[pp. 226-7 ‘. . . each one filled his wallet with what provisions he could and
as much nails and iron as he could carry to trade with, for at that time these
things were esteemed as the most precious jewels.’ ]
1593 Lavanha p. 235 Umtata R.: value of iron and copper
‘Preza6 dos metaes os mais necessarios, como he o ferro, e cobre, e assim por
muy pequenos pedacos de qualquer destes trocaé gado, que he o que mais
estimaé, e com elles fazem 0 seo commercio, e commutagaé, e seos thezouros.
O ouro e prata na6 tem entre elles prego, nem parece que ha estes metaes na
terra, nad vendo sinaes delles os nossos por onde passara6.’
[p. 294 ‘They value the most necessary metals, as iron and copper, and for
very small pieces of either they will barter cattle, which is what they esteem
most, and with which they trade, exchanging them for other treasures. They
106 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
do not prize silver or gold, nor does there appear to be any of these metals in
the country, for our people saw no signs of them in the parts they traversed.’]
1686-8 (Stavenisse) p. 63 Xhosa: metal not destroyed
‘*t Huijs daar hij in gewoond heeft, mitsg"s daar hij in gestorven is, word ter
neder gesmeeten, en daar onder bedolven alles wat den overleden toege-
komen heeft, behalven iser en koperwerk ’t welk sij oordeelen, dat niet ont-
reijnigd kan worden.’
1687-8 Centaurus p. 444 (also Sutherland p. 306, Moodie
pp. 426-7, Bird p. 42, Godée Molsbergen p. 94) Xhosa: metal-working
‘Gelijk de Natalsche Hottentots, het ijser, so konnen sij het metal tot arm-
ringen versmelten, en souden ook wel kennisse van eenige mineralen hebben.’
1772-6 Sparrman II pp. 158-9 Thembu: mines
‘Such colonists as have visited Zomo-river, have observed, about two days
journey to the northward of it, a mountain that threw out a great quantity of
smoke. The Snese-Hottentots informed me, that the Tambukis had furnaces
there for the purpose of smelting a species of metal, which they forge and
make into ornaments of various kinds, hiring the Snese-Hottentots to carry
in the wood which they use in these smeltings. I have frequently seen the
Snese-Hottentots at Bruntjes-hoogte with ear-rings of this metal, and of the
form exhibited in Plate I. Vol. I. fig. 8 and g. In external appearance they
resemble pistole gold; but from the assay made on one of these rings by
M. Von Engstroem, counsellor of the mines, they appear to be merely a
mixture of copper and silver.’
1776 Swellengrebel p. 12 Xhosa: love of brass
‘De mans zowel als de vrouwen schynen zig met al hetgeen zij krijgen kunnen
en op allerley manier op te schikken, dog ’t meest houden zij van geel koper
en roode, kleyne coralen.’
1782 Le Vaillant II pp. 125, 187, 188-9, 191 Xhosa: iron, smithing
Pp. 125 Xhosa: eagerness for iron
‘Mais ce qui fixoit davantage leur imagination, et qu’ils m’auroient esca-
motté de bon coeur, c’etoit du fer. Ils le dévoroient des yeux, la vantoient
excessivement, et semblaient l’estimer pardessus tout.’
p. 187 Xhosa: smithing
‘Les Caffres travaillent et forgent eux-mémes leurs sagayes; mais ne connois-
sant du fer que sa malléabilité, leur art ne remonte pas jusqu’a sa premiére
fonte; ainsi c’est du fer deja travaillé qu’il leur faut... .’
pp. 188-9 Xhosa: smithing, bellows
‘Ceux auprés de qui je me trouvois actuellement, étoient réunis autour d’un
grand feu au pied d’une colline graniteuse; ils retiroient du brasier une barre
de fer assez grosse et profondément rougie; ils la posérent sur une enclume,
et se mirent a la battre avec des pierres fort dures, et de la forme la plus
favorable et la plus aisée a saisir; . . . mais ce fut leur soufflet qui me parut
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 107
—s
bien extraordinaire, . . . Leur soufflet étoit donc un meuble bien misérable;
il étoit fait d’une peau de mouton soigneusement vidée par une légére
incision et bien recousue. Les parties de l’origine des quatre pattes qu’ils
avoient retranchées comme inutiles et méme embarrassantes étoient nouées.
Ils avoient également tranché la téte, et substitué en place un bout de canon
autour duquel ils avoient ramassé et fortement attaché la peau du cou.’
—
p- 191 Xhosa: smithing
Nothing more.
1782 Carter p. 6 Mpondo: eagerness for iron
‘The masts, driven by the surf and current, found their way to the shore;
and as soon as they were got within reach, they were quickly stripped of the
iron hoops by the natives, that being the metal most prized, for making the
heads of their assaygays or lances.’
1782 Dalrymple p. 38, app. p. 27
p. 38 Xhosa: eagerness for metal
‘The Natives minded nothing but metal, one of the Coffrees took a watch
(Hubberly told him) and then broke the watch with a stone, and picked the
pieces out with their lance, and stuck them in their hair: this was up a pretty
large salt water river.*
* River Nye, or K-ly.
EEE
appendix p. 27 | Xhosa: copper
*,.. two men came out of a hut, brought some milk, and wanted zimbe* for it.’
+ Copper.
1782 Hubberly pp. 67, 95 Mpondo, Xhosa: iron, copper
Nothing more.
1788 Von Winkelman pp. 70, 85-6
p. 70 Xhosa: no smelting
‘Sie erhandeln das Eisen entweder von den Christen oder von andern
Stammen. Die Waffen aller Volker des Kafferlandes bestehen unter ver-
schiedenen Formen aus Eisen, das sie in solcher Menge ohnméglich von den
Christen erhalten habben kénnen. Es ist daher zu vermuthen, dass er durch
die haufig gestrandeten Schiffe an der Ost und Westkiiste von Afrika unter
diese Vélkerschafften gekommen ist. So reich auch diese Lander an den
besten Eisen-Erzten sind, so sind sie doch zu unerfahren in der Kunst
vortheile daraus zu ziehen.’
p. 85 Xhosa: tools
‘Das mannliche Geschlecht verfertigt die Waffen und Zierrathen. Sie haben
dazu keine andere Werkzeuge, als Steine, Holz und Eisen. Sie bauen sich
eine Art von Heerd, auf dem sie das mit Miihe hervorgebragte Feuer in
Glut und Flamme blasen. . . .’
Xhosa: bellows
‘Metallarbeiten. Sie bedienen sich dabei eines selbst verfertigten Blasebalgs
von einem zusammen gendhten Kalbsfell, in das ein durchbohrtes Rindshorn
108 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
eingefiigt ist. Sie geben mit sehr harten gearzartigen Steinen ihren lanzen die
Form und hauen teils mit solchen, teils mit Eisen selbst auch die Wieder-
haken kimstlich ein. Da ihre Lanzen mehr stahlartig sind, so lasst sich ver-
muthen dass sie in der Kunst, Eisen zu harten nicht ganz unerfahren sind.
Selbst hatte ich keine Gelegenheit der ganzen Fabrikatur ihrer Waffen bei
zu wohnen.
Auf ahnliche Art verfertigen sie auch aus Messing und Kupfer Ohren-
ringe, indem sie dasselbe zu ihrer Absicht diinner schmieden. Ob sie aber wie
verschiedne andere weiter nord Ostlich wohnende Kafferstamme die Kunst
verstehen, Metalle zu schmelzen, konnte ich nicht mit zuverlassigkeit
erfahren.’
1796 (Stout) p. 15 general: eagerness to get iron
Nothing more.
1797 Barrow pp. 161, 163-4, 168
p. 161 Xhosa: no smelting
“Though they have no knowledge of smelting iron from the ore, yet when it
comes to their hands in a malleable state, they can shape it to their purpose
with wonderful dexterity. Every man is his own artist. A piece of stone serves
for his hammer, and another for the anvil, and with these alone he will finish
a spear, or a chain, or a metallic bead that would not disgrace the Town of
Birmingham.’
pp. 163-4 Xhosa: trade with colonists and Thembu
‘Besides the illicit trade that the Dutch farmers have carried on with this
people, consisting of pieces of iron, copper, glass-beads, and a few other
trifling articles, given to them in exchange for their cattle, the Kaffers have
no kind of commerce with any other nation except their eastern neighbours ~
the Tambookies. In addition to the young girls which they purchase from
these people, they are supplied by them with a small quantity of iron in
exchange for cattle. It has been supposed that the Tambookies, and other
nations farther to the eastward, possessed the art of obtaining iron from the
ore; but it is much more probable that they are supplied with it by the
Portuguese settlers of Rio de la Goa, not far from which their country is
situated. The only metals known to the Kaffers are iron and copper; and
their only medium of exchange, and the only article of commerce they
possess, is their cattle.’
p. 168 | Xhosa: metal as bond
‘A promise was always held sacred when a piece of metal was broken between
the parties; a practice not unlike the breaking of a sixpence between two
parting lovers, still kept up in some country places of England.’
1803 Paravicini di Capelli pp. 123, 139-40
Pp. 123 Xhosa: iron
‘,..zyne Majesteit als opgetogen was over de groote pracht van myn paard,
als zynde van onderen de hoeven met blinkend yzer beslagen; zulk een ryk-
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 109
dom ging boven zyn begrip en hier over sprak hy agterom met de zyne.’
pp. 139-40 Xhosa: iron and smelting
‘Men zal gewis vragen hoe bekoomt den Kaffer yzer en hoe bewerkt hy het
zelve tot hassagayen; eensdeels hebben zy zeer veel yzer zorgvuldig gesloopt
van de menigvuldige op hunne kusten jaarlyks strandende schepen; twedens
ruylde en stalen zy het zelve tot hier toe van de Colonisten, en eyndelik
bezitten zy rotsen in welke yzer genoeg voor handig is, zoo als wy stukken
natif yzer van twee honderd ponden zwaarte gezien hebben, en waar van
stalen te Kaapstad voor handen zyn. De wyze van smeden is zoo vernuftig
uytgedacht dat het alle denkbeeld te boven gaat. Men weet dat de mieren en
vooral de witte mieren zeer groote termities maken, waar van zommige, vier
voeten boven de grond verheeven, zoo hard zyn, dat men met yzere mookers
en bylen werk heeft dezelve te verbryzelen. Het aard varken of den zooge-
naamde miereter weet de versch gebouwde woning der mieren van de oude
te onderscheiden, en maakt met zyne scherpe nagels een gat in een der zyden,
om aldus de mieren tot zyn voedsel te bekomen, hollende den miershoop van
binnen geheel ledig. Het is nu zulk een uytgehaalde miershoop die de Kaffer
gebruykt tot het smeden zyner hassagayen; hy boord vlak aan de overzyde
van de opening een klein rond gat, en steekt door het zelve een uytgehold
schapen mergbeen aan welks andere zyde een groote ledere zak stevig en lucht-
digt word vastgemaakt by wyze van een blaasbalg, hebbende een houte klep
om lucht in te vangen. Den oven aldus toegesteld en van binnen zeer heet
gestookt zynde, leggen zy het yzer in den zelven, de grootste opening met
steene en kleyaarde toestoppende, zoodanig dat er alleen plaats blyft om het
vuur het onderhouden en de trek te bevorderen. Als het yzer door lang stoken
tot smeltens af gloeyend is, werken zy het na buyten op een groote platte klip-
steen, en beuken met groote ronde steenen aan houte stokken vastgemaakt
zoo lange op het yzer, tot het eene plaat word, als wanneer zy het in lange
reepen met scherpe steenen doorslaan, en voorts geheel met kleindere ronde
steenen bewerken tot het de gedaante der hassegaay gekoomt. Het slypen is te
eenvoudig om er hier van te spreken.’
1802-6 Alberti pp. 62, 149-52, 202
p. 62 Xhosa: awl
‘Aan dit hals-sieraad bij de Mannen hangt nog doorgaans op de borst een
kleine ijzeren Priem in eenen koker, dienende zoo wel ter vervaardiging van
kleederen en melk-korven, als ter uitrukkinge van eenen doorn, dien men in
den voet treedt, en tot andere einden meer.’
p- 149 Xhosa: smithing
‘De weinige behoeften, zoo ligtelijk daarenboven te bevredigen, maken
bijkans allen handwerk, met uitzondering alleen der Smeederij, geheel
onnoodig. De laatste wordt dadelijk gevorderd ter vervaardiging van Werp-
spiesen, een soort van Handbijlen en van die koperen en ijzeren Ringen, zoo
tot sieraad als tot munt dienende, waarvan reeds vroeger gesproken is, en zij
I10 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
wordt op de eenvoudigtse wijze beoefend. Niet alle Kaffers drijven dit
Smids-handwerk, maar zulks is slechts eene kostwinning van enkele Personen.
Tot vuur-oven dient een Mierennest, welks bijzondere gehalte reeds hiervéér
beschreven is. Zulks wordt aan éénen kant geheel geopend en zoodanig uitge-
hold, dat deszelfs binnenste wanden naar de tegen over staande zijde eenig-
zins kegelvormig toeloopen. Alhier wordt eene opening gemaakt, waarin men
het roer of mondstuk van den Blaasbalk, niet zoo als gewoonlijk bij ons, maar
in zoodanige form steekt, dat de laatste zich binnen en het vuur buiten den
oven bevindt. De Blaasbalk zelf is een zagt bereid, bij wijze van eenen zak
toegenaaid, Kalfsvel, en het Mondstuk een Koehoren, waarvan de punt
afgesneden en waaraan de hals van het vel met eenen riem is vast gebonden,
zijnde dit vel van agteren geheel open. Men gebruikt twee zulke Blaasbalken
te gelijkk, wier mondstukken naast elkander met riemen aan kleine palen
worden vastgehecht, die in den grond geslagen zijn. Slechts een klein gedeelte
dier Mondstukken, echter, wordt in de gemaakte opening van den oven
gebragt, ten einde niet al te zeer aan het vuur te zijn bloot gesteld. Aan het
agterste gedeelte dezer Blaasbalken zijn beugels gemaakt, waaronder de
Smids-knecht de vlakke handen steekt, om ze beide zoo wel te openen, als te
sluiten. Tot eenen Hamer dient een Riviersteen, of ook somtijds een stuk
ijzer, welk de gedaante van eenen stompen kegel heeft, zonder steel. De Tang
bestaat uit een gedeeltelijk gespleten stuk taai Hout. Eindelijk bedient men
zich van eenen Beitel, om het koper of ijzer door te slaan, en het geprikte aan
de werpspiesen te vervaardigen, welk daaraan nu en dan te zien is.
De vereeniging of het zoo genoemde zamenlasschen van twee stukken
ijzer geschiedt, met derzelver beide einden over elkanderen te leggen, en met
een zeker deeg uit de aarde van het mieren-nest zelf te omwoelen, hetgeen,
alzoo in het vuur gelegd, eene aanvankelijke verbindtenis bewerkt, waarna
het door het smeden zelf tot volkomenheid gebragt wordt.—‘Ter vervaar-
diging der meer genoemde Ringen, wordt een plat stuk Koper of Ijzer, met
behulp van eenen beitel, in strooken van ééne Lijn breedte verdeeld; de
lengte, tot iederen ring op zich zelf noodig, om een rond hout gedreven van
omtrent 2 Lijnen in zijne doorsnede, en de wijdte van binnen alzoo bepaald.
—Bovenal weten de Kaffers hunne Werpspiesen zoo goed te bereiden, dat
men ze bijkans voor een werkstuk van onze gewone Smederij zoude houden:
daarentegen missen zij de bekwaamheid, om al wat bogtig is en dus meerder
overleg vordert, te bewerken, zoo als, bij voorbeeld, het oor van eene bijl, om
daarin den steel vast te maken, hoe zeer zij anders eene, voor hun behoef
allezins voegzame, soort van handbijlen weten te vervaardigen. De Bijl zelve |
heeft de gedaante van eenen breeden beitel; zij is 6 Duim lang; de vlakke |
breedte aan het einde, alwaar de snede is, bedraagt omtrent 2 Duim, en neemt |
naar den anderen kant langzaam af. Tot den doorboorden steel, waarin
men deze bijl steekt, dient niet slechts een zeer taai, maar tevens aan het
doorboord einde bijzonder kwastig hout, ten einde bij het gebruik niet te |
splijten.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI III
p- 202 Xhosa: copper rings
‘Bovendien neemt de weduwenaar eenige hairen uit den staart van eenen Os,
reigt aan dezelve eenige koperen kleene Ringen, en draagt dit snoer om den
hals, totdat de hairen vergaan.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein pp. 395, 462, 463, 495
P- 395 Xhosa: mining
‘Metalle werden gegraben und bearbeitet.’
p. 462 Xhosa: no mining
‘Sie graben ihre Metalle nicht selbst, sondern bekommen Eisen und Kupfer
durch Tauschhandel von den kafferischen V6lkern im Innern, wie sich in der
Folge deutlicher ausweisen wird. Das mehrste wird ihnen bereits verarbeitet
geliefert, doch besitzen sie Geschicklichkeit im Schmieden genug. .. .’
p. 463 Xhosa: bellows
‘Um einen steten Luftzug hervorzubringen und dadurch dem Feuer die
nothige Starke zu geben, bedienen sie sich eines Blasebalges, der aus zwei
ledernen Sacken besteht, die beide in eine gemeinschaftliche R6hre ausgehn
und einer um den andern zugedriickt und gedffnet werden. Diese Erfindung
ist ihnnen ebenfalls von jenen entfernteren Stimmen mitgetheilt.’
p. 463 Xhosa: tools
Nothing more.
p- 463 Xhosa: fuel for forge
‘Das Brennmaterial, dessen sich die hiesigen Schmiede bedienen, ist getrock-
neter Ochsenmist, der eine starke Gluth giebt.’
P- 495 Xhosa: sources of copper, iron
“Weit gegen Nordwesten hin, im Innern des Landes, kennen die Koossa ein
Volk, Namens Macquina, und erzahlen, dass dieses es sei, von welchem die
ubrigen Stamme ihr Kupfer und Eisen bekamen.’
1819-29 Moodie pp. 258, 259, 260
pp. 258-9 Xhosa: bellows
“The double bellows was the most curious part of the apparatus. It was
formed of two goatskins, . . . . The neck parts of the two skins were fixed into a
common tube, made of a straight bullock’s horn. . . the smith’s assistant. . .
then slips the thumb and fingers of each hand into small loops on each side of
the aperture at the loose end of each bag, and opening his right hand to allow
the air to enter the bag on that side, he again closes it and thrusts his arm
forward, which forces the air through the tube. Before the air is all forced out
of the bag on his right, he closes the aperture of the left-hand bag, and pushes
the other arm forward in the same manner, and thus keeps up a constant
blast through the common tube, which communicates with the furnace.’
Pp. 259 Xhosa: anvil and hammers
“We saw the smith make several assagays in a very short time, with stones of
different shapes for hammers. He had several thin bars of iron, which he beat
II2 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
out till they were of the proper thickness, upon his stone anvil, and then
formed the point of the assagay in a very dexterous manner with his rude
hammer. In forming the groove on each side of the head, or blade of the
weapon, he used a flat round edged shore-stone.’
p. 260 ? Xhosa: iron smelting
‘By means of the singular bellows I have just described, the Kaffres can smelt
out the iron from the ore, which is found in great abundance between Love-
dale and the Buffalo river.
1824 Ross p. 212 Ngwane: tongs
“They live in neat towns—not like the Caffre places. The smiths use tongs. He
knew the purpose of our tongs.’
1820-31 Steedman I p. 255, II p. 257
I p. 255 Mpondo: metal ores
‘Copper and iron ore are found in the mountains, and specimens of silver
and platina have been occasionally discovered.’
II p. 257 Mpako R.: iron ore
‘The land near the beach in this neighbourhood is very high, and must have
a very bold and bluff appearance from the sea. Several of the mountains near
the beach are rich in iron ore. At the mouth of the Umpakoo river is a most
singular mountain, well worthy the careful attention of any traveller skilled in
geology. It is composed principally of iron ore... .’
1815-37 Shaw p. 61 Xhosa: trade iron from Thembu
Nothing more.
1827 Dundas Fingo: smelting ovens
*. . . [we] proceeded on our journey, passed the Guonove and Gualaka
Rivers, near the former of which we saw much very rich Iron stone, where
some people of a distant tribe, called by the Kaffers Fingos (a word expressive
of their being found and sheltered by them) who had been driven from their
country by Chaka had established themselves for the purpose of working the
Iron. They had built their rude furnaces which we were not allowed to see,
and some of their labours in the form of hassegais were offered to us for sale.’
1825-9 Kay p. 133
Pp. 133 Xhosa: not much smelting, tools
Nothing more.
P- 133 Fingo: smelters
‘The various wars that have taken place within the last few years among the
tribes higher up the coast, and in the interior, have been the means of
throwing amongst the southern clans numbers of poor destitute exiles, who,
from their being acquainted with the art of smelting metallic ores, are likely
to prove very useful, both to the Amakosae and Amatembu.’
1829 Kay (Meth. Mag.) p. 350 Fingo: metallurgy
As above.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 113
1829 Bain pp. 103-4 note 54 Mpondo: copper neck-rings
‘Their other ornaments consist of common beads, ivory rings and large
copper neck rings, some of which weigh several pounds.’
1829 Boniface p. 26 Xhosa: eagerness for iron
Nothing more.
(1833) Morgan pp. 43-4 Xhosa: account of smithing
‘The only manufactory amongst them that is carried on by a distinct set of
men, is the making the heads of the assagai, the forming of axe heads, and the
making of their sewing needles or awls; and he who practices this art is held in
great estimation amongst them. The only tools are various kinds of hard
stones, as hammers and anvils. Flexible boughs of green wood for holding the
hot iron—and a bellows formed of an entire buckskin; the legs are tied up,
and to the neck is fastened the horn of an ox which is perforated and forms
the tube for the exit of the wind; the other end of the skin is open and two
sticks are sewed to the brim—these have two loops on, one to receive the
thumb the other the fingers. The method of using them is as follows: —a forge
is formed on the ground by erecting a bank of earth a foot or two in height;
this serves to secure the nose of the bellows and protects the skin from the
action of the fire, which is made in front of the bank: a hole to communicate
with the nose of the bellows and to permit the wind to act on the fire passes
through it. The man who uses these machines (for there [are] two in use at a
time) pulls one of the skins out, at the same time pressing the other
towards the bank: in the act of extending it, he separates the thumb and
fingers, thus opening the orifice of the skins, which then become full of air.
He then shuts his hand that closes it, and pressing the skin to the bank the
confined air rushes out through the horn—by thus alternately acting nearly
a constant stream of air is supplied to the fire.’
(1836) Martin p. 151 Thembu: smelting further inland
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw p. 483 Xhosa: scarcity of iron
‘Iron was so scarce among the Kaffirs, that a few pounds’ weight would, in
barter among themselves, purchase an ox or a cow. It was, therefore, not
surprising that they used to torment us by stealing every piece of iron which
they could carry off, with any hope of being undiscovered in the act, .. .’
1837 Doéhne p. 62 Xhosa: smithing
‘Dazu haben sie ihre eigenen Schmiede, welche mit Steinen hammern. Der
Blasebalg ist ein zugenahtes Fell, an dessen einer Oeffnung ein Horn befestigt
wird, welches sie auf dem Erdboden fest machen.’
1836-44 Dohne pp. 8-9, 36-8
pp. 8-9 Xhosa: metals not discovered
Nothing more.
It4 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 36 Xhosa: forge, tools
‘.. . Zuerst brennen sie Kohlen; dann machen sie aus Lehm einen kleinen
Hiigel von etwa 2 Fuss Breite und 14 Fuss Hohe, rund und hohl und mit zwei
Léchern versehen. Dies ist ihre Esse. Zwei Sacke von Ziegenfellen, an deren
Ende zwei ausgehohlte Horner befestigt sind, bilden den Blasebalg. Das
Eisen, woraus alle Waffen gemacht werden, wird durch ein kleines Kohlen-
feuer zuerst in der Esse heiss gemacht, dann mit einem runden Stein vier-
kantig gehammert, mit Lehm bestrichen, damit es nicht verbrennt, im Feuer
geschweisst, nochmals vierkantig glatt gehammert, ausgereckt, zugerichtet,
wieder gehammert, damit die rechte Form herauskommt, und dann vdllig
ausgearbeitet, .. .’
pp. 37-8 Xhosa: brass-smiths
‘Eine zweite Art Handwerker sind die Messingschmiede. Sie arbeiten ohne
Feuer und verfertigen aus Metall, das aus der Colonie von den Englandern
kommt, die Arm- und Fingerringe und den Gurt, welchen sie tiber den
Hiiften um den Leib tragen. Dieser besteht aus lauter glattgehammerten,
schén abgerundeten Ringen, von 4 Zoll im Durchmesser, die, an einen
Riemen gereiht, als Zierrath getragen werden. 3—400 gehéren zu einem
Giirtel, und fiir 2 Giirtel bekommt der Meister eine Kuh.’
1842 Baines I pp. 51-2
I pp. 51-2 Xhosa: assegai manufacture
“The Kafirs, as well as the Hottentots, formerly manufactured their own
assegais from iron found either in a native state among the mountains or
obtained in ore at a short distance from the surface, and some of the remoter
tribes still do so; but among those on the Colonial frontier the general adop-
tion of fire arms, and the facility with which iron and, saith the many
tongued, assegai heads of British manufacture are obtained, has caused so
great a declension of this branch of native industry that few travellers indeed
are favoured with an opportunity of witnessing it... .’
I p. 52 ‘distant tribes’: smelting
“The ore is still smelted among the distant tribes by being piled in alternate
layers with charcoal, enclosed by a wall of clay, and subjected to the action
of two bellows, each consisting of the entire skin of a small animal, generally |
a goat, pointed with a bullock’s horn, both of which are sometimes directed
into the larger extremity of the horn of the eland, and alternately distended
and compressed, either by two persons or by the right and left hand of one,
so as to keep up a continuous blast in the required direction.’
I p. 52 Xhosa: forge
*. .. The forge is merely a wall of clay or ant hill, perforated to receive the
nozzle of the bellows before which the fire is lighted; yet this simple apparatus
has been found to answer so well the purpose for which it is designed as not
infrequently to be adopted by Europeans who have had occasion to exercise
the blacksmith’s art at a distance from the appliances of civilisation.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI II5
I p. 52 general: desire for iron
‘,.. So harassed the Kafirs as they retired with their plunder as to teach them,
for a long time after, more moderation in their desire for the iron work of
Colonial wagons.’
1842-72 Ward pp. 124-5 Xhosa: bellows
Nothing more.
1842-7» Ward p. 39 Xhosa: bellows
Nothing more.
(1853) Merriman p. 65 Xhosa: metallurgy
*.. . the only kind of hand craft in which these people seem to display skill is
in metallurgy. The pipe and the assagai or spear furnish the chief exercise of
their craft.’
(1853) Kretschmar p. 239 Xhosa: articles imported
‘Eiserne Gerathe, wie Hacken, Spaten und Beile, welche Einzelne besitzen,
sind nicht durch Kaffern gefertigt, sondern eingefiihrt.’
1862 Bauer & Hartman p. 489 Thembu: smithing
‘Leaving the wagon behind, we rode past many kraals, at one of which we
were surprised to see a blacksmith in full work. He had a very ingenious
contrivance, which served him in the place of bellows, and seemed to use
excellent coal for his work, which consisted of highly finished assegais and
hooks.’
(1862) Anon (E.P.) p. 85 general: spear-making
Nothing more.
1863-6 Fritsch pp. 70-2
pp. 70-1 Xhosa: anvil, tools
Nothing more.
Pp. 71 Xhosa: bellows
“Die zum Schmieden nothigen Geradthschaften werden in ahnlicher Weise in
einem grossen Theile des afrikanischen Continents in Anwendung gebracht
und bestehen hauptsdchtlich aus zwei cylindrischen Blasebalgen von Thier-
hauten, die oben offen, aber mit je zwei parallelen St6cken versehen sind,
wahrend unten ein Kuhhorn mit durchbohrter Spitze angefiigt ist, um den
Luftstrom in das Feuer zu leiten; das Versengen der ausftihrenden Spitzen
wird verhindert durch Einleiten derselben in ein thénernes Ansatzstiick von
conischer Gestalt, welches die Verbindung mit dem Feuer vermittelt.’
Pp. 72 Xhosa: copper, steel
‘Kupfer bringen die Eingeborenen in der beschriebenen Weise wohl mit
einiger Mithe zum Schmelzen, doch bietet hierbei die Natur ihnen den Vor-
theil, dass gediegenes Kupfer als gestrickte Massen im Sande der Ravinen
verrollt nicht selten gefunden wird, die Darstellung aus Erzen also fortfallt.
Mit Eisen verhdlt sich die Sache ganz anders, da dasselbe gediegen in grés-
seren Mengen nur als Meteoreisen vorkommt und es eine kiihne Behauptung
116 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ware, sammtliches von den Eingeborenen verarbeitetes Eisen auf Meteore
zuruckfihren zu wollen.
‘Wood betrachtet das von den Kaffern verarbeitete Metall, wie es
scheint, als eine Art Gussstahl, den er mit dem indischen Wootz vergleicht,
und stellt Vermuthung auf, wie die auffallenden Erscheinungen an demsel-
ben, besonders das schwierige Rosten, zu erklaren seien. Das Eisen ist aber
in der That weich und geschmeidig, so dass man eine diinne Assegai-Klinge
aufrollen kann, ohne dass sie bricht und das Geheimniss der geringen Neigung
zum Rosten im Vergleich mit europaischem Metall beruht einfach darin, dass
Ersteres anhaltend gehammert und dabei angelassen ist, wodurch ein sehr
resistentes Hautchen von einer niedrigen Oxydations-stufe auf demselben
entsteht, wahrend europdisches Material stark erhitzt, massig gehammert,
dann mit der Feile bearbeitet und vielleicht auch noch polirt wird, so dass es
eines ahnlichen Schutzes entbehrt. Die Kafferwaffen sind demgemass auch
nicht blank, wie Wood angiebt, sondern von einer braunlich grauen Farbung,
indem nur an den Kanten durch Anschleifen das blanke Metall zu Tage tritt.
Werden die Schneiden wegen der Weichheit des Metalles auch bald stumpf,
so lassen sie sich dagegen wiederum leicht schleifen und Eile hat der Arbeiter
nicht mit der Vollendung seiner Gerathschaften.’
1845-89 Kropf p. 112 Xhosa: smelting oven, bellows, hammer
Nothing more.
(1871) Griesbach p. cliv. ?: smithing
Nothing more.
1871 Bauer p. 275 Insizwa Mt.: copper ore
[passed Intiswa Mt.] ‘where copper ore of a good quality is to be found.’
(1882) Theal pp. 24-6 Xhosa: smelting
p. 24 ‘In many parts of the country iron ore of excellent quality is abundant,
and this they smelt (or rather did so until recently) in a simple manner.
Forming a furnace of a boulder with a hollow surface, out of which a groove
was made to allow the liquid metal to escape, and into which a hole was
pierced for the purpose of introducing a current of air, they piled up a heap
of charcoal and virgin ore, which they afterwards covered in such a way as to
prevent the escape of heat. The bellows by which air was introduced were
made of skins, the mouthpiece being the horn of a large antelope. The molten
iron, escaping from the crude yet effective furnace, ran into clay moulds
prepared to receive it, which were as nearly as possible of the same magnitude
as the implements they wished to make. These were never of great size—the
largest being the picks or heavy hoes used in gardening.’
(1887) Matthiae p. 11 Xhosa: articles made of iron
Nothing more.
(1906) Whiteside p. 175 Xhosa: metal-working
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 117
(1912) Ayliff & Whiteside p. 9 Hlubi: skilled workers
‘. . . [speaking of Basutoland] The Amahlubi were very skilful workers in
metals and Motshole wore on his neck a necklace which was wrought on the
wearer’s neck in one piece and was supposed to possess magical powers.
Sikonyela coveted this.’
(1919) McLaren p. 442 Xhosa: smelting from ore
‘In olden times iron was smelted, nyibilikisa, from the ore, isi-nyiti, by a smelter,
t-lala, by heating it in a furnace, 1st-dlangalala, where it was blown upon, futa,
with a powerful bellows, im-futo, till it was heated to a white heat, ubu-qaqaul1,
and then run off into the sand. The iron thus obtained, or later, purchased
from the trader, was forged into shape, kanda iyilwe, by a blacksmith,
um-kandi,...
(1926) Du Toit pp. 291, 412 Eastern Cape: copper
p. 291 ‘Apart from the existence of small quantities of copper pyrites in the
districts of Queenstown and Cathcart, the only occurrence worthy of atten-
tion is that near Mount Ayliff, where copper-nickel ores are locally concen-
trated at the basal contact of the Insizwa gabbro-norite mass.’
p. 412 ‘The copper-nickel ores of Insizwa with several per cent. of metals
carry pyrrhotite, pentlandite and chalcopyrite with a good platinum content.’
(1926) Miiller p. 40 Hlubi: art of smithing now lost
‘Ein Schmiedehandwerk hat es wahrscheinlich friiher einmal gegeben. Die
Kaffern mussten sich doch die Spitzen ihrer Assagaie, die Hacken zum
Bestellen ihrer Felder selbst bereiten. Dies Schmiedehandwerk ist aber
allmahlich in Vergessenheit geraten. Ihre Assagaie mussten sie der Regierung
abliefern, und die immer regierungsfreundlichen Hlubis werden es wohl
freiwillig getan haben. Die Feldhacken kamen ausser Gebrauch, als die viel
besseren Pfliige eingefiihrt wurden.’
(1927) Poto Ndamase p. 118 Mpondo: smelting
‘Emva kwalo kungene umkonto wesinyiti. Isinyiti esi besinyityilikiswa elityeni
ebeliye ligutywe libe ngumgubo. Lomgubo-ke ubugalelwa_ emalahleni
omlokoti, ize ngapezulu ibe ngamalahle ibuye ibe ngumgubo welitye, njalo
njalo. Lento-ke ibisenziwa kwisigingqana emhlabeni, ize umlilo uvutelwe
ngemfuto eyenziwe ngesikumba senkomo. Ubuti-ke wakunyibilika umgubo
sivuze isinyiti singamanzi, sibe zintambo. Ezintambo-ke bekusenziwa ngazo
imikonto namazembe.’
[After the wooden throwing javelin came the spear of iron. Iron-ore was
smelted from stone ground to powder. This powder was then cast on live
coals of umlokotht wood, on the powder there was more coal again, then more
powder, and so on. This was done in a basin-shaped hole in the ground; the
fire was given draught by bellows (imfutho) made of cow hide. When the
powder melted the iron became liquid and turned into strands (rods). These
rods were converted into assegais and axes. |
|
118 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1928) Wagner pp. 13, 143, 191 Eastern Cape: occurrence of iron-ore
p. 13 ‘Within the Union of S.A. evidence of activities of early metallurgists is
furnished by accumulations of slag, remains of old furnaces, and more
strikingly by the ancient workings for iron ore that are scattered broadcast
over the Transvaal, Natal, Zululand and Griqualand West, their non-
existence in the Cape Province being due to the absence of iron deposits in
that territory.’
p. 143 ‘No economically significant deposits of iron ore have so far been found
in the Karroo Beds of the Cape Province. The writer was some years ago
given a smali specimen of strongly magnetic argilaceous ironstone, said to
have been obtained in the neighbourhood of Cala, which lies in an area of
Beaufort and Molteno beds. He has not been able to obtain any particulars
of the occurrence.’
4
p. 191 ‘. . . lateritic surface ironstones that have such a wide distribution in
the more humid districts of South Africa. They are found at or, as is more
usual, a foot or so below the surface. ... The ironstone . . . occurs either as a
continuous sheet or as a layer of nodules or pellets, the spaces between which
are occupied by sand or soil.’
p. 192 ‘From what has already been said, one would expect the ironstone to
be very impure, and this unfortunately is almost invariably the case; most of
it is highly siliceous, none has so far been found sufficiently rich in iron to be
of value under present-day conditions as a potential source of metal.’
(1932) Soga p. 406 Xhosa: ornaments
‘Arm bangles of solid metal, others of wire-work of original Native work- .
manship, in a variety of patterns, are still made by a few experts in metal
work.’
1932 Hunter pp. 100, 102
p. 100 Mpondo: smelting
‘Iron was formerly smelted from ‘“‘a blackish gravel”? found in outcrops in
certain districts. . . . Smiths were specialists. The art was handed on from
father to son, but any outsider could pay a smith to teach him his art. The
smiths were not an endogamous group. No smelting from ore is now done. .. .’
p. 102 Mpondo: wire-work
*... In return men twist trade wire into bangles and waist bands.’
1937 Cornner Correspondence Mpondomise: smithing
‘, . . assegais and bracelets. . . . In the old days these articles were made by a
so-called professional native blacksmith. . . . To-day, no-one plies that craft,
and each man makes his own assegai from an old file, which he heats on a
dung fire and hammers it out himself on stones.’
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 1, 17, 22-9, 33, 34, 36-40
Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: smithing
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 119g
para. 38 : copper
‘Ukufunyanwa ko bhedu: Ubhedu lalufunyanwa kube Lungu.’
[Where copper was obtained: It was got from the Europeans. ]
(1949) Duggan-Cronin p. 13 Mpondo, Mpondomise: iron smelting
‘Iron was smelted from ore and beaten into axes, spear-heads, and hoes, but
it was scarce, and old men say that many of them had to use wooden hoes. . . .’
| 1971 Gitywa pp. 138-45 Xhosa: smiths and metal-working
| p. 139 Xhosa: anti-rust treatment
“Trying to find an explanation why native metal articles did not rust readily,
Wood postulates that this freedom from rust may be obtained by a process
similar to that which is employed in the manufacture of geological hammers,
namely, that while the metal is hot, it is plunged into oil and then hammered.
This is significant in that an old assegai smith of Dikidikana Location,
Middledrift, volunteered similar information, but in his case the red hot iron
was immersed in a salt solution after it was hammered.’
| p. 142 Xhosa: no mining, modern sources
‘Informants all agreed that although the Xhosa knew how to work with metal,
they never mined metal extensively, nor have they any knowledge of any of
their contemporaries or forefathers mining metal ore, isinyithi. Informants
themselves made their assegais from old or new files or from any suitable piece
of iron.’
Xhosa: forge and charcoal
“To fashion these into spears, the metal was burnt red hot in a “‘furnace’’, a
perforated four gallon tin or any metal receptacle suitably sized to make the
fire in. Dried cowdung, amalongo, or wood from the Acacia karroo, umnga,
was used. One informant, born in 1876, added that umnquma, Olea africana,
umhlakothi, Rhus legatii and umhlakotshana, Rhus lancea made excellent
charcoal for heating the iron.
“The wood was burnt in a hole dug in the ground. When the wood was
burnt to coals, the fire was doused by covering it up with a layer of earth and
left like that to cool. The charcoal thus produced was used in a proper
furnace and not in the perforated tin, imbhawula. The furnace proper was
built of soft stone cemented together with mud. The soft stone was preferred
to the hard stone because it did not split on being intensely heated. The whole
furnace was shaped like an antheap which was open at the top. Provision
was made in the wall of the furnace for a hole to take the nozzle of the
bellows.’
—
ee ees Xhosa: trade
“Those who wanted them usually placed an order for such assegais. It was not
everybody who placed an order for an assegai who got it. All customers were
carefully screened by the smith in order to find out whether the buyer had
any malicious intentions, for example, a young man contemplating to kill his
120 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
father. Sample questions in the screening would run like this: —‘‘Whose son
are you?” ‘What do you need the assegai for because there are no wars, nor
are there animals to hunt down?”’.’
‘In the case of an assegai assault on somebody, the Chief’s court always tried
to find out who the smith was who sold or made the assegai for the offender.
Should it be found that the smith was irresponsible in doing so, he was then
liable to the payment of a court fine.’
pea Xhosa: bellows
‘According to informants the bellows, imfutho, was made from the skin of a
buck, impunzi, in the absence of which an ordinary goat skin was used. The
animal was not slaughtered in the normal way by cutting the skin open along
the belly, but the head was cut off and the skin “‘peeled”’ off the carcass in
such a manner that it formed a bag, open at both ends. The neck part of the
skin was joined on to a tube made of a bullock’s horn. The opening at the
opposite end of the skin was contracted to a narrow aperture to which short
slats of wood were sewn so that it could be opened and closed at will with the
thumb and fingers of the hand.’
p- 143 Xhosa: decline of craft
“Today very few smiths practise their craft... . It is secretly practised today
to make spears for the circumcision of boys or for use on ritual and ceremonial
occasions.’ |
METALLURGY: TERMS
ilala smelter of ore, smith D. Since in southern Natal this denotes a cluster of
tribes, this word probably refers in the first place to a people, not to the craft
for which they were noted 118
-nyibilikisa to smelt, D, generally known to mean ‘melt’, as fat. Smelting was
not known to the Cape Nguni 119
-khanda beat out by hammering, as iron on an anvil, forge D. An old generally
known Bantu root 120
umkhandi smith D. Cf. Zu and languages of the interior (from -khanda beat out,
hammer) 121
isikhando smith’s shop, [smithy] D Bh only. (From -khanda ‘forge’. Not really a
word, and doubtful whether ever used, because a proper smithy never
existed. The only people in southern Africa who have a proper name for the
place where iron-working is done are the Venda, who call it shondo. Isikhando
could just as well mean ‘tool for forging’) 122
umkhando 1 smith-work, beaten work D, but not confirmed in Transkei. 2 kind
of stone Mp Xes (from -khanda forge) 123
isinyitht 1 iron ore, iron; ore of any other metal D (they could not have known
any other ore). 2 not known, Tkei, except 3 smelted iron or lead (prob.
modern) T. 4 iron that cannot be bent, cast iron Mp 124
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI I2I
indondo1 nD.2 clips of brass or copper clamped round bangle (anklet, etc.) of
brass wire rolled round tail-hair core or straight onto such core; hence the
whole of such bangle, anklet, etc. T Mp general. 3 In Zulu this same word
denotes very large solid brass beads of remarkable size, viz. c. 20 mm diam.
(from -londa ‘keep safe’) 125
intsimbi iron; articles made of iron; beads, D general. From the common Bantu
root for ‘iron’. In the absence of knowledge of other metals, frequently used
for copper 126
ixina brass, D, but mostly unknown 127
ubhedu 1 copper, D. 2 old word still remembered by some, but meaning not
known, Bo X_ 128 :
ucingo brass, copper or any other wire D general 129
isidlangalala 1 furnace for melting ore, D. 2 not confirmed by anybody in
various parts of the country, and appears doubtful, esp. since most informants
do know the word in the meaning ‘group of people’, whilst iron-smelting was
unknown until introduced by Fingo metal-workers, who kept the craft to
themselves 130
iziko fireplace or hearth in the centre of the hut, D general, but not necessarily
inside hut; also forge 1931
imfutho bellows D general except Bo who say isifutho (from sha produce a
draught) 132
isifutho bellows Bo 133
amalahle charcoal D general (lit. ‘what is to be thrown away’) 134
istkhandelo 1 anvil D. 2 stone on which to pound medicine Mp. 3_ burring
stone to give tooth to grinding stone Xes. 4 unknown X Bo (from -khanda
forge, lit. ‘something to forge on’) 135
isando hammer. This word is mistakenly assumed by dictionary-makers to be
derived from or connected with -anda, or at least derived from a root -ando.
However, the common Bantu root for ‘hammer’ is -yundo, found, e.g., in
Karanga nyundo, Venda nundo, Sotho-Tswana nété (by assimilation from noté).
The other Nguni languages, e.g. Zulu, also have isando. The word is known to
most but not all people one would expect to know it. This may be due to the
fact that originally and until fairly recently isando was not a real tool but
merely a hard stone used as hammer in metal work. Nowadays it denotes a
European-type hammer 136
udlawu 1 (Em) smith’s tongs D Mp. 2 tongs made of wire Bh. 3 iron for dig-
ging Xes Mp but denied by other good Mp informants, and the word in any
sense was unknown to good X and Bo informants. 4 necklace with flaps
(T Blohm) Mp X_ 137
inkxola (-xhola chisel out or off; carve roughly; pick a millstone, i.e. burr
grindstone to sharpen it) chisel, gouge D McL but hardly known 138
isixholo chisel, gouge (from -xhola) but, like inkxola, not much used 139
isibazo (from -baza ‘sharpen to a point’, actually a widely-distributed Bantu verb
denoting to ‘carve’) 1 nD.2 chisel Xes Bh. 3 adze Hlu 140
122 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
METALLURGY: DIscussION
The greater part of the country occupied by the Cape Nguni, at least
during the last 350 years, lies within the Karroo system, and has no significant
deposits of iron ore. There are, however, small deposits of lateritic ironstones,
such as occur all over South Africa on or, more frequently, just below the sur-
face, in forms varying from a continuous sheet of stone, to small pellets,
Of copper (ubhedu) the only notable deposit is in the Insizwa range near
Mount Ayliff, where there is a concentration of copper-nickel ore. This was
noted by Bauer in 1871, but he made no further comment. There are also small
quantities of copper pyrites in the Queenstown and Cathcart areas. Fritsch
stated that a certain amount of copper was obtained in the form of alluvial
native copper, but this is not substantiated. The meaning of the word ubhedu
was no longer known to Xhosa and Bomvana informants. The same word in
Zulu means ‘shell’ and in South Sotho lepetu is a particular brass ornament
worn by warriors. It is not possible to say which is derived from which.
Paravicini di Capelli stated that iron was obtained from rocks and Steed-
man reported a hill rich in ore near the north of the Mpako River, but this is not
confirmed. Moodie, writing after the arrival of the Fingo, wrote of the great
abundance of ore between Lovedale and the Buffalo River and of its mining and
smelting there, and Dundas stated that the ore was rich near the Gonubie
River, where the Fingo worked it. These authors described neither the method
of mining nor of smelting the ore. Paravicini di Capelli and Baines both men-
tioned the finding of iron in its native state, and its use by smiths, but Fritsch
discounted this on the ground that they had neither the skill nor the equipment
to do so. Theal, however, claims to describe a Xhosa smelting furnace, and
states that it was a boulder with a hollow surface, and that a hole was made in
it to take the bellows, and a groove was made to let the liquid metal run off into
clay moulds. This description, coupled with the fact that Theal states that heavy
iron hoes were cast, prompts one to disregard this source.
Sparrman’s report, from Bushman information, that the Thembu mined
and smelted ‘a species of metal’ which, from the analysis of an ornament said
to have been made from it, appeared to be a mixture of copper and silver, is not
confirmed by Bonatz, who lived among the Thembu 60 years later. Neverthe-
less, the locality Sparrman gave ‘on a mountain two days journey north of the
Tsomo River’ could well be the Insizwa Mountains, where a mixture of copper
and nickel does occur. But it could be that the Bushman report, if true, referred
to the working of metal that had been obtained by trade from the oft-quoted
‘tribes of the interior’ —for example the Macquina (?Bakwena) who, Lichten-
stein was told, supplied ‘the rest of the tribes with iron and copper’.
With the above exceptions accounts of early travellers and missionaries
agree that neither the Xhosa nor the Thembu mined iron or copper or smelted
them from the ore, though it must be remembered that mining and smelting
were, in other parts of the country, very specialized and often secret activities,
and it might be that the people refused to tell. On the other hand, in other parts
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 123
of the country, especially Natal and the Transvaal, much evidence of ancient
mine-working is to be seen.
Modern ‘Thembu informants quoted the former use of pointed wooden
spears and wooden spades as an indication that they did not have iron.
Whether the Xhosa and Thembu lost the art of smelting ore through
sojourn in a country where it was not easy to find, or whether they never
possessed the art at all, is difficult to say. The Kropf-Godfrey Dictionary gives a
word for ore (isinyithi), and a smelter of ore (z/ala)!; and a smelter (umnyibilzkisz),
apparently a manufactured word from the verb generally meaning ‘to melt’ as
fat melts. These words seem to distinguish the smelter from the smith (umkhand1),
from the verb ‘to beat out by hammering’. On the other hand it must be remem-
bered that the dictionary was published almost a century after the arrival of the
immigrant tribes, who knew the art of smelting. At all events it seems evident
that the Xhosa and Thembu were dependent for their metals on outside supplies,
which they received in a malleable state.
Early writers presumed that the country was rich in ore, only waiting to be
found and used, and expected the immigrant tribes, with their knowledge of
mining and smelting, to prove helpful to the Xhosa and ‘Thembu in this respect.
Nevertheless, even after the Fingo had settled in the country, there are only the
two records already mentioned of smelting from the ore. Dundas, in 1827
passed, near the upper Gonubie River, the site of some Fingo smelting ovens,
which, however, he was not allowed to see, and Moodie, writing of the same
period, stated that iron was smelted from ore that was found between Lovedale
and the Buffalo River.
In Pondoland, however, outcrops of ‘a blackish gravel’ had been found
and were worked by the Mpondo.
Xesibe informants in 1948 stated that there was plenty of ironstone, which
they called zlztye lesinyangane, in the Mount Ayliff district, and that it had been,
but was no longer, worked. They claimed that iron was smelted in the area
until about the middle of the nineteenth century.
Of the smelting ovens used by the Fingo or Hlubi, who were said to be
skilful workers, there is no description. The Mpondo are said to have ground the
ore to a powder, and put it in a basin-like hollow in the ground, in alternate
layers with charcoal embers. An ox-hide bellows was used to keep up the fire.
According to Xesibe informants the ore was placed on a fire of hard woods in a
hollow in the ground, and blown with a bellows.
There is no description of the treatment of the smelted iron to separate it
from the slag. It must simply have been hammered and reheated repeatedly to
clean it. The only indication that it was run into moulds is from Poto Ndamase’s
account of Mpondo smelting.
Before the advent of European settlers, the Cape Nguni are said to have
obtained small supplies of metal by trade with the tribes to their north and east,
the Xhosa via the Thembu. (Recently two hoe-heads of types usually found in
1 amaLala is the name collectively applied to a number of tribes of southern Natal.
I24 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
the northern Transvaal were dug up and a third was found on the surface, in
lands in the present Ciskei, between Komgha and the Kei. (Kaffrarian Museum
nos. ¥746, Y8o01 and Y894.)) Those living near the coast had a good subsidiary
source in the numerous ships that were wrecked there, and whose survivors tell
of the eagerness of the natives to obtain metal in any form. So highly prized was
it that the survivors of the Stavenisse reported that among the Xhosa, though
everything else belonging to a deceased person was destroyed, metal objects were
kept. After the arrival of Europeans from the west, iron, copper and brass are
mentioned among the main items of barter, cattle being given in exchange, and
scrap iron in any form was eagerly collected. Paravicini di Capelli records the
amazement of Gaika when he saw that the horses hooves were shod with iron,
and even as late as the 1830s Shaw remarked that iron was still ‘so scarce that a
few pounds weight are worth a cow’.
Once they had the metal, Xhosa smiths were adept at working it, and had
an adequate range of tools. Records of the other groups are not as full, but the
indications are that their working equipment was similar.
The Xhosa forge was either an anthill which had been cut straight down
one side (the front), or a small wall or mound of clay about 60 cm high, pierced
from back to front by a small tunnel. The iron was placed in a hot dung,
charcoal or hardwood (umlokithi, isiqgalaba or isiqwane) fire which was made in a
hollow in the ground in front of the anthill or clay wall, and the nozzles of the
bellows were put in the tunnel from the back, so that the flame was blown to the
front of the forge. A different sort of forge is described by Déhne as “a little hill,
two feet broad by 13 feet high, round, concave, and furnished with two holes’.
This.sounds like the Natal type, and may have been introduced by the immi-
grant tribes.
Forges of other tribes are not described, but the use of charcoal as fuel is
mentioned. Modern Bhaca informants stated that the fire was made in the kraal.
Xhosa, Thembu and Bomvana and no doubt all the groups made a double
bellows out of buck, calf or goat skin (Pl. 19:8). Each of the pair was made of a
whole skin, cut off at the neck, into which was bound a nozzle, which might be
an .ox-horn cut off and perforated at the point or, according to eighteenth-
century writers, the long bone of a sheep or a gun-barrel. Xesibe informants said
that the nozzle was of wood. The other end was left open and two sticks sewn
on to the edge, each stick having a loop, one to receive the thumb, the other the
fingers. According to most authors the nozzles of both bags were inserted into
the tunnel in the forge, not far enough to burn. Lichtenstein and Moodie
described the necks of each of the two bags as being bound on to one horn. This
is not possible, but may have been an incorrect observation of a variation
recorded by Baines of the ‘distant’ tribes, that they put the two neck horns into
one larger horn, or by Fritsch that the Xhosa put them into an earthenware
tuyere. To hold the bellows in place it was secured by thongs, which tied it to
pegs stuck in the ground. Probably the thongs were tied to the front legs of the
skin. The smith’s assistant sat at the back of the bellows behind the forge, gripped
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 125
the back of a bag in each hand and maintained a continuous draught by pressing
and pulling in and out alternately, closing and opening the skins as he did so.
The Xhosa anvil, and presumably that of all the groups, was a large flat
stone or small boulder.
The Xhosa tongs were made of a piece of pliable green wood, split for a
certain distance, but the Amangwane, and probably all the immigrant tribes,
had iron tongs, and modern Bhaca informants knew them as made of wire.
The hammer was a stone or, according to Alberti, a piece of iron ‘in the
shape of a truncated cone’ and with no handle. Paravicini di Capelli, however,
states that the hammer-stone was attached to a wooden stick. There is no
confirmation of this. Different sizes and shapes of hammer-stones were used for
different purposes. Moodie mentions the use of a flat round-edged shore stone
for making the groove on spear-blades.
An iron chisel was commonly used by the Xhosa for cutting metal, and for
ornamenting it with hatched incisions, though Von Winkelman saw stone
chisels being used as well for making spear-heads. Paravicini too saw stone
chisels in use.
During the making of objects the iron was heated and reheated in the
forge and according to Déhne was covered with clay each time it was put back
on the fire ‘to prevent it from burning’. Alberti mentions this coating with
anthill clay when two pieces were to be forged together —they were thus heated
and hammered together.
Several authors discussed the possibility of the Xhosa understanding how
to harden iron ‘since their spears are like steel’, but Fritsch discounted this, as
the iron remained soft and pliable. He pointed out that the resistance to rust
was due to the tough outer skin that was produced by continued hammering
and which was not polished off.
With iron so scarce, the objects made from it were few. First and foremost
were the spear-heads, which were made in a variety of shapes, but all formed
first from a thin rod of metal. The plainer forms would need no further tools
than the hammers, but the serrations and barbs with which some of the tangs
were provided called for the work of a chisel. The shortage of iron is emphasized
by the fact that in earlier times wooden sticks with the ends sharpened and
hardened in the fire were used in lieu of iron-headed spears. In Pondoland the
price for six to eight spear-heads was an ox. According to Gitywa (197!)
customers in recent times when spears had ceased: to be in general use were
screened by the smith to make sure that they had no vicious intentions, as the
smith himself would be liable to a fine if he had been careless in this respect.
Domestic axe-heads (or hatchets) were made of iron. These are described
as a flat triangle, the base of which was the sharpened cutting edge. The point
was inserted through a hole in the haft-head. For use as an adze the head could
be turned round, so that the cutting edge was at right angles to the haft. Accord-
ing to Makalima, axes were also weapons of war among the Thembu. If so, the
habit could have been learned from the South Sotho. It is stated that by 1853
MN i
126 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
no axes were being made.
Awls, both the thin and unhafted iron points, of which men usually carried
one hung round the neck, and the somewhat thicker and hafted tool, were
made of iron.
There is no record that knives or hoes were ever made, but they were
imported from the Cape, together with axes, from the early years of the nine-
teenth century onwards.
Occasionally iron was fashioned into ornaments, but only for chiefs and
the well-to-do. A single iron bangle might be worn, or sometimes a girdle of
small iron rings threaded on a thong. The latter were, however, more commonly
seen in brass. The method of making rings was to flatten a piece of meta! into a
plate of the desired thickness, cut from it with the chisel strips of the desired
length and width, and bend them round a cylinder of wood of the diameter of
the size of ring required. Among the Xhosa, and probably other tribes, the
bangles and rings were articles of trade.
Barrow also mentioned beads. He did not describe their manufacture
which might have been like that of the rings described above. Von Winkelman
stated that the copper and brass were worked in the same way as iron, but
according to Dohne the brass-smiths worked without fire. This seems likely in
view of the fact that copper and brass were used exclusively for ornament,
mostly in the form of rings of varying sizes made in the method described above,
for ear-rings or bangles, or for threading as a girdle, for which three to four
hundred small rings were required. Two girdles cost one cow. The later method
of making brass rings for girdles, as seen on examples made until fairly recently,
was to cut thin rings off a hollow brass rod of the required diameter.
Wire was obtained from the Colonists and there is nothing to show that it
was ever drawn. It was coiled into bangles and belts, as it is elsewhere in South
Africa.
A type of metal-working that was still practised until fairly recently, but
only by wood-carvers, is that of inlaying the bowls of pipes with decorative
patterns in molten lead.
Barrow and Shaw also recorded the making of small chains of iron, which
were popular for ornament, but these have not been seen, nor are they illus-
trated. There are in the South African Museum some Thembu and Fingo
ornaments, obtained in 1906, with iron chain attached, but it is doubtful
whether the chain is of Nguni make.
Smithing was exclusively a masculine profession and a specialized and
highly esteemed one. According to Hunter it usually passed from father to son
among the Mpondo, but anyone might be apprenticed. If there was any cere-
monial initiation it has not been recorded. The brass- and copper-smiths were
a separate class.
It is recorded that the Hlubi were very skilful workers in metals, but, with
the exception of the actual smelting, there is no record that any of the immigrant
tribes brought about any change in the methods of the craft.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 127
The present position is that it is difficult to find a smith in the whole of the
Transkei or Ciskei, and no smelting has been done for many years. A bellows
was collected from the Bomvana for the Transvaal Museum in 1935 (Pl. 19:8)
and while it is not impossible that there may be isolated smiths still practising,
no informants were able to direct us to one unless one includes the few indi-
viduals who make spear-heads for customers. In general each man makes his
own spear, preferably from an old file which he heats in the fire and hammers
into shape. Tools mentioned by those who make for sale to others were a store-
bought hammer, tongs and file, and a piece of railway-line as an anvil, and
emery-paper or -cloth, or a rough piece of dolerite to shape the edge.
In addition to spears, other objects are made out of scrap iron, or old
cutlery, for personal use or sometimes for sale. Drills, chisels, awls and metal
snuff-spoons are made legally, and battle-axes and guns illegally. Most metal
tools and implements, however, including the hammers, files and other tools for
making such metal articles as are made, are bought at stores.
Metal ornaments are commonly made, not necessarily by specialists and
not only by men. Thin strips of metal are cut and hammered into shape as
finger rings or bangles, but more common are the aluminium-, brass- or
copper-wire bangles and girdles. ‘These are usually made by rolling the wire
between a horn and a flat piece of wood round a core of wire or tail hair which
has been bent and fastened to the size of ring desired. One woman maker,
however, wound the wire between her fingers. These ornaments have been made
for a long enough period to be considered traditional.
PoTTERY : SOURCES
1593 Lavanha p. 235 Umtata R.: mention of pots
“Usa6 vasos de barro secos ao Sol... .’
[p. 294 “They use vessels of clay dried in the sun... .’]
1647 Feyo p. 25! Kei R.: pots
‘Chegando a hum alto queymamos hiias palhotas, nao achando dentro mais
que hiias panelas de barro vazias.’
[p. 312 ‘Reaching a height, we set fire to some huts, in which we found
nothing but a few empty clay pots.’]
1686 (Stavenisse) p. 58 Mbo: pots
‘|. . uijt welck koorn sij . . . swaar en vet bier . . . brouwen, ’t welcke sij in
aarde vaten bewaren... .’
1776 (Hallema) p. 133 Xhosa: pots
Nothing more. 2
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 49 Xhosa: pots
Nothing more.
1788 Von Winkelman p. 86 Xhosa: pipe
‘Sie besteht aus einem gut ausgeriebenen Rindshorn;. . . ein 8-10 Zoll langes
128 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
diinnes hdlzernes R6hrgen...auf jenem steht ein steineres oder roth
thonigtes cylindrisches in der Mitte, wie mit 2 Fingern etwas eingedriicktes
K6pfgen, das ohnegefehr 1 bis 2 Zoll lang und beinahe 1 Zoll durchgehends
dick ist.’
1797 Barrow p. 170 Xhosa: pipe
Nothing more.
1802-6 Alberti p. 37 Xhosa: pots
‘Het vleesch wordt gekookt of gebraden: het eerste geschiedt in Potten, die,
uit klei gevormd, in het vuur gehard zijn, en inderdaad geene ongevallige
gedaante hebben... .’
1803-6 Lichtenstein pp. Peay Xhosa: making, use, capacity of pots
p. 463 ‘Zur Aufbewahrung von Fliissigkeiten und selbst zum Kochen verfer-
tigen sie grosse Tépfe von feinem Thon, die an der Sonne gehartet werden
und nicht glasirt sind. Einige dieser T6pfe halten sechs Eimer und mehr und
indem sie immer etwas durchschwitzen, erhalt sich die Fliissigkeit darin
besonders kihl. In ihrer Gestalt gleichen diese Tépfe grossen Flaschen mit
weitem Halse.’
1821-4 Thompson p. 361 Xhosa: making of pots
‘They make a coarse sort of earthenware by kneading a paste of clay mixed
with river sand, and afterwards fashioning the vessels with the hand. These,
after being dried in the sun, are baked in a fire of cow-dung. They are
generally used for boiling victuals.’
1819-29 Moodie II p. 249 ?Xhosa, Fingo: clay used
‘The earthen pots are formed of the fine clay taken from ant-hills, and
hardened in the fire.’ |
nen Kay p. 147 Xhosa: pottery
. the women are occupied in repairing their habitations, or in building
new ones, in making baskets, baking-pots, or manufacturing mats. The pots
which are commonly used for cooking, &c., are a very rude description of
earthen ware. They are clumsily moulded, and exceedingly inconvenient,
having neither handles nor coverings. A comparatively small degree of
attention is paid to the preparation of the clay, which in all probability is far
from being the best; and hence many of these unsightly vessels are very
porous. Nevertheless they stand the fire tolerably well, and answer every
purpose for which the natives require them.’
1832 Anon. (1) p. 151 (taken from Lichtenstein) Xhosa: pots
‘For keeping liquors, and even cooking, they make pots of clay, which are
hardened in the sun. Some are very large in their form. They resemble bottles
with wide necks.’
1834 Bonatz (2) p. 352 Thembu: pots made by women
‘The women also manufacture . . . round earthenware pots, which they
mould and bake with great cleverness.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 129
1835 Alexander p. 113 Xhosa: pipe
Nothing more.
(1836) Martin p. 158 Thembu: mention of pots
Nothing more.
1836-44 Dohne p. 42 Xhosa: making of pots
‘Eine dritte Arbeit, die nur einzelne Frauen verstehen, ist das Topfmachen
aus Thon, der trocken gegraben, zu Pulver gestossen, nass gemacht und
geknetet wird. Ist der Topf geformt, so muss er in der Luft gut trocknen; dann
wird inwendig und auswendig herum trockner Kuhmist gelegt und ein
grosses Feuer um ihn herum gemacht, bis er durchgebrannt ist. Wenn er kalt
geworden ist, wird Kafferkorn gerieben, das Mehl mit Wasser gefeuchtet, in
den Topf gethan, Wasser zugegossen, und das Korn zu einem trocknen Brei
gekocht. Hiermit wird der Topf inwendig und auswendig bestrichen, und, was
ubrig ist, wird wieder hineingethan, Wasser zugegossen, auf Feuer gesetzt und
so lange gekocht, dass nach vielem Ueberkochen, fast Nichts mehr darin ist.
Dies ist die Glasur, die aber gar kein Ansehn hat. Fiir einen Topf von 2
Eimern bekommt die Topferin eine Ochsenhaut, von sehr Reichen auch
manchmal eine Kuh.’
1863-6 Fritsch p. 75 Xhosa: description
‘Es folgt nun eine Anzahl irdener Gefasse verschiedener Gestalt und Grosse,
welche indessen nicht unter ein gewisses Minimum sinkt, und bei den
kleinsten immer noch die unserer gewohnlichen Tépfe iibertrifft. Die ver-
breitetste Form ist die einer Bowle mit gar nicht oder nur wenig markirtem
Fuss; von dieser Grundform finden sich aber je nach Zweck, Gebrauch oder
Laune des Verfertigers mannigfache Abweichungen, besonders hinsichtlich
der Gestalt und Weite der Miindung, welche entweder gerade aufstehend,
von massiger Weite und mit einem kuppelférmigen Deckel verschliessbar
sein kann (Kochgefasse), oder von mittlerem Durchmesser mit umgelegtem
Rande (Wasser- oder Biergefasse), oder die Miindung wird ganz weit, das
Gefass selbst niedrig und ndhert sich mehr einer Schiissel. Viele haben gar
keinen Boden, sondern laufen nach unten stumpf kegelférmig zu, so dass sie
nicht aufrecht stehen bleiben. Solche Gefisse sind dazu bestimmt, auf dem
Kopfe getragen zu werden, und ruhen dabei auf einem dicken, von Bast
geflochtenen Ringe, in den sich der tiefste Theil einfiigt.
Diese irdenen Geschirre werden aus Thon angefertigt, wie derselbe in
ziemlich reinem Zustande in den Termitenbauen gefunden wird, ohne
Anwendung einer Drehscheibe, indem mittelst der Hande unter zeitweiser
Benutzung von hélzernen oder knéchernen Moddellirwerkzeugen die Form
hergestellt wird, die sich allmalig vom Grunde aus durch successives Auf-
setzen neuer Thonparthien entwickelt. Obgleich fiir gewdhnlich die auf so
einfache Weise hergestellten Formen viel hinsichtlich Eleganz und Regel-
massigkeit zu wiinschen iibrig lassen, haben es manche Stamme auch
in dieser Richtung zu einer bemerkenswerthen Geschicklichkeit gebracht,
130 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
so dass man kaum glauben sollte, die Gefasse seien ohne Drehscheibe
hergestellt.’
1845-89 Kropf p. 117 Xhosa: account of making pots
Nothing more.
(1881) Nauhaus p. 347 figure Xhosa: description of pot
‘Fig. 4. Ein dunkelschwarzes Thongefass der Kaffern, 25.5 cm. hoch, mit
drei symmetrischen hervorspringenden Leisten mit Querrippen. Der Topf
verdient ein besonderes Interesse, weil die Kaffern diese Art der Gefasse seit
langer Zeit nicht mehr anfertigen.’
(1887) Matthiae p. 11 Xhosa: cooking in pots
Nothing more.
(1919) McLaren p. 441 Xhosa: clay used
‘The pot-clay, u-dongwe, was taken from the river-bank or from a pit, mixed
with water, and then trodden with the feet and worked with the hands till it
was a plastic mass of prepared clay, um-dongwe. ‘The potter, usually a female,
took a lump of this, and with her hands and a piece of wood laboriously
moulded, bumba, the clay into the shape desired, giving it a thickness of from
a quarter to half an inch.’
(1932) Soga p. 407 Xhosa: articles made
Nothing more.
1932 Laidler p. 778 Cape Tribes: (comparative study)
Nothing more.
1932b Hunter p. 100 Mpondo: making of pots
‘Pottery is a specialized art. In a radius of ten miles from ’nTibane I know of
only three potteresses; at ’mBotyi, in a district of about fifty square miles,
there were two; at Ntontela three lived within a five-mile radius of the store.
The art is usually passed down from mother to daughter, but any woman
who chooses may learn. A special clay is dug and pounded fine, a ring of clay
the size of the base of the pot desired is placed on a mat. A lump of clay is
flattened out and fitted into the ring to form the base. The sides are made by
building ring upon ring. The potteress shapes the walls as she builds. The
whole is smoothed with a wetted chip of calabash, and the pot set to dry ina
hut. To fire, one or more pots are put into a slight depression in the ground,
wood piled around and inside them, and a blazing fire kept up for one anda
half to two hours. Many pots crack in the firing. It is realized that a stone in
the clay or uneven temperature will cause a crack, but cracks are also
attributed to the presence of a person with a ‘soft head’ (intloko ethambileyo).
For fear of ‘soft heads’ pots are usually fired in a secluded place. No pots are
made during winter, as the cold dry air is thought to make them crack more
easily. Pots are made in varying shapes and sizes, from the small milk bowl,
6 inches in diameter, to the beer barrel, 4 feet deep and 3 feet in diameter.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 13!
The potteress works in her own time and may keep a customer waiting for
months before fulfilling an order.’
(1938)a Laidler pp. 104, 107, 109, 156 Cape Tribes: description
Pp. 104, 107, 156
Nothing more.
p- 109 Mpondo: blackening
‘In Pondo-land pottery is blackened by smoking with goat dung.’
1939 Clarke letter to S.A.M. Mpondo: description of a pot
“The collar-top shape is merely a container for small allowances of foodstuffs
like sprouted grain or ‘Amarewu’. More money is charged by the makers of
this vessel known as the Inkonga.’
(1943) Schofield pp. 259, 261, 272, fig. 277 & description275 | Ngunt: pottery
Nothing more.
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 2, 14, 17, 18, 19, 43, 51, 55
Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: pottery
Paras. 2, 14, 18, 19, 51 :
Nothing more.
para. 17 : making
‘Izinto ezenziwa ngodongwe, kutatwa udongwe kukutshwe amatye namahla-
lutye. Luya bunjwa ke kwenziwe ingqayi ezo, nokuba yintonina leyo yenzi-
wayo, lugudiswe luze luti lakoma lutshiswe lube bomvu.’
[Things made of clay: They take clay and pick out the stones and gravel
(thlalutye). They then mould the pots or any other thing that is made. They
are smoothed and when dry they are fired and they become red. ]
para. 43 : preparation of clay
‘Indlela zokuxhonxa udongwe: Xa kuzakwenziwa ingqayi nengcaza, udongwe
luyakandwa ludityaniswe nesabhunge nokuba lilitye elinkumnkum ukuze
lungaqekeki.’
[Ways of forming clay: For making earthenware pots, clay is pounded and
mixed with earth or stone of a friable nature to prevent it from cracking. ]
EE 158) : where clay is found
‘Apo lufunyanwa kona: Udongwe lufunyanwa emlanjeni, kumhlaba omnyama,
nakolubhelu, nakobomvu, nomhlope. Liyembiwa ngolugxa kutsho kushiyeke
sekuko imingxuma kwindawo kwindawo ekwembiwa kyo udongwe.’
[Where it 1s found: Pot clay is found along rivers in black, yellow, red and white
soil. It is dug with a crowbar and holes remain at the spot where the digging
took place. ]
(1948) Schofield pp. 154, 158, 185-8, 209 Cape Neguni: derivation
and description of pottery
PP. 154, 185-7, 209
Nothing more.
132 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 158. ‘These meagre historical records are still further amplified from the
archaeological field, for, as we have already seen, typical pieces of Class NC,
pottery have been found in the caves and shelters near Cala and at Qolora in
the Transkei, and it was doubtless from these wares that the Bushmen
acquired the practice of ‘“‘all over’’ patterning for their pottery.
The influence of this pottery spread in yet another direction, for, as we
shall see, the Nguni invaders of the Eastern Province, do not seem to have
been pottery makers, and some of them, the Xhosa, for example, have
apparently never acquired the art, but others—the Mpondo and the Thembu
—adopted the NC, practices and have retained them to the present day.’
p. 188 Zulu: black colouring
‘After the pots have been burnt, they are treated with a compound made by
mixing the pounded leaves of the uVemvane plant (Sida rhombifolia) with
sifted soot. This is rubbed into the surface and produces a fine black polish.’
1949-60 Hammond-Tooke p. 28 Bhaca: pottery
‘Pottery is a specialized art which is today almost obsolete, being carried on
deposits are found.’
(1954) Hewitt p. 38 Eastern Province: pots excavated
Figure and description only. |
1971 Gitywa pp. 103-8 Xhosa: preparation, making
p- 103 Xhosa: preparation of clay
“The clay, udongwe, is obtained dry or wet mostly from the vicinity of a river,
stream or anywhere where suitable clay is obtainable. If obtained dry, the
clay is ground, ukusila, on a flat stone to remove small pebbles and other
vegetable impurities before mixing it with water; if obtained wet, the clay
is thoroughly ‘“‘wedged”’ on a flat stone to a plastic consistency. Although
this was not acknowledged by the informant, the “‘wedging”’ is to remove air
bubbles which would cause cracking of the finished vessel when fired.
The prepared clay is wrapped in damp sacking, to allow for thorough
softening as well as keeping it at the same state of dampness.’
pp. 103-4 Xhosa: building, drying
‘A lump of clay is rolled between the hands into a cylinder, umsundulo, of about
twenty centimeters in length. This is then coiled in an anti-clockwise direction
on a flat surface, usually a piece of cardboard. More coils are added, the tips
of succeeding coils overlapping about four centimeters, until the desired
diameter of the base is attained. The ribbed coils are smoothed with the
blade of a knife.
Brown paper is greased with fat and then lined along the inside bottom
of an enamel dish. The smoothed clay base on the cardboard is inverted into
this greased paperlined dish and the cardboard removed revealing the reverse
side. It is smoothed similarly, care being taken to exert equal smoothing
pressure as the clay base assumes the contoured shape of the inside of the dish.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 133
Successive coils are added in the manner described inside the dish
which is easily pivoted on its smooth base as the coils are being added. The
dish serves as a “‘potter’s wheel” and as a mould for building up a symmetrical
base. The greased paper lining prevents the sticking of the clay base to the
dish when it is ready to be removed. Both the dish and the greased brown
paper are important innovations which are not part of the traditional
technique.’
pp. 104-5 Xhosa: firing
‘The baking, ukoja, is done when the pots are completely dry, about two
weeks in good weather. The “‘kiln”’ is a hole dug in the ground. Any member
of the family may prepare the “‘kiln’’, but the potteress herself must do the
baking since she has the necessary experience in laying the pots and the
amount of fuel necessary. In addition, it is taboo for anybody else to do the
firing.
The pots, arranged mouth to mouth in the “‘kiln’’, are filled and sur-
rounded with dry grass, firewood and dry cowdung. This is to ensure that
every pot is well baked inside and outside. The whole pile is set alight in the
morning, a calm day being chosen so that the heat is not dispersed by the
wind. With a strong big fire, the process lasts for the whole day, and if
sufficient fuel was laid on at the beginning, there is usually no need for
replenishing the fire. By evening the pots are ready, zivuthiwe, a condition
recognised from the reddish brown colour the pots acquire, and from the
metallic ring they give when tapped. They are removed from the “kiln”
when they are completely cooled, usually on the next day. .. . After baking,
and the pot has been cooled off, it is filled to the brim with hot, soft mealie
meal porridge, isidudu, which is allowed to remain in the pot overnight. It is
emptied on the following day, and after allowing the porridge layer lining
the inside of the pot to dry, it is peeled off. An alternative method is the
cooking of fat meat in the pot. This necessitates the slaughtering of a goat for
the purpose. Although this was not acknowledged by our informants, this
may have been a ritual slaughtering in the past.’
pp. 105-6 Xhosa: taboos
‘Several taboos govern the making of clay pots. Some of these can be explained
by cause and effect, the potteress having learnt the disastrous effects of non-
abstention from the past; some are based on magico-religious notions.
All informants claim that clay is ‘‘fastidious’’, udongwe lunochuku, and
selective of persons handling it. The clay cracks and splits when handled by
persons “unsuited”? to do so. Such a person is described as a woman in her
menses, a physical condition which renders her unclean according to Xhosa
custom; a pregnant woman, a person possessing or dealing in evil medicines,
amayeza amabi, one who has had contact with a corpse without ritual cleansing
thereafter, or anybody who was not born to work with clay... .
The ‘“‘workshop”’ of the potteress is taboo to all strangers and the ritually
134 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
unclean; this includes family members with the exception of the pre-
pubescent.’
figs. 1-12 btw. pp. 106 & 107 Xhosa: making the pot
p. 107 Xhosa: revival of pot-making
‘The mother of one of my informants claimed that nobody taught her pot-
making. She acquired her skill when her mother took ill in 1916. During her
illness her mother had a “‘vision’’, umbono, in which she was told by her
ancestors not to discard Xhosa customs and traditions, and particularly that
she should revert to the use of skin cloaks and clay utensils, zzitya zodongwe....
After the patient’s death, her daughter (my informant’s mother) began
making clay pots in conformity with her mother’s vision. She passed the craft
on to her daughter, my informant.’
pp. 107-8 Xhosa: craft taught in school
‘Of the schools visited in the Ciskei, only one was found to engage in pottery
as part of the school’s craftwork. . . . What was striking, however, was the fact
that despite the school’s attempts to re-establish pottery as a craft, the local
people in the village showed no interest whatever in it, since none of them
offered any help to the school or the pupils when asked for it, nor did they
support and encourage the effort by buying and using the pots.’
PoTTERY: TERMS
udongwe 1 pot-clay D general. 2 any clay, including potter’s clay (from same
root as ilongwe ‘dung’, which suggests that pottery was first made of dung and
clay from cattle-kraal) 141
ibumba 1 clod-prepared pot-clay D. 2 prepared clay McL. Not clear what
this means. Most informants say just potter’s clay. (From -bumba ‘mould,
form’) 142
umdongwe 1 prepared, formed clay, D Bo. 2 vessel formed of clay, D. 3 white
clay not used for pots because it cracks, but for toys Mp 143
imbokotho, imbokothwe, imbokothwa, imbokodo, imbokodwe, imbokodwa round or oval
stone, esp. upper grinding-stone for grinding corn; smoother for clay,
general 144
ithambo 1 bone, D. 2 a small white bead generally worn by Kafirs, and so
named because it resembles bone in its substance, D. 3 tamboo, the most valu-
able bead (Steedman). 4 pl. amathambo divining bones (modern) 145
tmbiza 1 formerly, earthen pot for cooking as distinguished from an iron one;
now any pot for cooking D Mp (Licht). (This is a misleading definition, as
formerly there were only earthenware cooking-pots, and no iron ones to
distinguish them from.) 2 The introduction of iron pots has caused the
term to be generally applied to them. 3 The Bh pron. imbita is a regular
sound shift. 4 no longer general, X. 5 three-legged iron pot, Bo. 6 pot for
cooking, Xes. 7 large pot for beer, Xes. (derived from a causat. of -bila boil,
therefore means ‘article in which one causes things to boil’, and is the
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 135
equivalent of pitsa, pitsa of the Sotho-Tswana tribes of the interior) 146
ingqayi 1 round earthen vessel, an earthen bowl, D general. 2 small spherical
pot, general. 3 large pot (T Mak) 147
isiciko lid of any kind, general; also e.g. stone cover of grain pit 148
PotTERyY!: DiscussIon
It has been suggested by Schofield that for a very long time before their
entry into the Cape, the Cape Nguni had not been pottery makers, and that
while the Thembu and Mpondo, presumably before entering the Cape, adopted
the pottery art of earlier Bantu migrants, whose pottery he calls Natal Coastal,
(NC,), and whom he tentatively identifies as Bafokeng, the Xhosa never learnt
at all unless it was a little from the Hottentots. ‘This opinion is based on a com-
parison of modern Thembu and Mpondo pottery with finds of NC, in Natal and
the Cape. Examples of modern Mpondo and Bomvana pottery illustrated here
(Pl. 21 and 20) correspond exactly with Schofield’s description of NQ,. It has
not been possible to find an authentic Thembu or early Xhosa pot, and only
Nauhaus’s illustration of a ‘Kaffer’ pot is known in the literature. It is not
possible, therefore, to judge their affinities. But the pottery found in fair quantity
on the middens of the beaches near and north of East London and inland
(Pl. 23) seems to be thick and clumsy ware, not at all like Hottentot or even
NC,. Recorded material evidence is thus not sufficient to prove or disprove
Schofield’s theory.
It would seem fair to expect, however, that if the Thembu and Mpondo
adopted the pottery of the Bafokeng they would also have adopted the names
of the various sorts of pot. A comparison of Southern Nguni and South Sotho
vocabularies shows that this is net the case except in one instance— Xhosa
imbiza, Sotho pitsa, both of which are derived from bila (to boil), which is an
old and widely-distributed Bantu root, and is also general in South Africa. On
the other hand, several names of pots, including imbiza, are the same in Zulu as
in Xhosa, which would indicate a common Nguni knowledge of pottery.
The survivors of the Santo Alberto saw pots in use in 1593 near the mouth of
the Umtata River, by people who must have had a strong Hottentot connection.
In 1647 the survivors of the Sacramente and Nossa Senhora da Atalaya saw pots in
huts near the Kei River among people who by their description must have been
Bantu. The men of the Stavenisse saw ‘Mbo’ pots, but near the Umtamvuna
River. In 1778 Van Plettenberg, who travelled among the Xhosa, stated that
they used pots, and in 1803 Alberti and Lichtenstein found that the Xhosa
actually made pots as well as using them. Thereafter there are several descrip-
tions of Xhosa, Thembu and, later, Mpondo methods.
Various sources are given for the clay used. Some mention the fine clay of
anthills, others red earth, and there is at least one reference to the mixing of river
sand with the clay. (The use of sand as a filler is an important item of pottery
' For a specialist description see Lawton (1967), especially pp. 30-50.
136 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
technique.) McLaren, reviewing the evidence from much later, states that the
clay was taken from known pits or from river banks, which are a good source
because the clay is then somewhat plastic. This tallies with Makalima’s and
other modern informants’ description of modern Xhosa, Thembu, Mpondo and
Bhaca practice.
Though all the details are not given, the method of preparation of the clay
cannot have differed from modern practice. The clay must first be pounded fine
and all stones and unevenness removed. At this stage sand, or friable stone or
broken potsherd which has first been ground to a powder, may be added, if a
filler of non-plastic material is considered necessary. This is the case when the
clay itself is so pure that excessive shrinking might take place during drying.
The clay is then moistened and kneaded, probably with the feet as well as the
hands. This latter process is usually repeated at intervals until the clay is
mature and plastic. At least one modern Mpondo potter was, however, able to
find clay that had only to be kneaded after it was collected and was then
suitable for use at once.
There is no adequate early description of the method of building Xhosa or
Thembu pots, except that, as is common in Bantu Africa, no potter’s wheel was
used, and the only tool was a wooden or bone smoother. How the base was
formed is not described (except by one informant who said it was flattened on a
stone), but the sides were made ‘by the addition of new pieces of clay’. This
corresponds with modern Bomvana practice of adding short rolls of clay, not
coiled, to a rough base. According to McLaren the walls of Xhosa pots were
7,5 tam to 12,5 mm thick, as they are in modern Bomvana ware. Gitywa
describes the method of modern Xhosa potters of the Middledrift district of the
Ciskei. Apart from the introduction of modern tools and aids, it is interesting
that the method used, to build base and walls by coiling rolls of clay, is that only
observed by ourselves among the Mpondo. One of the informants belonged to a
family that had commenced making pottery in response to a vision by a sick
woman.
Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca ware is somewhat finer than that of the Bom-
vana. In modern Mpondo pottery the sides are coiled. A ring the size of the
base is placed on a mat, and then fitted with a flattened round of clay to form
the actual base, or a saucer-like base of clay is put straight on to the floor.
Thereafter the long rolls, the thickness depending on the size of the projected
pot, are coiled vertically to make the sides. If the base is temporarily stuck to the
ground the potter has to move round the pot (Pl. 18:1-5).
During the moulding of the pot, and when it is complete, the surface 1s
smoothed inside and out with water and a small piece of smooth wood, bone,
calabash rind (Pl. 18:6), or any smooth hard object. It is quite possible to build
a large pot in a day, but if it is not finished it can be left until the next day.
Cape Neguni pottery is not glazed, but a Mpondo potter seen in 1958
rubbed a thin paste of red clay over the pot on the day after it was completed
and burnished it with a stone. Déhne describes as the final process in Xhosa
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 137
manufacture the cooking and rubbing into the walls, inside and out, of a certain
quantity of sorghum porridge, which was cooked, watered and recooked until
hardly any of it was left. ‘This, he said, closed the pores and took the place of a
glaze. Most modern informants agreed with this.
The pot figured by Nauhaus (PI. 20:2) was ‘dark black’, but most of the
pots seen nowadays are either lightish red, or greyish brown, according to the
amount of iron present in the clay, and have a dull surface. Certain Mpondo
pots have a slight reddish brown burnish and for some of the finer ware,
Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca use a black burnish, in appearance like that of the
Zulu. Various methods of obtaining a black burnish were described—by
smearing the pot with goat dung before firing in a slow fire; by smearing it with
fat, and filling and covering it with straw, then burning the straw; or by
smearing the pot with pumpkin leaves before firing. (Schofield mentions the use
by Zulu of the pounded leaves of Sida rhombifolia mixed with soot, which is
rubbed into the surface.) In fact it is quite easy to blacken a pot by smoking it
in the dense smoke of a half-smothered fire.
Cape Nguni pottery is not highly decorated. For the Xhosa no decoration
is mentioned, except on Nauhaus’s pot, which had three raised lozenges of
horizontal ridges. Thembu pottery is said to have had as its only decoration
notching of the edge of the rims, which is also the only decoration on modern
Bomvana pottery (Pl. 20:6, 7, 8). Mpondo pottery is decorated with bands and
patterns of crescentic impressions, round the mouth or shoulder of the pot, or
with raised conical or diamond-shaped knobs (PI. 21). Xesibe and Bhaca have
the same sort of decoration as the Mpondo, but diagonal incised lines are more
common than the crescentic impressions (Pl. 24). The quill of a feather (Mp),
a twig (Mp), the edge of a calabash smoother (Mp), a wire bangle (Bh), a tin,
knife or any suitable object (X) were mentioned as tools for decorating.
The earliest sources mention only that the pots after moulding were dried
in the sun. This can obviously not have been the whole story, as other fairly
early sources show, and the method more fully described by Dohne is the same
as that used today. The pots were first allowed to dry out in the air (Mpondo
potters said until there were enough to make a firing worth while). ‘They were
then packed together at the firing-site, filled and covered with dry dung, anda
big fire was built round them and kept up until the firing was complete. Accord-
ing to Hunter the Mpondo placed the pots for firing in a hollow in the ground,
wood fuel was used exclusively, and the firing took about two hours. Other
Mpondo did not bother about a hollow. Yet other Mpondo, visited in 1968,
built a walled furnace, open at the top, and covered the pots placed in it with
dung. This very modern method was only seen once (Pl. 19:1—7). Many pots
crack during the firing, and this is attributed to unevenness of the clay, uneven-
ness of the temperature, to avoid which pots are often made and dried indoors,
or to supernatural causes. Potters varied as to whether or not they made their
pots in winter, when the temperature is more uneven, or in summer, when they
have less time. The important factor seems to be that pots should not dry too
138 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
quickly or in a draught, for fear of cracking.
The finished ware is fairly fragile, although, with the assistance of a binding
or network of twisted bark or plaited grass rope, with which most beer pots are
furnished (Pl. 22:1, 4), large pots hold a very great volume of liquid. The
porosity of the pottery has the sole advantage that liquids are kept cool by
evaporation.
It is not possible to reconstruct the shapes of Xhosa pots from the early
descriptions (Lichtenstein compares them with a large bottle with a wide neck)
and unless one accepts as Xhosa the excavated pottery (Pl. 23) referred to
before, no actual specimens appear to have survived in museums with the
exception of that figured by Nauhaus (1881), which is a calabash-shaped pot
with an inward-sloping neck.* Fritsch (1872) makes some attempt to describe
them, albeit it is not quite clear whether he is referring to Xhosa or to all Cape
tribes. He mentions ‘a number of’ shapes and sizes and describes four, which
appear to be (1) a spherical pot without neck, (2) a spherical pot with short
upright neck, which was the cooking-pot and could be covered with a concave
lid, (3) a spherical pot with short everted neck, for water or beer, and (4) a
shallow, open-mouthed bowl. Many of the bases were ‘bluntly conical’
(Lawton’s ‘pointed’) or rounded. The excavated pottery is mainly spherical.
The shapes recorded today among Middledrift Xhosa, Bomvana, Mpondo,
Xesibe and Bhaca are variants of the above four, and in addition there are the
large vertical walled beer-brewing pots (Pl. 20:1, 3, 4). Bases tend to be flat-
tened, though some are round. The Mpondo make most of theirs with a definite
flat base, which follows from the method of commencing the moulding of the
pot. A shallow bowl serves as a lid and also as a dish. Other lids known now are
those of European vessels. Lids proper, lugs, handles, spouts and feet, are neither
recorded for early times nor have they been seen on modern Cape Nguni
pottery.
In size the modern pots vary from small bowls (Pl. 20:7) about 8 cm high
by 15 cm diam., to the large beer-brewing pots (Pl. 20:1, 3, 4; Pl. 22:1, 2, 4;
Pl. 24:4). The largest seen was 68 cm X 52 cm, but Hunter records them up to
120 cm X go cm. The same variation was probably found in the early days:
Lichtenstein mentions pots holding up to 6 Eimer (buckets).
Pots were used for cooking, drawing water, holding liquids and the left-
overs of food, holding grain, and as drinking-cups for all liquids, and were
shaped accordingly. Nowadays three-legged iron pots, which are figured quite
early in drawings (cf. Paravicini’s drawing 1803), have everywhere supplanted
earthenware for cooking, but where pots are still made they are used for the
other purposes, particularly for brewing beer, which tastes better brewed in
earthenware. According to Makalima the Thembu in 1945 used an earthenware
milking vessel, as do the Bhaca.
Another article that should be included under pottery is the earthenware
pipe-bowl that was used on the water-pipe for dagga or tobacco. These are
* Descriptive terms as used by Lawton (1967), pp. 21-9.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 139
mentioned several times in the literature, but only once described (Von Winkel-
man) as made of red clay, 1-2 Koll long, and 1 Koll in diameter, cylindrical but
squeezed in at the middle. (The oll varied from 23,6 mm to 53,2 mm.) This
sounds like those associated with Schofield’s NC, pottery.* More recent earthen-
ware pipe-bowls are larger. There is no mention of the firing of the pipe-bowls,
but they must have been fired, and were probably made by women. Pottery in
general was, and wherever it is practised today still is, a specialized art, and
traditionally practised by women only. In 1969, among the Khomane of the
Nggeleni district, however, two men potters were reported, one of whom was
visited, and gave as his reason that he enjoyed the work, and found it profitable.
The potter fulfilled orders for other people, and some shapes cost more than
others. In the old days the Xhosa price for a medium pot (two buckets) was an
ox-skin, which is higher than modern prices. The art was often passed on from
mother to daughter, but anyone could learn. Gitywa reports the existence of
taboos to be observed by the potter—mainly the exclusion from the working
place of ‘unsuitable’ persons. Today, as far as can be discovered, there are no
Xhosa potters left except those reported by Gitywa in the Middledrift district
of the Ciskei. He found, however, that pottery was not often taught in schools
and, where it was, aroused no interest outside the school. According to Soga
there were still a few potters in 1932, but informants in Willowvale in 1948
were of the opinion that no pottery had been made for the last 50 years, and
Nauhaus gave the decline as before 1880.
For the Thembu the position is probably the same. According to Makalima
the Thembu still made pottery in 1945, and one potter was known in the
Engcobo district in 1950, but other informants said that pottery had not been
made by Thembu for as long as they could remember.
Fingo near Tsomo said that no pottery was either made or used, but the
constable interpreter said that on the contrary it was brought into Tsomo for
sale.
Mpondomise informants said that they could not remember pots being
made, but that they bought pots from their Hlubi neighbours.
The Hlubi of Herschel and Mt Frere districts were said to make and sell
good pottery, until the 1950s and 1960s respectively.
In Bomvanaland there was one very old potter in a fairly large area visited
in 1948, but there may have been others.
Amongst Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca, however, pottery is still made,
though the number of specialists is small. Every homestead visited, even as late
as 1969, had some pots, and earthenware seemed to be used to the exclusion of
everything else for beer-making.
South Sotho influence is considerable and was seen at Qawukeni, where
some of the pots had been made in the Sotho style by South Sotho women
resident in the area, and again at Elubaleko, where pots had been made in
Xesibe style, but by an itinerant South Sotho potter. People as far afield as
* Schofield (1948) p. 152, Pl. viii, figs. 17, 18.
140 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Mt Ayliff, Mqanduli, Idutywa and Engcobo said that they obtained their pots
from a group of South Sotho potters near Insizwa, some travelling a long dis-
tance to get them. Another group was said to be established at Matatiele, and
there was a strong South Sotho pottery industry in the Herschel district in the
1960s.
WoOoD-CARVING: SOURCES
1593 Lavanha p. 235 Umtata R.: wooden vessels
‘Usa6 vasos de barro secos ao Sol, e de madeira lavrados com humas macha-
dinhas de ferro, as quaes sa6 como huma cunha metida em hum pao, e com
as mesmas corta6 o mato.’
[p. 294 “They use vessels of clay dried in the sun, and some of wood carved
with small iron axes, which are like wedges set in a piece of wood: with these
they also clear the thickets.’]
1802-6 Alberti pp. 112-13 Xhosa: spade
‘Het spitten geschiedt met Spaden, vervaardigd uit de zeer harde soort van
hout, onder den naam van Nieshout bekend, en wel uit een stuk... .’
1821-4 Thompson p. 361 Xhosa: wooden vessels
“They use also a few wooden vessels, carved out of soft wood; and their rush
baskets are well known, which are so closely woven as to retain milk and
other liquids.’
(1853) Kretzschmar p. 239 Xhosa: manufacture
‘Sie verwenden sehr viel Mithe auf die Anfertigung grosser hélzerner Napfe,
die sie aus einem Blocke Holz aushéhlen und in deren Aussenseite sie allerlei
Figuren graviren.’
1863-6 Fritsch p. 75 Xhosa: making of large utensils
‘Ausnahmsweise werden selbst grosse, bauchige Gefasse von Bowlenform aus
solidem Holz geschnitzt, wobei die Ausdauer des Arbeiters, der mit den
beschriebenen einfachen Werkzeugen den machtigen Holzklotz in einen
grossen Topf verwandelt, ebenso zu bewundern ist, als die Zahigkeit und
Haltbarkeit des Holzes, dass es nicht schon wahrend der Arbeit oder spater
im Gebrauch durch ungleiches Austrocknen reisst oder springt. Die Aussen-
flache der Holzgefasse ist haufig ganz glatt, indem nur der Rand und die
Vorspriinge geschw4rzt sind, in anderen Fallen sind Verzierungen in Form
von breiten, rings herum laufenden Randern angebracht, in welchen dunkle
und helle Felder, oder glatte, mit gekreuzt eingeschnittenen Stellen abwechs-
eln, oder Beides ist vereinigt.’
(1881) Nauhaus pp. 345-6 and Pl. IX general: wood-carving
‘Zierliche Schnitzarbeiten zeigten auch die verschiedenen Arten von Kopf-
kissen aus Holz gefertigt, ebenso verschiedene Holzgefisse und Léffel. An
einigen dieser Geschirre fiel die regelmassige Musterung in der Ornamentik
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI I4I
auf. An vielen war die Musterung markirt durch schwarze und weisse
Streifen, —andere Gefasse waren tief schwarz gefarbt. Die schwarzen Streifen
und ganze schwarze Farbung stellt der Kaffer her durch Bestreichung der
betreffenden Stelle mit Fell,* iiber welche er dann mit einem heissen Eisen so
lange hin und her fahrt, bis er die gewiinschte Braune oder Schwarze erhillt.’
(1907) Sim pp. 6, 7, 8, 9, 291 Transkei: state of forests, woods used
pp. 6-9
Nothing more.
p. 291 : stinkwood not used
‘It is curious that the Kafirs do not seem to have a name for this tree (stink-
wood); presumably it did not enter into their domestic economy before the
advent of the European wood-cutter. . . .’
[This is not true, see 163.]
(1919) McLaren p. 444 Xhosa: wooden articles
Nothing more.
(1927) Poto Ndamase pp. 121-2, 123 Mpondo: wooden articles
Nothing more.
(1932) Soga pp. 406-7 Xhosa: wooden articles
Nothing more.
(1945) Makalima chap. 9, paras. 3, 5, 14, 17, 18, 44, 56-59
Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: wood-carving
paras. 3, 5, 18, 56-8
Nothing more.
para. 14 : articles made
‘Intonga namabhunguza zizona zinto ke bezisenziwa kakulu ezi kwa Xosa,
zibe nanamhlanje zisenziwa. Intonga ngumnqayi eye ote tswi, ze lona
ibhunguza libe negqhudu kwelacala lingapaya. Izipato zemikonto zenziwe
ngomsimbiti, isikali esi somkonto siti thu kweliyacala lingapaya. Izapeta
zentolo, zenziwe ngozungu, umti otambileyo nozingati. Isapeta yinto eluluti
nje, olusuke lwagotywa laza lagcinwa ngomtya ukuba lungoluki. JIz:tulo
bezisenziwa ngemiti yehlati—kwenziwe nje imiqonga kusuke kuhlaliwe
kuyo. . . . Amabhunguza namagqudu enziwa ngomsimbiti nomtati, noggonci,
nomnonono nomnqayji.’
[Sticks and knobkerries are things which the Xhosas particularly made. Sticks
are made from the Elaeodendron velutinum (umnqayi) tree. It is a straight long
stick whereas the knobkerrie (zbhunguza) is a short stick with a big knob at one
end. The handles of assegais are made of Kafir ironwood (umsimbith), the
blade of the assegai protrudes from the other end. Bows to shoot arrows are
made of the flexible wood of uzungu or uzingathi. A bow is just a stick, bent
and kept so by a string or thong... . Stools were made of trees from the
forest, these were made into blocks for people to sit on... . Knobkerries and
* Unless, which seems more likely, this is a misprint —Fell (= skin) for Fett (= fat).
142 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
short sticks with knobs are made from the following: Kafir ironwood,
sneezewood, underbrush, roodebesje, Elaeodendron velutinum. . . .]
para. 17 : making of wooden articles
‘Izinto ezenziwe ngomti zenziwa ngokuqingqwa ngezembe nangemela kugu-
diswe kwangemela. .. .’
[ Things made of wood. ‘They are carved from the solid with axe and knife. A
knife is also used for smoothing. .. .]
para. 44 : tools used
‘Ukusetyenzwa komti: Xa kusetyenzwa umti uyaxholwa ngenishengeca.
Amabhunguza, nenduku, namacepe omti enziwa kwangezintshengeca.’
[How wood is worked: ‘The wood is chiselled away with a gouge or chisel
(intshengeca). Clubs, sticks, and wooden spoons are also carved with sharp-
edged stones. |
para. 59 : treatment of wood
‘Xa kubazwa umti, kusenziwa intonga namabunguza, kufuneka utanjiswe
amafutha nobulongwe benkomo. Umti kufuneka ufakwe endlini apo kungeko
langa namoya ukuze ungaqekeki. Amafuta awenza uswame kakuhle ungaca-
ndeki xa usetyenzwayo.’
[When wood is carved into sticks and knobkerries, it must be softened with
fat and cowdung. The wood must be placed in a hut where there is neither
sun nor draught, lest it crack. The fat makes it soft and not inclined to split
when worked. |
1962 Velcich pp. 670-2 Xhosa: pipes
Nothing more.
1971 Gitywa pp. 130-7 Xhosa: pipe-making
The whole chapter is of great interest but cannot be quoted in full.
WocpbD-CARVING: TERMS
isibazelo (from -baza ‘sharpen to a point’, original Bantu meaning ‘carve’)
1 block or anvil on which one sharpens points D. 2 wooden block on which
to steady wooden objects being carved Xes Hlu 154
intshengece (pron. intjengece) 1 sharp-pointed stone, flint for cutting with,
D X Mp Xes. 2 sharp-edged (not pointed) knife or sword X Bo. 3 sharp
stone for gouging out wooden utensils (T-Mak) 155
umsumbithi Kaffir Ironwood (Millettia caffra Meisn.). Derived from the roots
for ‘iron’ and ‘wood?’ (-simbi, -thi), this is an interesting archaic form 156
uggonct Trichocladus ellipticus E. & Z.D 157
umnonono rooibessie (roodebesje) Olinia cymosa Thunb. D 158
umngayi FElaeodendron velutinum Harv., a forest tree furnishing the long pointed
stick without a knob, used as weapon in single conflict, and . . . in dancing;
the stick itself D X Bo Mp Xes_ 159
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 143
umthathi Sneezewood, Ptaeroxylon obliquum Radlk., splinters were used to give
light before candles and lamps were known, D_ 160
umthenenende 1 nD. 2 sp. of tree, makes sticks Mp. 3 umthenenenda is Cola
natalensis Oliver, greatly prized for making sticks, Sim. 161
umgxina Assegai wood (Curtisia faginea Aiton) D spear-shafts 162
umnimbitht Black Stinkwood (Ocotea-bullata Nees.) D 163
umhleli Stamper-wood, Ehretia hottentotica Burch. D, used for making spear-
shafts 164
umhlebe 1 Black ironwood, Olea laurifolia Lam., and Bastard ironwood Olea
foveolata E. Mey. D. 2 Used for spades 165
istdult 1 Brachylaena elliptica Less., a kind of tree used for producing fire (with
two firesticks ... described) D. 2 used for spear-shafts 166
umlungumabele, umnungumabele knobwood (Fagara capensis Thunb.) staffs, sticks
167 |
umnquma Wild Olive (Olea verrucosa Link) 168
umzane White Ironwood (Toddalia lanceolata Lam. & T. natalensis Sond.) D
staffs, sticks 169
umsinist Kafhirboom (Erythrina caffra Thunb.) 170
umthentsema Cape plane or Redwood (Ochna arborea Burch.) D for staffs, sticks
171 |
istthombotht Acalypha glabrata Mill. D 172
umqwashube Rooi-els (Cunonia capensis L.) D staffs, sticks 173
umnyamanzi Acacia caffra Willd. 1 nD.2 sp. of hardwood, grows along rivers,
esp. near Butterworth, used for making tobacco pipes, Fgo T 174
umhlungutht 1 sp. of soft-wooded tree, used as a hedge round kraals, D. 2 sp.
of tree, used for troughs, head-rests Mp Mpm T1795
umhlangwe 1 nD.2 sp. of tree, used to make milk-pails (X Soga 407). 3 fairly
large tree T 176
umnqwane Erythrina latissima, E. Mey. for milk-pails 177
umthombotht Sandalwood (Spirostachys africana Sond:) a hard scented wood, used
as a perfume, pieces of which are worn on a string round the neck DX 178
WO0oD-CARVING: DISCUSSION
As previously noted (Part 1 p. 36) wood used to be much more generally
available than it is today, and there were varieties of wood suitable for all the
objects made. The wood-carver’s craft received very little attention in the early
literature, however, beyond the mention of some of the articles made. This
account is based therefore on fairly recent and modern sources.
Following is a list of some of the trees used to furnish the wood, and the
articles which were made from each. Details of the articles themselves will be
found in the appropriate chapters. (Such things as fences, or roof frames, which,
though constructed of wood, do not strictly belong to wood-carving, are not
included.)
144. ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
inhlongothi nD
umhlongothi nD
inkanye nD
intsinde D
inyamanzt McL. D
umnyamanzt nD
istdult D
istdungult nD
asetomboti nD
asithombothi D
jabwasile nD
uggonct D
umbovane nD
umgxina D
umhlangwe nD
umhlebe D
D
umhlelr D
umhlunguthi D
umkhiwane D
umkhoba D
umlungumabele nD
umnungumabele D
umnonono McL. D
umnqayt
Randia rudis E. Mey.
Acacia caffra Willd.
Brachylaena elliptica Less.
bitterblaar
Cryptocarya sp.
Acalypha glabrata Mill.
wattle
Trichocladus ellipticus E. & Z.
underbrush
Elaeodendron croceum D.C.
saffronwood
Curtisia faginea Alton
assegaiwood
Olea laurifolia Lam.
black ironwood
Olea foveolata E. Mey.
bastard ironwood
Ehretia hottentotica Burch.
stamperwood
soft wooded tree
Ficus capensis Thunb.
the Bushfig, hence used
for fig in general ;
European fig
Podocarpus elongata L. Her.
bastard yellow-wood
Fagara capensis ‘Thunb.
knobwood
Strychnos henningsu Gilg.
hard pear
Olinea cymosa ‘Thunb.
roodebesje; rooibessie
Celastrus peduncularis Sond.
blackwood
Mpm. head-rests 1955,
troughs 1955; Bh.
milk-pails 1955, 1969,
head-rests 1969,
spoons 1969
gen. wooden spears 1948
Mp. snuff-spoons 1955
gen. tobacco pipes 1955,
1969
gen. spear-shafts ;
X. trough 1969
Mp. sticks 1969
gen. sticks
gen. sticks
Bh. stools 1969
gen. clubs
gen. sticks
gen. clubs, spear-shafts
X. milk-pails
gen. spades
gen. pestles
Mp., Mpm., T. troughs,
head-rests 1969
Mp. troughs 1969;
X. mortar 1969
X., Xes. mortars 1969;
X. sledges 1969
gen. sticks 1969
Xes. awl handle 1969;
gen. clubs
gen. clubs (Makalima)
gen. clubs
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 145
D_ Elaeodendron velutinum Harv. gen. clubs, stick (Maka-
lima)
umnqwane Erythrina latissima E. Mey. gen. sticks (Makalima)
Mp. milk-pails 1948
umnquma D_ Olea verrucosa Link gen. sticks
wild olive
umquwashube D Cunonia capensis L. rooi-els gen. sticks
umsimbitht McL. D Millettia caffra Meisn. gen. clubs, spear-shafts,
kaffir ironwood staffs, wooden spears
Mp. spear-shafts 1969
Millettia grandis Skeels X. sticks 1955
umsintst D_ Enythrina caffra Thunb. gen. sticks
kafirboom Mpm.head-rests 1955
umthatha D_ Ptaeroxylon obliquum Radlk. gen. clubs
sneezewood Xes. hoe handles 1948
gen. spades (Alberti)
X. pipe mouthpiece
1969
umthenenende nD Cola natalensis Oliver gen. sticks (Sim)
umnimbithi D_ Ocotea bullata E. Mey. gen. clubs
stinkwood
umthombothi D_ Excoecaria africana Mill. Mp. milk-pails
sandalwood
umtundzi Mp. sticks 1969
umwele D_ Cliffortia strobilifera L. Xes. mortars 1969
umzane D_ Toddalia lanceolata Larn. gen. sticks
& T.
white ironwood
Toddalia natalensis Sond. gen. clubs 1969
umzingati nD Mp. clubs 1969
umthentsema D_ Ochna arborea Burch. gen. sticks, staffs
Cape plane or redwood
No wood is mentioned for the making of axe-hafts, bowls, dishes or other
vessels, or snuff-boxes.
After the tree had been felled, the bark and the branches were removed,
sometimes at the site where it was cut, and the timber put in a hut to dry, away
from the sun and wind, so as to avoid cracking. Xhosa pipe-makers said that
they preferred old and even dead wood which was already dry. When dry, and
before it was worked, the wood was, by some workers at least, anointed with
fat and cow-dung as a precaution against splitting during the work. The making
was laborious if the article was large, since all the objects made, whatever their
size and shape, were carved out of the solid. This was a wasteful method, since
one tree might only furnish wood for two or three articles. There was no
knowledge of joinery.
146 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
The tools used were a hatchet-adze (izembe), used as a hatchet for felling
and removing the bark and branches, and as an adze for shaping and hollowing
out the article; a chisel (zstxholo) or a gouge (isibazo, Xes. Bh.) for further
shaping or hollowing; a spear-blade or later a knife (mela) for finishing the
surface, or for shaping small articles, or for incising a decoration; a drill for
boring holes—for example, the channel of a pipe stem; and a branding iron for
making branded decoration. Sharp-edged stone tools (intshengece) are said also
to have been used, but there is no satisfactory information about this. The
article being made might be placed on a block (zsibazelo, Xes., (Hlu. Mz.)) for
steadiness. For the larger vessels fire was used to assist in the hollowing out.
According to Nauhaus the method of branding a decoration, or the whole
surface if desired, was by smearing fat* on the place in question, over which a
hot iron was worked backward and forward until the required brown or black
was attained. But from the meagre records it would seem that from early in the
twentieth century, at least, carving and incision have been more common
means of decoration on wood than branding. It is particularly seen on pipes, of
which the wooden variety for tobacco developed only after considerable
contact with Europeans, when knife blades-too would have become available.
These pipes were decorated with raised conventional designs or naturalistic
figures. One special method of decorating the pipe-bowl was to carve a design
on the surface and inlay it with lead. According to Fleming the way of doing this
was to melt the lead and run it into the grooves of the design, but two modern
informants said that it was not melted but simply pressed in, which sounds the
more likely method.
Wood-carvers are men and it is a specialized craft, in which in fact the
craftsman usually specializes in one branch, for example clubs and sticks, or
pipes. Modern wood-carvers may sell their work to stores for resale, but usually
they take private orders.
All the articles listed are still made in some parts today, with the exception
of snuff-boxes, which were never common, spades, bowls and dishes. In some
areas, however, no wooden utensils are made now. The reason for the decline
must be partly lack of suitable wood for the larger articles, and partly the
availability of equally or more satisfactory articles of European origin.
Modern wood-carvers make use of store-bought saws and axes for the
preliminary work, as well as knives and sandpaper, and a variety of home-made
tools copied from those that are imported (Pl. 25:1 & 2).
CALABASH WORKING: SOURCES
1776 Hallema p. 132 Xhosa: calabash spoon
*. . . liet hij een mand met melk halen; die voor hem gezet zijnde, roerde een
jonge kaffer de melk om met eene kalbas, in’t midden over lang doorgesneden,
dronk een teug en lag de lepel weder in de melk.’
* See note to reference p. 141.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 147
1863-6 Fritsch p. 74 Xhosa: calabash flask
‘Schneidet man nur den oberen Theil des Halses ab und befestigt an densel-
ben einen Stdpsel, so erhalt man bekanntlich eine natiirliche Flasche, und
solche benutzen die Eingeborenen sehr vielfach, mit einem Riemen versehen,
um sie umhangen oder sonst befestigen zu k6nnen, zur Aufnahme von saurer
Milch, eventuell auch Bier oder Wasser.’
(1919) McLaren p. 445 Xhosa: preparing calabash
‘The calabash-gourd, uselwa, with its long neck, was gathered when quite
ripe, and was then sunk, nyiwa, in the ground for a time, with only the neck
sticking out, by which means the rind was hardened, while the contents
decayed so that they could be emptied out. The inside was thoroughly
cleaned out by rinsing it with water and gravel. It was then fit for use as a
milk container, 1-selwa. The calabash was often tied round, tandela, with
string or a thong to strengthen it. A mealie-cob, um-pa, served as a cork.’
1936 Cornner corresp. 30.7.36 Mpondomise: cleaning
*, .. method of hollowing out gourds. A small hole is cut in top and with a
piece of wire the seed and pith is whittled out then stones inserted—even
diminutive stones, inserted into tiny gourd—and water and cleaned as one
cleans a furred decanter or bottle.’
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 4, 14, 17, 45, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59
Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: calabashes
paras. 56, 57, 59
Nothing more.
para. 4 : objects made
‘Izinto ezenziwe ngeselwa: ngumcepe wokukha amanzi nejiki, igubu lotywala,
iselwa lokugcina intanga, iselwa lokutiyela inkawu.’
[ Things made of calabash: a ladle for drawing water and beer, the beer cala-
bash, calabash for storing pumpkin seed, and the calabash for trapping
monkeys. |
para. 14 : uses of calabashes
‘Umcepe weselwa usikwa eselweni apa ube ngqukuva, ube necala lokubamba
elisicwecwe. Igubu lotywala lisikwa nje iselwa apa emlonyeni lifakwe isivingco.
Iselwa lokugcina intanga lusikwa apa emlonyeni, libenesivingco lifana twa neli
lamasi ukwenziwa kwalo. Iselwa lokutiyela inkawu lona ukwenziwa kwalo liba
nomngxunyana omncinane, owanele nje ukungena isandla esi senkawu.’
[A calabash ladle is cut off from the gourd so as to be round with one side flat
used as a handle. For a beer calabash, the gourd is cut open to make a mouth
and a stopper is fitted. For a gourd for storing pumpkin seed, a mouth is made by
cutting it open and a stopper fitted as for a milk calabash. A gourd for trapping
monkeys has a small aperture, just large enough for a monkey’s paw. |
para. 17 : preparation of calabash
‘Izinto ezenziwa ngeselwa zenziwa kwa ngemela kukutshwe intanga zakoma.
148 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Nokuba kuzakwenziwa umcepe nokuba liselwa lamasi, nokuba liselwa
lokugcina intanga kwenziwa ngolohlobo.’
[Things made of gourd. ‘They are cut with a knife and the seeds are removed
when dry. The same method is applied in making a ladle, a calabash for
curdled milk or a calabash for storing pumpkin seed. |
para. 45 : preparation of calabash
‘Ukwenziwa kwamaselwa: kukutshwa intanga, zigqogqwe ngoluti zikutshwe.
Kusuka ke ngoku kutiwe ubisi nokuba yintonina ke efakwa apo eselweni.’
[When calabashes are made, the pumpkin seeds are removed. They are scraped
out with a stick so that they all come out. Then the milk or whatever else the
calabash is intended for is poured in.]
para. 55 : cultivation of calabash
‘Iselwa lifunyanwa ngokutyalwa emasimini lize liti ke lakufika ixesha
litatyatelwe ekaya.’
[Calabashes are obtained by planting in the lands, when ripe they are taken
home. ]
para. 58 : preparation of calabash
‘Iselwa lisetyenzwa ngemela noluti, nohlalutye. Uhlalutye luyagalelwa
ludityaniswe namanzi lihlukuhlwe iselwa.’
[A calabash is made ready for use with a knife, a stick and some gravel. The
gravel is poured into the calabash together with water, and the calabash is
then shaken. |
C:ALABASH WORKING: TERMS
idiwat nD.2 milk calabash Mp Bo 149
ingwetshe 1 nD.2 half calabash shell used asladle, Bh.3 not confirmed 150
tselwa 1 calabash that has been dried and perfectly cleaned out; it is then used
for holding amas: (curds) D general. Actually also the plant and fruit. 2 not
Mp (who use idliwa) nor Bh (who use zéshalo pron. itjalo) 15%
ttshalo (pron. itjalo) 1 nD.2 milk calabash Bh only 152
umcephe half a calabash, used as a ladle, for drawing water, milk, beer D general
except Bh 153
CALABASH WORKING: DISCUSSION
Various species of gourd (Cucurbitaceae) provide the calabash vessels used
by the Cape Nguni for many purposes. Lagenaria siceraria Standl., the calabash
proper, which has fruits of various shapes, is specially cultivated for this purpose,
but pumpkin, marrow and other fruit shells may be used too.
The gourds are gathered when ripe and allowed to dry. McLaren states
that the Xhosa then buried them in the ground to harden the rind, but there is
no confirmation of this. When the gourd is dry a small hole is cut in the top and
the seeds and flesh removed by means of a stick or piece of wire. To clean it
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 149
thoroughly, small stones, dry maize grains, or gravel, and water are put in and
the shell is shaken well. Some people use warm water for this. A stopper is pro-
vided, commonly a mealie cob, but wooden stoppers are made too especially for
the smaller fruits, and the calabash is then ready for use as a flask (Pl. 26:3).
It is often, however, enclosed in a loose network or sling of thongs or bark, for
added strength and as a hanging strap (Pl. 26:4). It may also be decorated by
branding or incising patterns on the rind, the latter while it is still green or even
on the plant. The small specimens that are used as snuff-boxes or as flasks for
medicine or cosmetic fat are more often than not enclosed in beadwork (PI.
2671).
If the calabash is to be used as a ladle, scoop, or spoon, it is cut in half
lengthwise (Pl. 26:2), if as a resonator for a musical instrument, a piece is cut
off leaving a fair-sized mouth (PI. 26:5).
This is not a specialized craft. Calabashes are grown and prepared by each
family and by women or men, and there are no prohibitions attached to them.
Nothing is done to shape them and in general the plants grow flat on the ground,
though one informant said he had seen them trained over a wall so that the
fruit would hang down and become elongated. A pad of grass is sometimes put
on the ground under the fruit to prevent it from rotting at that part, or the vine
itself may be supported to prevent damage to the fruit.
Calabashes are used especially as milk-vessels, in which the milk is stored
to curdle. ‘They may also be used as containers for beer, or as vessels for serving
milk or beer, or as containers for storing seed. Cut in half they are used as
ladles or dry scoops. Formerly they were used as spoons for individuals, but this
is no longer seen. They are attached as resonators to the stave of a musical bow.
Small examples, generally of the waisted shape, are converted into snuff-boxes
or cosmetic flasks or are used by doctors to hold medicines. Penis-sheaths for
boys are made from small, generally spherical, examples. A calabash may also
be used as a trap for monkeys. A small hole is made just big enough for the paw
to go in, but not to come out when clenched full of seed.
BASKETWORK: SOURCES
1772-6 Sparrman II pp. 34-5 Gonaqua: milking baskets
‘. . . but the vessels they milked it into were baskets of a peculiar kind, com-
posed of roots plaited together so curiously, and in so close a manner, that they
would not only hold milk but even water. These vessels would be as neat as
they are light, if the Hottentots did not always neglect to wash them. Indeed,
most of these baskets had acquired such an appearance from the milk being
encrusted upon them, as at first induced us to suppose that they were
besmeared with cowdung, in order to make them hold the liquor the better. But
I have since tried baskets, that were quite new and clean, particularly one
that I had brought home with me,! and found, that without any kind of
1 See Pl. 27:1 of this volume.
I50 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
daubing, they did not leak in the least. These milk-pails, or baskets, are
mostly of the shape of that delineated in plate I. Vol. I fig. I holding from a
pint and a half to four gallons; and besides the advantage of being very light,
they have likewise that of their rims being sufficiently pliable.’
1776 Hallema pp. 132, 133 Xhosa: baskets
p. 132
Nothing more.
p. 133 ‘Wij ruilden verscheidene mandjes van hen, waartoe ze zeer gereed
waren. De Mandjes zijn kunstig van biezen (:een soort van Cyperus:)
gemaakt, en waterdigt: zij gebruiken hier ijzere naalden toe als elzen.’
1777-9 Paterson p. 9g! Xhosa: women makers, watertight baskets
*, .. but the construction of the baskets, which are made by their women, is
much more surprising; they are composed of grass, and woven so closely
that they are capable of holding any fluid.’
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 49 Xhosa: watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1782 Le Vaillant I p. 364 Gonaqua: baskets traded from Xhosa
‘Ces jolis paniers se fabriquent avec des roseaux ou des racines si déliées, et
d’une texture si serrée, qu’ils peuvent servir méme a porter de l’eau; ils m’ont
été, pour cet usage, d’une grande ressource dans la suite. Le chef des Gona-
-quois m’apprit qu’ils étoient louvrage des Caffres, avec lesquels ils les
échangent contre d’autres objets.’
1788 Von Winkelman pp. 84-5 Xhosa: making mats and baskets, size
‘Ihre Matten und Kérbgen—ihre Assogais, Ohren und Armringe und
dergleichen tragen in ihrer Art das Geprage vieler Geschicklichkeit. Frauen
und Madchen verfertigen gew6éhnlich die Matten und Kérbchen, die ihre
vorziiglichen Hausgerathe sind. Die erstern bestehen aus dicht neben einander
gelegden langen feinen Binsen. Eine dickere Art derselben wird im Lande
Mattjesgut genennt. Die Binsen werden denn entweder mittelst feiner Sehnen
oder auch wieder mit Binsen oder zerschliztem Mattjesgut an einander
befestigt. Die Lange und Breite, richtet sich gewohnlich nach der Lange und
Starcke des Eigenthiimers. Ihre Figur ist bereits bekannt. Oft fehlt diesen
Maitten nichts mehr, als die Mahlerei, um sie fiir Chinesische, deren man sich
gewohnlich zu Jalousien innerhalb der Fenster bedient, geltend zu machon.
Sie verfertigen aber auch gleich den Hottentotten, grébere Arten derselben.
Ihre Kérbgen hingegen sind von besonderer Art, und werden zu Behaltnissen
aller fliissigen und troknen Dinge gebraucht. Sie werden aus jenem geschlizten
Mattjesgut, sehr kiinstlich und dicht geflochten. Ich méchte beinahe ver-
muthen, dass die Erfindung dieses Products des Bediirfnisses den Kaffern
allein zugehért. Sie gleichen meisstens einen abgestuzten Kegel; oben sind
sie weiter als unten. Sie sind von unterschiedlicher Grésse; die gréssten, die
ich sah, konten etwa einen Schuh hoch-oben 14-16 Zoll und am Boden
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI I51
ohngefehr 10 Zoll weit seijn. Sie tragen sie gefiillt mit Milch oder Wasser
allemal auf der Hand, auf den Arm, oder auch auf dem Kopf, und man kann
dergleichen von aller Grésse um eine unbedeutende Kleinigkeit von ihnen
erhandeln. Es giebt Kafferinnen, die jedes gegebene Muster von Vasen
Arnen, [sic] selbst Hiite, nach ahmen,—und oft noch feiner als ihre K6rbgen
flechten. Wo sie hingehen, da nehmen sie auch diese K6rbgen mit und ver-
handeln sie nebst ihren Matten ohne alle Bedenklichkeiten an Fremde.’
1797 Barrow pp. 120-1 Xhosa: making of baskets
‘In the evening they sent us in return some baskets of milk. These baskets
were made from a species of cyperus, a strong reedy grass that grew in the
springs of Zuure Veldt. . . . The women informed us that the making of these
baskets was one part of their employment. . . . They were all nearly made
after one model, which in shape was that of a common beehive.’
1803 Paravicini di Capelli p. 140 Xhosa: baskets
Nothing more.
1802-6 Alberti pp. 36, 58, 62 Xhosa: basket-making, tool
Pp. 36
‘De kringvormige omtrek dezer Korven is bovenaan, doorgaans, tusschen
10 tot 16 Duim middellijn, van onderen naar evenredigheid iets ruimer; de
wand is 1 tot 2 Lijnen dik, zelden dikker; naar beneden zijn zij eenigzins
kegelvormig. De Vrouwen bereiden die zeer kunstig van Rietgras, en weten
ze zoodanig te vlechten, dat zij, vooraf met Talk besmeerd, volkomen water-
digt worden.’
p- 58
Nothing more.
p. 62 Xhosa: awl
‘Aan dit hals-sieraad bij de Mannen hangt nog doorgaans op de borst een
kleine ijzeren Priem in eenen koker, dienende zoo wel ter vervaardiging van
kleederen en melk-korven, als ter uitrukkinge van eenen doorn, dien men in
den voet treedt, en tot andere einden meer.’
1802-3 De Mist p. 114 Xhosa: basket smeared fat
Nothing more.
1803-6 Lichtenstein I p. 464 Xhosa: watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1821-4 Thompson p. 361 Xhosa: watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1819-29 Moodie p. 249 Xhosa: watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1824-5 Smith p. 393 general: rope and baskets
‘Make cord with the inner bark of trees or with a sort of grass either of which
is strong. They also make baskets of the same more especially of the grass. . . .’
152 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1825-9 Kay p. 117 Xhosa: rope
‘The thatch . . . is then bound on with the same sort of cordage, or otherwise
with intsontelo, a small rope made of rushes. . . .’
1829 Bain p. 83 Gqunukhwebe: milk baskets
Nothing more.
18345 Bonatz p. 352 Thembu: women make watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1834-5 Redgrave & Bradlow PI. 13 Xhosa: basket
Figure. |
1833-7 England Xhosa: coiled basket
Figure.
(1836) Martin pp. 157-8 Thembu: watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1839 Backhouse p. 225 Xhosa: material used
Nothing more.
1836-44 Dohne pp. 41-2 Xhosa: making of baskets and varieties
‘Eine andere Arbeit der Frauen ist das Korbmachen aus Binsen. Wenn diese
geschnitten und trocken sind, so werden die besten herausgesucht, nass
gemacht und gespalten. Aus diesen werden wieder die besten ausgesucht, der
inwendige Kern abgeschabt und zum Nadhen der Ké6rbe gebraucht. Die
andern gespaltenen nehmen sie zum Einlegen, welche Einlage wie der
Finger eines Kindes dick genommen wird. So wird dann immer an einem
Stricke fort eingelegt und eine Reihe durch die andere genaht. Je nach der
Grésse der Korbe its auch die Naherei verschieden, aber durchgangig sehr
accurat und sch6n aussehend. Der grésste ist der Itala, welcher ungefahr
2 Scheffel fasst; dann folgen die Amaqindiva, die zum Aufbewahren ihrer
Kleinigkeiten gebraucht werden und etwa 2 Eimer enthalten, dann die
inzwazwa, etwa I Eimer, dann die Amatunga, worein gemolken wird,
+ Eimer, dann die Izitya, woraus gegessen wird; und noch eine Menge, bis
auf das Kleinste, gleich einem Becher, woraus den Sduglingen geschenkt
wird. Diese Arbeit verstehen die meisten Weiber..’
(1853) Kretzschmar p. 241 ?: baskets of porcupine quill
‘So beschaftigen sich die Manner mit Anfertigung allerlei Zierrathen, wie
z.B. Kérbchen und Teller aus gespaltenen Stachelschweinstacheln, dusserst
zierliche Artikel, durch die schwarzen und weissen Flecken der Stacheln
geschmackvoll gemustert.’
(1856) Fleming p. 218 Cape Tribes: watertight baskets
Nothing more.
1863-6 Fritsch pp. 75-6 Xhosa: wide use of basketwork
‘Eine eigenthiimliche, durch die besonderen Naturverhaltnisse Siid-Afrika’s
gebotene Technik ist die des Flechtens. Was man in einem anderen Lande
zusammen leimt, in einander falzt, mit Nageln oder eisernen Bandern
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 153
vereinigt, wird hier durch Bindwerk zusammengefiigt, sei es, dass man es mit
Riemchen zusammenflicht oder dazu Bast, Ruthen und 4hnliches Material
benutzt. In der That erfillt diese Befestigungsweise ihren Zweck sehr gut,
indem sie Festigkeit mit Elasticitat vereinigt, und sich unter allen Verhalt-
nissen leicht repariren lasst, wahrend alles Eisenzeug schliesslich durch die
Abnutzung schadhaft wird und, einmal in Unordnung, besonders auf der
Reise schwer auszubessern ist.
Mannigfache Methoden von Flechten und Knoten sind den Leuten
daher gang und gabe, und es erscheint nicht wunderbar, das auch im alltag-
lichen Leben eine so starke Anwendung davon gemacht wird.’
p. 76 : Xhosa: preparation of material
‘Das Material liefert ein hochwachsendes, zahes Cypergras (Cyperus textilis),
dessen Halme sich zu einem complicirten Flechtwerk vereinigen lassen; die
Maschen werden der grésseren Dichtigkeit wegen flach geschlagen, worauf
das Ganze fiir einige Zeit in Wasser eingeweicht wird.’
1845-89 Kropf pp. 116, 148
p. 116 Xhosa: making and varieties of baskets
Nothing more.
p. 148 Xhosa: objects made
‘Als Gesamtarbeit aller Frauen und Kinder ist das mannigfaltige kiinstliche
Flechtwerk anzufiihren. Aus Grashalmen und Binsen flechten sie Armringe
mit zehn bis fiinfzig Strahnen; ebenso eine Matte von zwei Quadratfuss mit
vielen Stricken so dicht, dass sie ihnen zur Tafel dient auf welche sie das
gekochte Fleisch oder den Kornbrei legen, und die schén geflochtenen
Wasser- und Milchkorbe.’
(1881) Nauhaus pp. 343-4 general: basketwork, snuff-boxes, store baskets
P- 343
Nothing more.
P. 344 : snuff-boxes, store baskets
Nothing more.
‘In derselben Arbeit macht man Schnupftabacksdosen, oft mit den zier-
lichsten, fest anschliessenden Deckeln. Gewéhnlich in Form von Kalabassen.
Auch gréssere Truhen werden so gearbeitet, bis zur Grésse von 3 Fuss lang
und 20 Zoll breit. Doch ist bei solchen Truhen der Stich nicht so eng, so dass
der Grasstrang Stich vor Stich durchschimmert.’
1899 Stanford p. 124 Mpondo: beer-baskets
Nothing more.
(1919) McLaren pp. 445-6 Xhosa: general description, ropes, baskets
Nothing more.
(1926)a Miiller p. 41 Hlubi: basketwork
‘. . . die Matten, auf denen geschlafen wird, oder Matten, die als eine Art
Windschutz am Eingang der Hiitten aufgestellt werden. Sie werden aus
154 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
einem ziemlich langhalmigen Gras, drei- oder viermal in der Lange mit
Bindfaden durchflochten, angefertigt. Manchmal wissen sie durchbrochene
Muster am Rande solcher Matten anzubringen. . . . Aus einer anderen Art
Gras werden die kleinen Matten gearbeitet, die die Kaffern unter den
Mahlstein breiten. . . .’
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 7, 8, 14, 17, 19, 46, 48, 54, 55, 50
Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: basketwork
paras. 7, 8, 14, 19, 54-6
Nothing more.
para. 17
‘Izinto ezenziwa ngenca. Yiminqwazi le yenziwa ngamakwenkwe kutungwa
umsingizane kwa ngomnye ontlantlatiweyo ukuze utambe kumana kugqo-
jozwa ke xa kutungwayo.’
[Things made of grass. Straw hats made by boys by sewing umsingizane or
other grass which is chewed to make it soft. Holes are made when sewing. ]
para. 46 : sinew thread
‘Usinga: Luyobulwa, lukandwe, lufakwe amafuta, lube ke ngoko lulungele
ukutunga intsimbi, nengubo yegusha, nezikaka zenkomo. Olwekala usinga
lona luyapotwa lusongwe lube luninzi, lube yinkata. Ukuza ke kutungwe
ngalo inkuko zabantwana zokwenda intombi ezendayo.’
[Sznew: is stripped from the carcass, pounded, and smeared with fat, and is
then ready for sewing beads, sheep-skin blankets and skirts of cow-hide. Aloe
fibre is twisted after putting a number of threads together and making a coil.
People then use it for sewing sleeping-mats for young girls who are going to
get married. |
para. 48 : sorts of grass, uses
‘Indlela zokusebenza ngenca: Umsingizane yenye yenca ezisebenzayo kubantu
abamnyama. Amakwenkwe enza ngawo iminqwazi, ngokuti atunge umsi-
ngizane ngomnye, ushiyane kangango kuba akuna kungena nemvula kuwo.
Uxonya: Ke lona luyalukwa ngabafazi, kwenziwa intambo ezintle kunene
zokutunga upahla lwendlu, nomsingizane nawo kukwenziwa ngawo intambo
yokutunga izindlu.
Inca: Inca yokutunga indlu ekutiwa sisiqungu, umngcele nokuba sisilevu
nokuba ngumtala isetyenziswa ngamadoda xa etunga izindlu. Ingca yoku
tunga irelwa ngabafazi kwanamadoda xa etanda.’
[ The uses of grass: Umsingizane is one of the species of grass much used by the
people. Boys make straw hats of it. They sew it together and so closely that
no rain can get through.
Uxonya grass is plaited by women into fine rope for binding thatch. Umsingi-
zane grass also makes rope for anchoring thatch.
Grass: Grass for thatching a hut called isigungu, umngcele, isilevu, or umtala, is
used by men for thatching huts. The grass is cut by women as well as men, if
they like.]
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 155
(1949) Duggan-Cronin p. 14, Pls. 50, 52, 53, 54, 66, 68, 69, legends to Pls. 52, 53
Mpondo, Mpondomise: baskets
ike
‘Most kraals . .. made their own huts, and often their own pottery and baskets
as well.’
legend Pl. 52 Mpondo: beer-baskets
‘Girls carrying beer. Beer . . . traditionally was served in beautifully sewn
baskets. These girls are carrying baskets of beer as a present to someone.’
legend Pl. 53 Mpondo: beer-baskets
‘Beer-baskets are made by men from the leaves of the zlala palm. Other types
of baskets, and mats, are made*by women.’
(1964) Louw pp. 2, 11
Pu? Cape Tribes: thread
‘The fibre (of the aloe zngcaca) is used for beadwork. It makes a very strong
thread. . . . When the leaves of the aloe are fully matured, they are cut and
taken to a river or pool. They are beaten flat with heavy sticks and the fleshy
part is washed off, until only the fibre is left. It is then dried, twisted and
wound up for use.’
pers Cape Tribes: maternity belt
‘[bhanti yomdlezana. Maternity-belt worn by the wife of a Chief to pull in the
stomach-muscles after a confinement. It is the privilege of the first wife to
distinguish her from the other wives in the kraal. They are usually four to
five inches wide, but are also made wider.’
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke p. 28 Bhaca: grass-work
‘Practically all grass-work is done by the women,! the techniques being
handed down from mother to daughter or, nowadays, often learnt in hand-
work classes at school. Mats are made of imizi reed or fibre obtained from the
American aloe.’
1971 Gitywa pp. 108-10 Xhosa, Mpondo: basketwork
Nothing more.
p. 108 [referring to Alberti p. 36] Mpondo: making beer-baskets water-
tight
“The technique of rendering the baskets watertight seems to have changed,
however, because the Mpondo people of today who still make these baskets
instead of using tallow, dip the woven basket into a thin fluid of porridge.’
BASKETWORK: ‘TERMS
uzwazwa 1 art of making baskets D. 2 basket of imizi for carrying fish Bo
Mp.3 fish-trapMp 179
inyatyhoba (cl. 9) awl, D general 180
1 Unlike the Mpondo, Bhaca men do not make beer-strainers and concentrate on wood- and
leatherwork.
I 56 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
istlanda 1 needle, 4 to 6 in. eyeless, for making holes for sinew thread, removing
thorns, loosening tobacco in pipe D general. 2 (wooden) needle for making
hats Mpm Mp, or aloe thorn or iron Mpm. 3 _fish-hook bought in store
X 181
tbhoma 1 nD. 2 hut for abakhwetha Mp T 182
ichancast 1 nD. 2 grass used to make food-mats T. 2 sp. of short rush used
for making small mats Mp 183
tkhwane 1 nD. 2 sedge (Cyperus laiifolius Poir.) for mats, X Bo Mp Fgo 184
umzt, pl. imizi more usual. 1 a rush used for making sleeping-mats, D.2 actu-
ally ‘sedge’ (Cyperus textilis and other spp.) for basket- and mat-making,
general 185
incaluba and incaluka 1 plant of order Iridaceae, possibly Hypoxis sp. with yellow
flowers and good for thatching D. 2 yellow-flowered land rush, used for
thatching McL D. 3 incaluka plant used for making ornaments (Fgo Kawa)
186
incema 1 nD. 2 sp. of short rush c. 30 cm, used for making food-mats T Mp
general 187
intsema 1 Euphorbia pugniformis Boiss. and E. bupleurifolia Jacq. used as purga-
tives and for ringworm and cancer, D.2_ the esculen teuphorbia or vin erpol,
McL D. 3. plant with large bulb, not a grass; bulb used for rolling target
game (Bh-Tooke). 4 large bulb, edible, purpose not known, T. 5 edible
root of Cussonia, Mp. 6 sp. of grass, used for making rope, Mpm_ 188
ingca (old X spelling zncha) general term for grass D 189
inkomfe 1 (Em.) kind of rush with yellow flowers, = incaluka D. 2 plant for
making rope T. Bh. 3 not known general 190
intsimbane 1 nD. 2 grass (Setaria sphacelata Stapf. & Hub.) X 191%
inzica 1 sp. of grass, used for plaiting small mats, D. 2 not confirmed, all say
injica a sp. of grass, used for bangles 192
irashu, iratshu 1 nD. 2 sp. of grass used for making rope and brooms Mp T
X Bo. 3 such rope, as used to keep thatch down X Bo 193
urasi 1 nD. 2 sp. of grass, for rope and brooms Xes Bh; a thatching grass
Bo (prob. Afr. gars) 194
irwanisi 1 angular fluted water-rush D. 2 sedge (Cyperus sexangularis Nees.),
used for making food-mats and mats T Mp 195
isilevu 1 small kind of rush (Ficinia) that grows in tufts D.2 grass for thatching
(T Mak). 3 sp. of short grass, bitter and not eaten by stock, useless T 196
isiphingo thorny bush (Scutia commersonii (indica) Brog.) used for wattling cattle-
folds D 197
isundu 1 the wild palm, Phoenix reclinata Jacq. whose leaves are used by the
abakhwetha for making their kilts, D (X Soga, Sim). 2 sintu (Winkelman)
198
ithembu slender-stemmed plant, used for rope T, for tying thatch (F-Kawa).
Note: D says Sparaxis, but this does not grow in the Eastern Province, so
perh. Diarama sp. 199
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 157
ithwebu fine inside bast of trees D 200
ixolo the outer bark of a tree D general 201
ixonya, ixonye sp. of tall grass, used for making ropes, D X Mp T general 202
ubendle1 nD.2 sp. of plant, and string made of its fibre, used for making girl’s
apron, Xes; for stringing the beads of inkciyo apron, Hlu. 3_ short skirt, Bh.
4 modesty apron of skin (Fgo Kawa). 5 another name for umkhwinti
(Gazania pinnata Less., a fibrous plant) T. Cf. in Zulu: ubendle fringed girdle
made of ububendle leaves and worn by young uninitiated girls; ububendle the
shrub Gazania longiscapa, G. longifolia 203
ubhijo pl. mbio (-bhia twist a single stalk of grass, thereby squeezing out the
moisture and spiralling the fibre, as in rope, to achieve strength. Hence also
several strands in the same way). 1 nD. 2 ring of twisted grass whether on
leg, arm, waist or neck, general. 3 armlet or necklet of grass, five strands
twisted round a sixth, Bh. 204
umphicat nD, nor verb. 2 -phica make complicated plait, as distinct from -luka
which is simple, with 3 strands only; no noun known, acc. to panel of teachers.
3 sp. of grass (Digitaria littoralis Stent), used for ornaments, T. 4 armlet and
necklet of umphica grass, T (T-Beukes). 5 not generally known, but some
recognize it as what they call imbica, also necklet, waistband, anklet, T 205
uluzt1 fine inward bast of trees of genus Ficus, used to make baskets, mats and
string; the creeper when dry is used as a fire-stick, D. 2 also any other
smooth bark that is sufficiently fibrous to make rope and binding, general,
whence, 3. such binding material, string, cord 206
umguigwut 1 nD. 2 sp. of grass (Eragrostis curvula Nees.) Mp 207
umkhwinti 1 the fibrous plant Gazania pinnata Less., used for plaiting and as
threads, D Mp. 2 baby’s waistband, a cord of the leaf skin of Gazania
integrifolla (X Soga). 3 inkciyo for small children, X. 4 sp. of plant T.
5 plant from which fibre is obtained for making fringe skirt T & Hlu
Herschel 208
umqungu ‘Tambookie-grass (Andropogon marginatus Steud.), a long grass used for
thatching, D. 209
umnxeba 1 generic name for the wild vine, Vitis, whose climbing stems form
the monkey ropes used for binding the thatch on hut-roofs and for basket-
making, D general. 2 any fibrous binding material, Bh 210
umsingizane 1 sp. of grass of which boys make straw hats, D. 2 Sporobolus
pyramidalis Beauv. 3 generally also used for rope-making, baskets 211
umsuka no. 2 1 tough bluish grass, Sporobulus fimbriatus, D X. 2 makes rope
Bom. 3 Eragrostis plana Nees. Mp. 4. Hyparrhenia hirta, T 212
umsundulo 1 the strong tendon which runs along back part of neck, D.
2 tendons under shoulder-blade of ox, used for thread X 213
umthala 1 Erianthus capensis Nees.; coarse grass growing in swamps; Tambookie
grass, D. 2 sp. of grass used to make rough mats (isicobo) X. 3 sp. of grass
used for thatching only, general 214
unwele Cliffortia strobilifera, used to make brooms (McL SAJS 16 1918 446) 215
158 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
utyant 1 pasture, grass, hay D. 2 rushes for sleeping-mats X (Kay) 216
ibemba 1 fibre of uluzi, used in making kilts of circumcised boys D. 2 strong
fibre (of animal or vegetable tissue) McL. 3 hlon. for 1 Bo. 4 strips of palm-
leaf used for 1 Xes. 5 appar. unknown elsewhere 217
impingelo 1 sticks and laths for wattling, D. 2 twined fencing Bo. 3 otherwise
unknown 218
isisinga 1 loop or noose of a small thong with which one leg of young calves or
goats is fastened; trap, snare D general. 2 of sinew X. 3 thong, grass or
monkey rope Mp. 4 rope of zmizi to catch cattle to be killed Bo. 5 noose,
in any form of trap (T-Mak) 219
ttshoba 1 bushy end of an animal’s tail, tassel D. 2 fly-whisk where as umtshoba
on animal), whisk for sprinkling medicine, general; 3 ox-tail hair Fingo X.
4 cow-tail hair used as ornament on basketwork Mpm 220
ityeba 1 thin smooth thong; split rush for plaiting baskets D Mp. 2 thong
only, Xes. 3 hlonipha word for imizi rushes Bo. 221
usinga thread made from umsundulo, the tendons found on the underside of an
ox’s shoulder-blade. It is used for sewing karosses; thread, in general, D
general 222
itlala 1 (a plaited thing D). 2 strips of leaf of palm (Hyphaene crinita Gaertn.)
general; an object made from this material X Mp Mpm Bh but also ulala
Bom. 3. plaited drinking-vessel, or for milking into T. 4 small closely
woven sedge basket (Bo Beukes). 5 beer basket (Mp Poto). 6 basket Mp.
7 small ingobozi basket or palm-leaf mat Xes. 8 grain basket (McL) 223
ingximba 1 band made of the trailing stems of the wild vine, D. 2 any climbing
plant, but esp. umnxeba (wild vine); rope for keeping down thatch Bo.
3 otherwise unknown 224
intsontelo (-sonta twist many strands into one thread, rope) rope made of bast
(uluzi), thong, rope, trace, D general 225
intsontelelo (-sontelela weave, plait, twist rope) 1 that which is twisted or plaited,
hence, a bracelet for the wrist, twisted of different coloured grasses, or woven
of beads, D. 2. twisted skin, X. 3 not confirmed 226
umlala 1(a) Em. fibrous plant, (b) beer-strainer made from it D but not con-
firmed. 2 old grass and maize stalks of last year, not grazed T Xes Bh 227
-photha twist twine by rolling 2 or 3 strands forward on one’s thigh, and back
again, letting them twist into one, general 228
BASKETWORK: DISCUSSION
Basketwork is taken to include all objects that are made by the interlacing
of two or more sets of flexible elements. In addition all other fibrework except
thatching is included here. There is neither weaving nor barkcloth-making in
this area.
As will be seen, a very wide variety of objects is included in this craft,
which is probably the most vigorous of the Cape Nguni crafts, and with certain
exceptions can have changed very little during the last three centuries. It is
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 159
usually practised in the autumn and winter when materials are plentiful, and
garden work is slack.
There are two basic techniques of basketwork: woven (Pl. 30:2, 4-6) and
sewn (PI. 28). In woven work the sets of elements are crossed over and under
each other, and this includes plaiting (Pl. 32:2, 3, 4) and wattling. In sewn
work one set of elements is sewn together by the other to make a fabric, the
first being the foundation, which may be either straight or coiled. Coiled sewn
work is so much the more common of the two that it is usually spoken of as a
technique on its own. Each of these two techniques, woven and sewn, has a
number of varieties. In woven work the way in which the elements are inter-
laced may be chequer, twilled (Pl. 30:4), wrapped (Pl. 32:1), twined (PI. 29:1,
3, 4) or wicker. In straight sewn work the only distinction is between a single
(Pl. 30:8) and a composite (Pl. 28:4; Pl. 30:1, 3) foundation. In coiled sewn
work the manner of sewing is the distinguishing factor, and simple (Pl. 27:3;
Pl. 28:2) and furcate (Pl. 27:1, 4, 6) sewing are the two most important varieties
in this area.
There are only two tools used in this craft—a knife or blade to cut and
prepare the material and an awl to pierce the holes in sewn work (Pl. 29:2). In
former times a spear blade served the purpose of the knife, which is now obtain-
able at the stores. An iron awl (inyatyhoba), hafted in wood, is commonly used
for piercing holes, but a sharp wooden point or a long thorn or the point of an
aloe leaf serves as well, and latterly, for making hats, a wooden needle has been
used instead of the awl. Tubular sewn beer-strainers may be made on a core of
grass to control the shape, and are usually sewn with a wooden needle.
In descriptions of basketwork there is a tendency to describe the material
used as ‘grass’. This gives no idea of the variety of materials that the craft
employs. Those that are used in the Cape are summarized here.
Sedge (Fam. Cyperaceae) (Pl. 27:7). The various species of sedge, generally
known as imizi, are by far the most important of the materials used by all the
Cape Nguni for basketwork. Most of the actual baskets, beer-strainers and mats
are woven of sedge stems. The sedges grow in streams and rivers and the best
varieties are most plentiful near the coast. The plant will, however, grow on dry
land, and so important is it for this craft that in many places away from the
coast it is cultivated, and some people make a small income by going to the
coast to collect imizi and bring back a quantity for sale. Furthermore store-
keepers, particularly in the west, import it inland in fair quantity. It was seen in
stores in Elliotdale, Willowvale, Kentani and Tsolo. The part used is the
flowering stem, which is long, tough, and in most species smooth. The material
is cut about March, carried home and laid out to dry, sometimes on the roof of
a hut. When dry, the unsuitable stems are sorted out, and the remainder,
according to the purpose on hand, may be used as they are, or split and depithed.
They may be soaked in water before use or left out in the dew at night. For
coiled sewn work, the best are used for sewing and the remainder for the
foundation.
160 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Grass (Fam. Graminaceae). Various species of true grass are used throughout
for plaiting rope, as a foundation and sometimes as the sewing element in
coiled work, as the warp element in woven baskets where sedge is scarce, for
example in districts far from the coast, and throughout for making ornaments.
Various species of grass are plentiful everywhere in the autumn, and there is no
need for cultivation. Both stem and leaves are used for rope, but for baskets and
ornaments only stems; in the latter case smooth, shiny stemmed varieties are
chosen. For baskets and rope the material is dried after gathering, and for
plaiting it must be soaked before use. According to Makalima, boys chew the
grass to soften it for making hats. This is not confirmed. Ornaments are made
of the green stems as they are gathered, and they dry to a pale yellow.
Reeds. Some authors mention wicker screens ‘made of reeds’, but there is
no more specific information.
Plant leaves. The most important is the palm-leaf, Hyphaene crinita (ilala),
which grows and is used only in Pondoland and Griqualand East. The leaves
are gathered green, allowed to dry, and the folioles are split into thin strands,
either about 1,5 mm wide, for use as the sewing element in fine coiled basket-
ware, or about 6 mm wide at the base and following the natural narrowing of
the leaf, for twilled beer-strainers, or among the Mpondo only for dancing
anklets. ‘The thin strands left over may be used for coil foundations.
The leaves of another palm, Phoenix reclinata Jacq. (isundu), which has a
general distribution, are gathered green, and the folioles used without further
preparation to make the Khwetha costumes—except in Griqualand East and
Pondoland, where circumcision ceremonies are no longer held. Thembu
informants suggested that this was the material formerly used for milking-
baskets, but this was not the case in the few examples seen.
The leaves of the plant ithembu are used for rope by Thembu, Fingo and
Xesibe. It is identified by Kropf as Sparaxis sp., but this is not confirmed.
Sparaxis does not grow in the area and it has been suggested that the plant might
be a Diarama species.
The lower epidermis of the leaves of Gazania pinnata Less. var. integrifolia
(umkhwintz) is said to be twisted into threads and used for baby’s waistbands by
the Xhosa. Thembu informants said they did this too.
Bark. Among all the Cape Nguni, both the inner bast and the smooth outer
bark of various trees and plants are dried and split into strands for binding
purposes, as the weft element in twined woven work, particularly for sleeping-
mats, or as a dark decoration on Mpondo basketwork. It is generally called
uluzi, and the following plants have so far been identified as furnishing it: Urera
tenax N. E. Br. (west Pondoland), and Ficus sp. (general).
Wood. In east Pondoland anklets are made of a two-ply twist of the thin
flexible stems of Tecomaria capensis Spach.
Creeper stems, wild vine or monkey rope, may be used for binding.
Otherwise wood is used only for wicker work, in which creeper stems
generally form the flexible element, and for wattle work, where saplings and
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 161
withies are used. The wood for the flexible element is gathered and worked
green, and the bark is seldom removed. Rigid stakes for wattling may be left to
dry out first.
Fibre. Since its introduction the fibres from the leaf of the agave (Agave
americana L.) have, like those of local aloes, been used for making thread for
sewing mats or threading beads. The leaves are first boiled or pounded to
loosen the fibres, which are then washed, dried, and twisted into thread. Some
informants said that this craft was taught in the schools. It is a curious thing
that although the Sansevieria does grow in the Ciskei, and Ngqika and Gcaleka
are quoted by Watt & Breyer-Brandwyk as using the plant medicinally, yet
there appears to be no record or knowledge of using the fibres for rope-making,
as is done in many parts of South Africa.
Animal sinew. The neck sinew of the larger animals has always been used to
make a sewing thread. The sinew is dried, shredded by beating with a stone,
rubbed between the hands, soaked and then twisted into fine two-ply thread.
It is used mostly for sewing skin clothing and for threading beads. According to
Von Winkelman it was used by the Xhosa in mat-making too, where today only
bark or agave fibre or strands taken from jute grain-bags are seen.
Animal hair. Ox-tail hair is used as a decorative element on some Mpondo-
mise baskets.
The following list will show the great variety of objects made. The articles
themselves will be described in their relevant sections. Fritsch, in his comments
on the wide use of basketwork, mentions joins and mends. Mends are described
below and in a following chapter; joins have not been found.
Baskets. In the literature the most famous baskets of the Xhosa and
Thembu, and which have now disappeared from the scene, were the watertight
variety which were in general use as milking vessels, and for holding and serving
sour milk, water or other liquids. According to some authorities they were
smeared inside with fat before use; others deny this. They were made of sedge,
which swells when wet and thus tightens the fabric. A ,Thembu informant said
that they were made of isundu or ilala palm-leaf, but this may be a confusion with
the Mpondo beer-baskets. They were sewn in a coiled technique with a fine
furcate stitch (Pl. 27:1), shaped like ‘an inverted beehive’, and they varied in
size from about 30 cm high and wide in proportion to quite small. The Hlubi
in the Drakensberg area were still using them at the beginning of the twentieth
century, and a Thembu informant remembered their use as milk-pails up to
about the second decade of the twentieth century, but none are used for that
purpose now. According to Le Vaillant and Sparrman these baskets used to be
traded to the Gonaqua Hottentots from whom Sparrman obtained the speci-
men, the fabric of which is illustrated on Pl. 27:1, and which is now preserved
in the State Ethnographic Museum, Stockholm. In the Transvaal Museum
collection (now in the National Cultural History and Open-Air Museum) there
are Thembu and Bomvana baskets collected about 1935, which appear to be of
the same technique as Sparrman’s, but not as fine, nor are they of the same shape.
162 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Nauhaus describes a small closely coiled basket used as a snuff-box by the
‘Kaffirs’ but there is no confirmation of this, and as he locates the ‘Kaffirs’
between the Fish River and Lourenco Marques, he may not be referring to the
Cape at all.
The literature further mentions large coiled storage baskets in which
household goods, clothing and ornaments were stored. These are no longer seen.
In fact, whereas a century ago Déhne was able to list a variety of Xhosa baskets
in coiled sewing, today the only one seen in the west is the garden basket
(istrudu, 'T., tsiludu, Fgo.) (Pl. 28:5) of the upper inland area, mostly occupied
by Thembu and Fingo, where sedge for making the other type of garden basket
is difficult to obtain, whereas grass, which is used for the coil foundation and
sometimes for the sewing, is plentiful. Some Bhaca and Hlubi iszludu seen in Mt
Frere district showed marked South Sotho influence, in that the sewing strand
was plaited, or the base covered with hide. Both the article and its name are
importations of the South Sotho seroto basket, the rolled r of zstrudu being in fact
unpronounceable by most speakers of Xhosa.
In Pondoland and Griqualand East tightly coiled palm-leaf baskets are
made, in a tall beaker shape for beer, as small drinking-cups and as shallow
bowls, flanging almost to the shape of plates, for serving food.
In the furthest inland districts where Fingo influence is strong, large
loosely-coiled grain-bins (iselulu) are made, but this is a foreign element.
According to Kretzschmar the men made ornamental baskets and plates
of porcupine quills, but there is no confirmation of this.
The foremost basket in use over the greater part of the area today is the
large flanging garden basket (ingobozi; Bh. unyati) (Pl. 29:3; Pl. 31:4) of twined
weave, which is in general use except in Thembuland as mentioned above and
less commonly in the extreme west, for carrying grain and garden produce.
Smaller baskets of the same style and with various names according to their size
are used for many purposes.
Bags. Long bags of open twined weave are made to hold tobacco in bulk,
or sprouted maize, and are used by some coastal people to carry fish or catch
shrimps (Pl. 29:1).
Small bags or baskets of a close twine like the ingobozi, or an open twine like
the long bags, are used by Bomvana for preserving seed (PI. 29:4).
In the eastern part of Pondoland, towards the Natal border, men and
women, and among the Xesibe women only, carry woven palm-leaf pouches
for small personal possessions, instead of the skin or cloth bags used elsewhere.
Traps. One group of Mpondo informants at the coast described a conical
basket trap for fish, but this has not been confirmed.
Strainers. Loosely woven tubular strainers are made throughout, most
frequently of sedge, but in the east of palm-leaf as well. These are most com-
monly used for straining beer, but also, in smaller sizes, for straining children’s
porridge.
In Pondoland and Griqualand East a spoon-shaped skimmer is woven for
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 163
skimming impurities and scum off beer. If this was ever made in the west it has
now disappeared.
Mats. Mats are made in two varieties—furnishing mats and food-mats. The
former (Pl. 30:6) are long rectangular mats made of sedge stems laid side by
side and joined at intervals by twining with bark fibre, sisal cord or, in former
days, sinew thread. The Hottentot technique of sewing through the sedge was
also used. It does not appear to be used now but was seen at one Bhaca umzi
where it was said that both styles were used according to taste. Mats are used
primarily for sleeping on, but also for sitting on and as screens in the hut. There
is a certain coarse variety of mat in which tobacco is rolled up to sweat.
The food-mats are closely woven of sedge stems, in a twined technique
(Pl. 31:2, 3), and are generally four-sided, but sometimes round. In small sizes
they are used as plates for serving food; larger mats are made for placing in
front of the grinding-stone to catch the ground meal.
A specialized example which appears only to be found in west Pondoland
is a wicker meat-tray woven of thick creeper stems.
Wattle-structures. In wattlework and wickerwork the warps are rigid, but in
the former they are also fixed in the ground or in a floor of wood.
These include modern hut wall frames, fences, granaries, fowl-coops and
sledges. The former have been described in Part I. The sledge is a modern
development, used for bringing produce from the lands. It has a triangular base
of logs, a wicker floor and sides of wicker- or wattlework normally, but sewn
sides also occur.
Doors. The doors of the old huts and many modern huts and some kraal
gates are of wickerwork. They have been described in Part [.
Clothing and Costume. Only three items of clothing have been recorded under
this head: a penis-sheath from the Bhaca of Mt Frere, which was in a close-
twined weave of sedge or grass; a baby’s waistband or fringe apron made of
umkhwinti, the tough epidermis of the underside of the Gazania leaf, small strips
of which are rolled into single or two-ply cords, and strung on a waistcord to
make a thick fringe; and a belt, 10 to 12 cm wide, woven of one of the sedges,
and worn as a support round the stomach by women after a confinement.
The costume worn by the newly circumcised boys (abakhwetha) for the
dances which terminate their period of seclusion is composed of a kilt and a
number of fringes for face, head, arms and legs, made of strips of palm-leaf laid
side by side and fastened together to the required length by wrapping with
bark fibre (Pl. 32:1).
Hats. Hats are made and worn more or less as ornaments by all the Cape
Nguni herdboys except the Xhosa. They are made in boater shape by coiling,
with umsingizane grass stems as both sewing strand and foundation (PI. 32 72).
This is evidently a fairly modern development. Von Winkelman mentioned the
women’s ability to copy hats, amongst other things, in basketwork, but other-
wise they are not mentioned in the early literature.
Thembu dandies used to wear a small-crowned wide-brimmed hat
164 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(intshinga) purely as an ornament. It, too, was coiled of grass stems. Hlubi men
near the border wear basketwork hats of South Sotho style.
Ornaments. Bangles, necklaces, anklets, bandoliers and belts are made by
plaiting shiny grass stems into thin cords or flat bands, and are worn in great
quantities during the late summer and autumn, by women, children and young
men throughout the area. They turn yellow when dry.
Rope. Apparently the only sort of rope made by the Cape Nguni is the
three-strand plait of grass or zthembu, about 1 to 2 cm wide, which is used for
tying on the thatch and for all other purposes (Pl. 32:3, 4, 5).
Thread. Two-ply thread is made of shredded sinew, or of aloe fibre, and used
for various purposes.
Brooms. Brooms consist of thick bundles of coarse grass or thin twigs about
45 to 60 cm long, bound together at the top either simply or in checker weave.
The bound part forms the grip.
Repairs. Cracked calabashes may be repaired by boring a series of cor-
responding holes along the edges of the cracks and binding them together in a
chequer darn (see p. 209).
Miscellaneous items. These include muzzles for calves, palm-leaf rattles
(Mpondo only), and an ornamental covering for a stick.
Basketwork and fibrework are not exclusively specialists’ crafts, and the
different branches are divided between the sexes, though women are pre-
dominant. It is not everyone who can do the work, but there is usually at least one
in a family. Some people make to order or for sale to trading stores, and others
buy from them.
Women make all the woven baskets, the coiled garden basket, bags, both
sorts of mat, plaited rope, fibre cord, brooms and the sedge-stem strainers.
According to the literature they made the old milk baskets too.
Men specialists make the coiled palm-leaf baskets and dishes, the palm-
leaf strainers, and sinew thread and, among the Hlubi only, the coiled zstrudu.
Non-specialists make some fibre cord, and do wickerwork and wattlework.
Items of clothing and ornament are made by individuals for themselves.
The Khwetha costumes are made either by the boys themselves or by their
fathers, unless those who can afford it decide to pay a specialist to make them.
The season of work is from March/April, when the material becomes
available, to August/September, when the work is interrupted by the beginning
of the new agricultural year.
Although some items are no longer made, basketwork is still an extremely
vigorous craft. Apart from the coiled baskets of different materials among the
Thembu, Hlubi and Mpondo, it is nowadays remarkably homogeneous
throughout the area.
South Sotho influence has been mentioned, but during the last two
centuries European techniques have also been introduced by teachers, and
coiled baskets with open-work patterns, handles and lids have found favour in
some areas. In west Pondoland a type of strong, well-shaped wicker basket has
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 165
been introduced of the same type as those introduced in the neighbourhood of
Zimbabwe in Rhodesia. They are known respectively as ‘Pondo baskets’ and
‘Zimbabwe baskets’.
LEATHERWORK AND SKIN-DRESSING: SOURCES
1752 Beutler p. 307 Xhosa: preparation of skins
*, .. vel dat so swart en wel bereyd is als camoes leer, ’t welk se alleen met
haare tandige assagaayen weeten klaar te maaken... .’
1788 Von Winkelman p. 66 Xhosa: skin-dressing
‘Frauen und Madchen tragen fast immer eine Rinds- oder wildlederne Miize
auf dem Kopf. Sie wissen mit ihren Lanzen und mit scharfen Steinen, die
Haare gut weg zu machen, breiten das Fell aus, schmieren es stark mit Fett
und rother Erde, wodurch es gelinde und weich wird. Aus diesem wird denn
die Miize geschnitten und zusammen geheftet, welches die Frauen selbst
thun, sie bedienen sich hiebei einer Art selbst verfertigter eiserner Pfriemen.
Damit stechen sie kleine Lécher darein, und ziehen diinne Riemen oder
Sehnen durch, und befestigen alles das auf eine geschickte und dauerhafte
Art aneinander.’
1797 Barrow pp. 161-2 Xhosa: skin-dressing
“The article that furnishes their dress is prepared and put together with some
degree of ingenuity. Calves’ skins only are used for this purpose: when first
taken from the animal they are fixed to the ground with wooden pegs,
extended as far as they will bear, and well scraped, so that no part of the flesh
remains upon them. As soon as they are sufficiently dry to have lost the power
of contraction, they are beaten with stones till they become soft and pliant.
In this state the interior side is scraped with sharp stones, and smeared with
red ochre, till a nap, like that on cloth, is raised over the whole surface: they
are then cut into proper shapes, and sewed together exactly in the same
manner that the shoemakers of Europe stitch together two pieces of leather.
Their bodkin is a piece of polished iron, and the thread is the fibres of the
tendons of the long dorsal muscle taken from various animals; those in a wild
state are preferred, as furnishing a much stronger thread than such as are
domesticated. The Hottentots sew together their sheep-skins with the same
material; and the colonists, following the example of the natives, have
recourse to the same article as a substitute for flaxen thread, which, when the
English took possession of the settlement, bore a profit on the prime cost of
a thousand per cent.’
1802-6 Alberti pp. 53, 60
P- 53 Xhosa: skin-dressing
“De bereiding der Huiden geschiedt op de navolgende wijze. Men spant
dezelve met de vleesch-zijde buitenwaarts aan kleine palen op de grond en
laatze alzoo goed uitdroogen. Daarna worden zij tusschen twee recht
166 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
opstaande palen vast gemaakt; zoo veel mogelijk in de hoogte uitgerekt; de
vleeschige zijde met water genoegzaam bevogtigd; voorts, met behulp van
eene hand-bijl, waarvan de steel tot dit bepaald gebruik wordt afgenomen,
zoo lang geschraapt, dat de huid tot de dikte van eenen matig fijnen doek
verdund worde, en eindelijk, wederom, volgens de eerst gemelde manier, op
den grond ter drooginge uitgespannen. Alsdan wordt de huid, in denzelfden
toestand, met aloé-bladen, en vooral met de haken of punten, die aan dezelve
gemeen zijn, onder herhaalde bevogtiging, in de rondte gekaard, zoodanig
dat de gladde zijde ruw en scherp worde. Voor de Manskleederen geschiedt
zulks slechts in geringe mate; meer daarentegen ten behoeve der Vrouwen,
met dat gevolg, dat deze raauwheid nabij komt aan den zoogenoemden
Bever-doek. Vervolgens, laat men deze huid nogmaals droogen, bestrijkt die
met gesmolten Ossen-merg en Niervet, of ook wel met eene soort van Boter,
en geeft haar, op deze wijze, door aanhoudend wrijven tusschen de handen,
de grootst-mogelijke buigzaamheid. Eindelijk, wordt ook de Buitenzijde met
de reeds gemelde vetstoffen en de Binnenzijde met een mengsel van roode
- aarde en water bestreken, waardoor alsdan deze verw zich met de door-
gedrongene vettigheid duurzaam vereenigt.’
p- 60 Xhosa: makers of clothing, threads used
‘De vervaardiging der kleederen voor beide Sekse behoort tot den arbeid der
Vrouwen, die deze stukken zoo net weten zamen te naaijen, dat een Euro-
_ peesch Zadelmaker zich dit werk niet zoude behoeven te schamen. Het garen
bestaat in pezen, uit den rug der dieren genomen. Deze worden eerst |
gedroogd, daarna met eenen gladden steen dermate gebeukt, dat zij zich in
draden verdeelen, alsdan tusschen de handen gewreven, en wel zoo lang,
totdat zich de eene draad van den ander geheellijk afzondert.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein pp. 440, 452 Xhosa: skin-dressing
Nothing more.
1813 Campbell p. 269 Xhosa: skin-dressing
“They prepare the hides of cows and oxen, with which they make their cloaks,
by first rubbing off all the flesh and blood from the inside by a certain kind
of stone; after which they rub the hairy side with the juice of what is well
known in the Colony by the name of Hottentot’s fig, then with cowdung,
after which it feels smooth and soft, and has much the appearance of our
cloth.’
1824 Ross p. 215 Xhosa: skin-dressing
“The men generally are tall and strong and as generally lazy. Their manner
and habits dispose them to be so. They look after the cows and milk them and
hunt; make their assegais, shields and ornaments, scrape their skins or hides
for the karosses and milk sacks. They make fences about their gardens and
cattle kraal. They cut the corn.
The women sow the corn and beat it out and make the houses and sew
everything. They make the karosses and bring firewood and water. After the
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 167
karosses or hides are scraped, not of the hair, and all fibres of flesh removed
the women stretch out the hide again tightly, and rub them with the jagged
edges of the aloe leaf. When doing this they often throw milk on the hide in
which ashes have been infused. This makes the hide soft and pliant.’
1824-5 Smith pp. 259, 271, 273, 355 ‘Kaffir’: skin-dressing
PP. 259, 273, 355
Nothing more.
p. 271 ‘Kaffir’: material for sheath
*, .. [the penis sheath] is the pericardium of a cow or ox. They remove it let
it dry then rub it with the hand stretch it and make it soft. They cut them into
a proper shape then sew them [the] proper size. . . . The men cut it and the
b)
women sew it....
1825-9 Kay pp. III, 132, 342
p. III Xhosa: preparation of skins
“Their apparel, like that of the ancient Britons in the days of Julius Caesar,
consists wholly of beasts’ skins, curried and prepared in such a manner as to
render them perfectly soft and pliable. The inner side is then coloured with a
kind of dark ochre, or charcoal. These leathern garments, which are generally
long enough to reach to the feet, are merely suspended from the shoulders. . . .’
p. 132. “The latter, [children’s clothing] indeed, seldom consist of anything
more than roughly-dressed calves’ skins. This work is almost always per-
formed in the winter season. Hence, between the months of May and July, or
August, there is generally a great show of new cloaks, which are made quite
as black as the skins they cover. [The hide intended for an ingubo is first
stretched out and fixed to the ground with wooden pegs, by which it is
distended as much as possible; it is then well scraped, and every particle of
flesh entirely removed. When sufficiently dry, and wholly deprived of the
power of contraction, it is beaten with smooth stones until perfectly soft and
flexible. The inner side is then again curried with a sharp serrated instrument
till a nap, resembling that of cloth, is raised over the whole surface;]! and
having rubbed it well with a mixture of grease and ochre, the garment is
considered complete. When this general renewal of mantles takes place, it is,
of course, an occasion of considerable slaughter throughout the land; and the
economy manifest in the selection of winter for this business, is worthy of
notice.’
Pp. 342 Mpondo: currying skin
“Here we found the people busily employed in preparing new mantles. Around
a beast’s hide that had been stretched out and fastened to the ground, sat five
or six stout young women, lazily scraping the inner side with the serrated
edge of an aloe leaf. This was done to raise a sort of nap; after which the skin is
well dried and saturated with grease, in order to render it soft and ductile.
? The passage enclosed in square brackets is taken practically directly from Barrow’s descrip-
tion. It is left in here because of what goes before and after.
168 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Before it came into their hands, however, all fleshy and mucilaginous matter
had been completely taken off by the men, who are generally very particular
about this part of the operation.
1829 Bain p. 116 Xesibe: skin-working
“They then made a number of frivolous excuses saying that they could not go
as they . . . had karosses to make for their wives.’
1829 Holman p. 262 Xhosa: women make cloaks
Nothing more.
c. 1831-2 Smith p. 203 Mpondo: leopard skin for chief
‘When they kill a tyger they carry the skin and the tail to Facu. He makes a
kaross of them.’
(1833) Morgan p. 35 Xhosa: women make all clothing
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw pp. 406, 414 Xhosa: time for slaughtering
p. 406
Nothing more.
p. 414 “The oxen which had fattened during the summer and autumn were
slaughtered at the commencement of the winter. The reason assigned for this
arrangement was, that about that period the supply of milk begins to be
scanty, and the green crops are finished; while the oxen are in fine order for
slaughter, and the hair on their hides—which by a remarkable natural pro-
vision becomes much longer to protect them during the cold of winter——
renders them more suitable for making warm cloaks for day and night cover-
ing for the women.’
(1839) Adams p. 131 Xhosa: skin-dressing
“The mode used by the Caffres, in tanning and dressing tiger and other skins,
is thus described: they spread them on the grass, covering them with sheeps
fat, and strewing a kind of chalk over them, then with a sandstone, by a
circular motion of the hand, they rub them till the skin becomes as soft and
pliable as wash leather. The hair remains undisturbed; and any laceration
by shot, or other violence, they contrive to mend with great neatness so as
scarcely to be perceived.’
1836-44 Déhne pp. 38, 39-40, 41 +‘ Xhosa: process of dressing and making
up skins
‘Eine dritte Art sind die Gerber, welche die Ochsenhaute zu Kleidern berei-
ten. Es wird eine Vorrichtung, ahnlich den Schlichtb4umen der Gerber
Deutschlands, aus 4 Pfahlen gemacht. Die zwei Seitenpfahle werden mit dem
unteren Ende in die Erde gesteckt und an den Zaun des Viehkraals angelehnt;
an den oberen Enden haben sie Zacken, auf welche ein dritter Pfahl queriiber
gelegt wird; der vierte Pfahl wird auf der Erde mit hélzernen Haken an die
Enden der Seitenpfahle befestigt. Hierauf wird die Haarseite der Haut nass
gemacht und mit Kuhmist bestrichen; die Aasseite wird mit warmem Wasser
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 169
gut angefeuchtet und durch die Locher, die beim ersten Aufschlagen ent-
stehen, mit Riemen auf die 4 Pfahle ausgespannt. Dann wird die Aasseite
mit Beilen, nach Art des Schlichtens bei unseren Gerbern, so lange geschabt,
bis die Poren der Haare zum Vorschein kommen. Was an diesem Verfahren
etwa auszusetzen ware, ist das, dass zwei Manner angestrengt arbeiten
miissen, um in einem Tage die Haut fertig zu machen, und dies ist nicht
eben sehr zu verwundern, da die Haut unter keiner weiteren Vorarbeit war
und das Beil ihr einziges Werkzeug ist. Allein die Haut ist tiberall so gleich-
massig bearbeitet, wie sie kaum ein Gerber in Europa mit seinem Falz zu
Stande bringt. Was abgeschabt und bei uns zu Leimleder verbraucht wird,
das kochen sich die Kaffern und essen es als Delicatesse.
Eine vierte Art Handwerker sind die Schuhmacher. Die Stirnhaut des
Ochsen wird einfach aufgespannt und getrocknet und dient dann zu den
Sohlen; die Haarseite der Ochsenhaut wird nach Aussen getragen.’
p. 39 ‘Die zweite Abtheilung von Handwerkern der ersten Haupt-classe
bilden die Weiber, unter denen die Schneiderinnen obenanstehen. Sie ver-
fertigen die Karosse fur beiderlei Geschlecht und die Miitzen fiir die Weiber.
Aus folgender Beschreibung wird man sehen, dass ein Kaross nicht ein so
wunderlich Ding ist, wie man sich gewohnlich vorzustellen pflegt.—Sobald
die Ochsenhaut ausgeschlachtet ist, wird sie mit hélzernen Nageln auf der
Erde ausgespannt und, wenn sie getrocknet ist, zum Gerber gebracht.
Kommt sie von diesem zuriick und ist sie trocken, so wird sie wieder nass
gemacht und mit einem groben Granitstein gerieben, wieder ausgespannt
und mit trocknen Aloeblattern gerieben, die sehr scharfe Zahne haben,
wodurch sie wollig und faserig wird. Dann wird sie im Hause an einem
warmen Flecke aufgehangt, damit sie trockne. Den Tag darauf wird sie mit
alter saurer Milch angefeuchtet und, wenn sie erweicht ist, wieder mit jenen
Aloeblattern gerieben, wobei alle Weiber des Platzes helfen. Ist sie wieder
trocken, so wird sie getreten und mit den Handen weich gerieben, auf der
Haarseite mit Fett bestrichen, zusammengerollt und gebunden. Des andern
Tags reibt sie die Eigenthiimerin wieder, damit das Fett einziehe; dann wird
sie wieder mit warmem Wasser angefeuchtet und zum dritten Male mit Aloe-
blattern gerieben. Wenn sie zu trocknen anfangt, wird sie wieder aufge-
schlagen und zum vierten Male mit Aloeblattern gerieben, bis sie recht
wollig und weich ist. Darnach werden die Rander abgeschnitten, und sie
wird wieder getreten und mit den Handen gerieben, und so kommt sie zur
Schneiderin. Je nachdem die Haut gross ist, werden 3 bis 4 Blatter daraus
geschnitten, die an einem Ende schmal, am andern breit sind; die schmalen
kommen nach den Schultern, die breiten nach dem untern Ende. Nun wird
sie wieder zusammengenaht. Den Zwirn dazu machen sie aus den Sehnen an
den Vorder- und Hinterblattern des Viehes. Beim Nahen stechen sie mit der
oben beschriebenen Nadel vor. Ist sie fertig genaht, so wird sie wieder nass
gemacht und aufgespannt, damit die Nahte gerade gezogen werden. Dann
wird sie wieder mit den Handen gerieben, mit Fett bestrichen und mit saurer
170 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Milch eingesprengt. Darauf werden Kohlen von weichem Holz zu Staub
gerieben und auf das Kleid gestreut und eingerieben, damit es eine schwarze
Farbe bekomme. Am Rumpf ist eine 9 Zoll breite Klappe angebracht, die
auf dem Riicken bis an die Erde herunterhangt und mit 4 bis 6 Reihen gelber
Knopfe besetzt ist. Wer es kann, besetzt die aussere Reihe mit platten und die
innere mit kleinen runden Knépfen. Wenn es gut geht, wird ein solch Kleid
in 3 bis 4 Wochen fertig.’
p- 41 Xhosa: women’s cap
‘Die Miitzen der Weiber bestehen aus 4 Buschbockfellen, auf denen ebenfalls
die Haare bleiben. Drei solcher Felle werden, wenn sie gehorig zubereitet
sind, wie ein Rock, der oben und unten offen steht, zusammengenaht; dieser
Sack wird in der Mitte eingebogen, und die eine Halfte wird umgelegt und
bildet eine Klappe, die vorn herunter hangt, wie von einer Zipfelmiitze der
Zipfel. Aus dem 4ten Felle wird eine lange, 4 Zoll breite Scharpe geschnitten
und an einer Seite der Miitze befestigt. So wird sie in die Erde eingegraben,
dass sie zahe wird, wieder herausgenommen und mit siisser Milch besprengt.
In die Klappen werden etliche Hélzchen gesteckt, damit sie die rechte
viereckige Form bekommt. Dann wird sie nochmals in die Erde gesteckt,
wieder herausgenommen, ausgereckt und, wenn sie trocken ist, weich
gerieben und beschnitten. Die etwa 14 Zoll lange und breite Klappe wird
dicht mit weissen und blauen Perlen in Streifen besetzt.’
1842 Baines pp. 39-40 ‘Kaffir’ (Fort Beaufort): dressing hide
‘A female, bending beneath the burden of her years and glittering ornaments,
but covered only with a scanty piece of blanket, sat at the door of one of the
huts with a dish of grease beside her, rubbing a bullock’s hide with a large
stone to render it sufficiently pliant for an article of dress, and facilitating the
process by smearing upon it, ever and anon, a handful of the unctuous
mixture.’
[c. 1835-55] Ayliff p. 12 ? Xhosa: skin-dressing
‘The hides of the animals are carefully pegged out and when sufficiently
stretched are placed upon a rude frame, curried and an artificial nap raised
by the action of the spiked edges of Aloe leaves, and when sufficiently pliant
are cut into the required shape and handed to the women to stitch.’
c. 1850 C.B. (?Charles Bell) ‘Kaffir’: skin-dressing frame
Figure.
c. 1850 I’Ons ? Xhosa: skin-dressing
Sketch.
1850 Anon. p. 242 Xhosa: ox-hide drum
Nothing more.
(1856) Fleming p. 223 general: making of sheaths
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI I7I
(1856) Fleming pp. 204-5 general: cleaning skin
p. 205 ‘. . . they afterwards, with the sharp edge of an assegai, go carefully
over the surface, scraping away all the particles of skin, or meat, that may
remain attached to it. These they mix with some of the blood of the animal,
and pound into a thick paste, adding a little finely powdered red clay.’
1859 Warner p. 10 Thembu: skin for clothing
“There is also a good deal of cattle slaughtering in the winter, (when the hair
of the cattle is grown to its full length) for the purpose of providing the women
with korosses.’
1845-89 Kropf pp. 114, 115 : Xhosa: dressing and making up skins
Nothing more.
1875-87 MacDonald (L.i.A.) p. 224 general: skin-dressing
‘Skins of goats, sheep, antelopes, and domestic cattle go to the manufacture
of everyday attire. Robes of office, and bridal robes for the great Wife of a
paramount chief on the occasion of her marriage are of more costly material,
generally of wild cat or spotted leopard skin, the latter being regarded as the
most valuable.’
(1881) Nauhaus p. 347 Xhosa: use of adze
Nothing more.
(1919) McLaren pp. 446, 447-8 Xhosa: dressing and making up skins
pp. 446-7 ‘Great use was made in manufacture of the hides of cattle, zz7-
kumba, and the skins of sheep and goats, in-gaga.
A hide was first stretched out on the ground, to which it was fastened,
bopelela, with pegs, izi-konkwane, at the edges ing-qoto. When it was quite dry
it was suspended on a frame consisting of two large vertical and two horizontal
posts, which was leant against the kraal-fence. It was tied to the frame by
thongs put through the holes made for the pegs. The hair side, which was at
the back, was previously moistened with water and smeared with fresh cow-
dung, an excellent disinfectant. The flesh side was well softened with tepid
water. It was then scraped or shaved, or pared, pala, to remove all bits of
flesh that had adhered to it in the skinning, and all thicknesses and roughnesses
of the hide itself, till the roots of the hairs began to appear. This was done with
the hatchet, isi-xengxe, and was a hard day’s work for two men. What was
scraped off was sometimes cooked and eaten as a delicacy, sometimes made
up into a hard ball, called imbumba_yamanyama, ‘a bundle of bits of meat’, and
a symbol of the strength of the union, and made into snuff-boxes, i-qaga, and
the like.
The hide, now called um-palane, ‘the scraped’ was next taken in hand by
the women, who acted as fullers or curriers, aba-suki. Receiving it from the
hands of the scrapers dry and ready, they moistened it, trampled it with their
feet, nxasha, rubbed it with a rough boulder of granite or dolerite 7-nyengane,
then stretched it out on the ground and scratched rwerwa, and rubbed, kuhla,
172 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
it with the dry leaves of a species of aloe, um-hlaba, which are furnished with
sharp little teeth, so as to bring the surface to a woolly or fibrous condition. It
was then hung up in a warm place in the hut to dry. . .. When dry, the surface
was saturated with old sour milk and again scratched and brayed with aloe
leaves, in doing which the whole female population of the place would help.
When dry, it was again trampled and rubbed till it was soft and smooth, then
smeared with fat on the hair-side rolled together, and tied into a tight bundle.
The next day it was again rubbed so that the fat might penetrate, again
moistened with warm water, and again rubbed with aloe leaves. When it
began to dry, it was for the fourth time treated with the aloe leaves till it was
quite woolly and soft. This smooth, woolly surface was called the nap,
um-hlapo. ‘The edges, ing-qoto, were now cut away, the hide once more trodden
and rubbed, and it was now ready for sewing.
According to the size of the hide three or four pieces were cut out of it.
These were narrower at one end than at the other, as the robe was made
narrow at the shoulders and gradually increased in width towards the bottom.
The pieces were sewn together with thread, um-sonio, made of the tendons,
um-sundulo, of the ox’s shoulder-blade, with the help of the bodkin or needle |
already described. When the sewing was finished the robe was damped and
spread out so that the seams might be drawn tight. It was then rubbed with
the hands, smeared with fat, and dyed to a black colour, gcaba, with a dye,
which was made by burning the rotten heartwood, 7-bzba, of certain trees to a
powder. The finished robe was now called igcabe. The robe took altogether
two to three weeks hard work to make. The hair-side was worn next to the
skin.
Women’s hats, imi-nqwazi were made of four pieces of the skin of the
bushbuck, zm-babala. After being duly fulled or curried, three of the skins
were sewn together into a form of sack, open above and below. This sack was
folded in the middle, so that one-half formed a flap hanging down the back
of the head. Out of the fourth skin a long sash, four inches broad, was cut and
fastened to the side of the hat. After sewing, the hat was buried in the ground
to make it tough, then taken out and sprinkled with sweet milk. Pieces of
wood were fixed in the flap to give it the proper shape. It was again buried,
taken out, stretched, rubbed smooth and trimmed, when it was ready to put
on.
The making of shoes, izi-hlangu, shields, ama-kaka, and cases or quivers
for assegais, imi-palane, was the work of the shoe-maker. For making soles of
shoes the skin of an ox’s forehead was spread out and dried. The soles were
cut out so as to stand out a finger-breadth all round the foot. A flap two
inches broad attached to each side and a broader piece behind formed the
uppers. These three pieces were knotted together with a piece of thong.
Shoes were little used except in war and on a long journey. The hard, dry
hide, in-tlonze, of ox or bull that was to form a shield was first pounded with a
stone, sizila, to make it tough and strong. It was made of an oval shape, rather
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 173
pointed at the ends, and ornamented with strips of leather in various colours.
A shield, or buckler, made to protect the face was in-gweletshetshe. This crafts-
man also made the war head-dress of crane’s feather, which was attached to
the head by a leather band, so arranged that the black wing feathers stood up
perpendicularly.’
(1926) Miller p. 29 Hlubi: dressing skin
Nothing more.
(1927) Poto Ndamase p. 119 Mpondo: skin garments
Nothing more.
=
1932b Hunter pp. 101, 119
p- 101 Mpondo: thong making, men dress skins
‘Hides are cut into strips, which are tied on to a branch and twisted and
retwisted to make supple ‘reims’ for yoking.’
‘Skin dressing is the work of the older men. A hide is pegged out on the
ground until dry, scraped and roughed with a sharp stone or aloe leaf, buried
in the kraal, in manure, for a night or more, and worked in the hands for two
days, after which it is soft.
Shields were made of untanned hide. Each man tanned and sewed with
sinew his own dress and that of his sisters and daughters, but a specialist was
called in to cut a skirt or a shield.’
p. 119 Mpondo: men made clothing
‘A man tanned and sewed skins for his own clothing and for his sisters and
daughters. Now he has to supply money to provide them with clothing.’
(1937) Soga pp. 46-7 Xhosa: special skins
‘Qonda ke ukuba amaphuthi nezingwe, nengonyama, newula ezidabaneni
yabe izinyamakazi zamanene nenkosi zaseluhlangeni. Ingwe ibide yadlula
nengonyama ngokuthandwa kwayo. .. .’
[Note however that wearing the skins (isidabane) of blue duiker, leopards,
lions and the oribi antelope was the privilege of men of rank and the chiefs of
the nation. The leopard skin was even more sought after than that of the
lion. ]
1945 Makalima chap. 6, para. 3; chap. 9, paras. 9, 14, 49, 71;
chap. 10, paras. I, 3, 4, 5, 9, 10, II
Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: various skins used
chap. 6, para. 3
‘Isikumba seputi nesembabala kwenziwa ngazo utwatwa. . . . Isikumba
sengwe sitwalwa ngamagqira. Kwenziwe izidlokolo nengubo. Isikumba
somhlangala senza iminqwazi yamaggira esintu. Esempunzi isikumba senza
umnweba wenkosikazi. . .. Esenywagi senza ingxowa yokutshayela. Isikumba
segqwalashu senza ingxowa namanquma kumakwenkwe. Izikumba zenkawu
nemfene kwenziwa ngazo ingxowa yokutshayela. Umnqwazi wesanuse
174 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
wenziwa kwangesikumba semfene esisukiweyo kwane senkawu ngokunjalo
nesika dyakalashe. Esencuka senziwa ingubo. Isikumba sentini sinolusu
kakulu, sitengiswa kubelungu. Esebadi isikumba senza entle kunene ingubo
yabanumzana.’
[. . . The skin of blue duiker and bushbuck is dressed for whipcord (uthwa- |
thwa). .. . Leopard skin is worn by doctors as caps and wraps. The skin of the |
grey mungoose makes caps for doctors. Duiker skin is used for making the |
cloak (umnweba) of a chief’s wife. . . . The skin of the large spotted genet makes
a tobacco pouch. Marten skin makes pouches and head ornaments for boys.
Skins of monkeys and baboons are used for making tobacco pouches. A
diviner’s fur cap is made of dressed skin of baboon, monkey, and jackal.
Hyena skin makes karosses. Otter skin has very thick fur, it is sold to Euro-
peans. Springbok skin makes a beautiful kaross for men of rank. ]
chap. 9, paras. 9, 14, 71
Nothing more.
chap. 9, para. 49 Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: thongs for stitching
‘Indlela yokusebenza ngotwatwa: Utwatwa lusetyenziswa ukutunga izihlangu
ezenziwa ngofele lwenkomo. Imvaba ezi zamasi zitungwa ngotwatwa kumana
kugqojozwa apa kulento itungwayo ngenyatyoba kuze ke kutungwe ngotwa-
twa luyintambo.’
[Dressed hide. It is used for making thongs for sewing sandals of ox-hide. |
Leather milk sacks are sewn with the thongs. Holes are made in the leather
with an awl and the thong is used for sewing. | |
chap. 10, paras. I, 9, 10, II
Nothing more.
chap. 10, para 3 Thembu: calf skin |
‘Izambato zabantwana: Ezabo izambato zingaga zamatole. Inkwenkwe ibisu-
kelwa lona, kanti ke eyesikulu inkwenkwe, ibonwa ngokuti ibe nengubo efana
nekayise, kanti nentombi yesikulu ifaniselana nonina ngesikhakha senkomo.’
[Children’s garments: Their garments are the skins of calves. The skin of a calf
was dressed to make a boy’s garment, but the garment of a great man’s son
was the same as that of his father and the daughter of a man of rank also had
a skirt of ox-hide like her mother’s. |
chap. 10, para. 4 Thembu: specialists
‘Iminweba yamadoda ibitungwa ngamacule angamadoda aziwayo ngoku-
banzi, emveni kokuba ite yasukwa yatamba. Izikaka zabafazi nazo bezise-
nziwa kwangamacule, zisenziwa kwangaba bhingileyo. Ugaga lenkwenkwe
ibisukelwa nguyise.’
[Karosses for men were sewn by male experts who were generally known. They
were sewn after they had been dressed and made soft. Women’s skirts were
also made by experts who were females. A boy’s goat skin was dressed for him
by his father. ]
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 175
chap. 10, para. 5 Thembu: skin-dressing
*. .. Xa kwenziwa umnweba kutatwa ufele olo lweputi okanye olwengwe,
lusukwe ngelitye elinkum-nkum. Luti lwakutamba ke lusikwe ngamacule,
lwenziwe ingubo ke ngoku ingubo okanye kusikwe isikaka situngwe ngosinga
Iwenkomo. Ugaga |wetole lona lwenziwa kwa nje ngoku komnweba wenya-
makazi. Kusukwa ufele olu, kuze kusikwe imilenze nemikono, lube yingu-
tyana entlana elingana umntu wayo. Jngubo yegusha yenziwa kwangolo hlobo
nayo.’
[. .. The patchwork kaross is made of the skin of a blue duiker or a leopard.
It is dressed with brittle stone and when it has become soft it is dressed by
experts and made into a garment or skirt which is sewn with the sinew of an
ox. Calf skin is treated in the same way as the garment which is made of wild
animal skins. The skin is dressed and the front and hind legs are cut off in
order to make a nice little cloak to fit its owner. A cloak of sheepskin is made in
the same manner. |
1948 Anon. (Cape Times 17.10.48) Xhosa: cow-tail binding
*,.. sentenced . . . for cutting off the tails of five live cows. . . . They used the
tails to provide their sticks with the protective and decorative sheath of hide
known in Xhosa as ncilati. It is made by cleaning out the inside of the tail and
drawing the tube of hide on to a stick.’
1949-60 Hammond-Tooke p. 28 Bhaca: skin-working
‘Formerly skins and beadwork were extensively used for dress, and the pre-
paration and tanning of skins by the men was an important industry.” (“4 Men
still tan skins for karosses and, among the pagans, for their wives, who wear
fat-smeared goat skins.’)
1971 Gitywa pp. 112-16
p. I12 Xhosa: women’s part in skin-dressing
‘The initial scraping having been done by the men, the hide is passed on to
the women who treat it as follows:
(a) The hide is again moistened and rubbed with a granite stone on the
flesh side. This done, the hide is stretched on a wooden frame, as by the
men, and scraped with dried aloe leaves which have sharp and fine
spines along both edges. The scraping raises a woolly and fibrous pile. In
this condition it is hung in a warm part of the hut to dry.
The next day, the hide is moistened with old sour milk, amasi, after
which it is again scraped with the dried aloe leaves. All the women of the
home help in this.
When the hide is dry, it is trampled under the feet and rubbed with both
hands (as when washing clothes) to render it soft and pliable; at the end
of this the hairy side is smeared with fat, rolled, tied up and put away.
On the following day the hide is again rubbed with the hands to rid it of
superfluous grease. It is then moistened with warm water and scraped
with aloe leaves for the third time. It is again rolled up and put away.
I 76 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(e) On drying, it is opened up and scratched with the aloe leaves a fourth
time until it is properly woolly and soft. The pouring of tepid water on
the flesh side of the hide when it is to be scraped with aloe leaves to raise
a nap is called ukugcaba and the resultant fibrous nap umhlapho. At this
stage, the edges of the hide are removed, the hide trampled and rubbed.
It is now ready for the making of a cloak or a kaross.’
Pp. 113-15
Nothing more.
p- 116 Xhosa: modern times
“The manufacture of skin garments has virtually disappeared among the
Xhosa, yielding place to garments of European manufacture. Of the two
sexes, the men were first to discard their traditional costume, the skin blanket
(umnweba, ingubo), for European made blankets, shirts, jackets and trousers.’
“Women have shown a different tendency. Those of them not converted
to Christianity, adapted materials of European manufacture to suit their
traditional tastes. Excepting for the materials used, there is no drastic depart-
ure from the traditional patterns. ‘Their ‘“‘modern’”’ traditional costume still
consists of the skirt (umbhaco), bodice (incebetha), shoulder wrap (ibhayi) and
headdress (zghiya), with beads, buttons and black braiding as the most com-
mon forms of decoration. The material most favoured for the costume has
come to be known as ‘kaffir-sheeting’, (zbhayz), by the traders. It is a soft, white,
flannel-like material which, after the desired garments have been made, is
““dipped”’ into an infusion of red ochre, ucumse, to give it the traditional
stamp.’
LEATHERWORK AND SKIN-DRESSING: TERMS
igcabhe 1 a hide garment finished and powdered, as described under the verb
-gcabha (see below); a brand new garment of good quality, D. 2 a new
blanket, X.3 Mp T not known 229
intsilathti 1 nD. 2 wet tail skin drawn over shaft, Mp. Der. from umsila ‘tail’
and root -thi ‘stick’ 2g0
ityenist 1 leopard skin, D.2 not confirmed 231
ithwathwa 1 dressed hide for making thongs or whipcords, D. 2 also uthwathwa,
thin dressed goat-skin, without fur, Mp X. 3 whipcord of goat-skin, (T-
Mak). 4 dressed skin, X-Ck 2932
isikhumba formerly used for the skin or hide of a large animal (horse or ox) but
now used for any hide D general 233
ugaga dried skin DX 294
impalane (der. from -phala scrape). 1 the new garment made from a hide,
without fat or red clay, which a widow gets as a present of honour after the
death of her husband, when the old garment has to be cast away D X T.
2 not Mp Xes Bh 2935
amanyama scrapings of fresh hide D X Bo Xes Bh general 236
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 177
tkhutha 1 parings from animal’s skin; D. crust of bread; boiled meat which is
afterwards dried D.2 leavings of meat Bo Mp. 3 maize gone musty through
contact with side of grain-pit, much liked for special taste (if whole grain-pit
infected: thasa) T. 4 not known elsewhere, not T nor Mp 237
imbumba yamanyama lump of scrapings from inside of hide from which snuff-
boxes are made D X T Bo Xes. (From -bumba ‘mould, shape, form’) 238
impalo (from -phala scrape) scrapings of a hide D; not generally known, or has
other meanings 239
ingqgotho rough edge or skirt of a dried skin with pegging holes, D general except
Mp 240
umhlapho soft fibrous plushy side af a woman’s kaross DT 241
intambo thong, rope, riem, D general, also twine 242
ulutyat long thong, D X Bh Bo. 2 girdle, Mp. bead belt Mp-CT probably the
same thing. 3 grass band round back and over breast, or girdle, Bh 243
umtya 1 something to bind with, as a small band, thong, cord D. 2 thong to
tie cow’s hind legs for milking; anything used similarly, X, general. 3 bow-
string (Licht. 1.656.3 ummuhtja ‘Bogensehne’) (a widely distributed Bantu
root, for ‘leather strap’) 244
umsundulo 1 the strong tendon which runs along back part of neck, D.
2 tendons under shoulder-blade of ox, used for thread X 245
usinga thread made from umsundulo, the tendons found on the underside of an
ox’s shoulder-blade. It is used for sewing karosses; thread, in general, D
general 246
imigonga 1 nD. 2 frame for scraping skins Bh. 3 no general name for this,
only for parts Bo. 4 not generally known 247
inyatyhoba (cl. 9) awl, D general 248
inyangane, isinyangane, inyengane 1 nD. 2 quartz, granite, marble, general.
3 sort of hard stone used for making knives and cleavers Xes (T-Mak).
4 granite or dolerite stone for currying (X McL) 249
istkhonkwane wooden pin or peg for fastening down an expanded skin D; any
peg, general 250
isilanda 1 needle, 4 to 6 inches eyeless, for making holes for sinew thread,
removing thorns, loosening tobacco in pipe D general. 2 (wooden) needle for
making hats Mpm Mp, or aloe thorn or iron Mpm. 3 __ fish-hook bought
in store X 251
isigobo 1 stick about an inch thick for fastening door of hut D X Bo only; this is
only part of the wider meaning: 2 short thick stick or leg, block, as to sit on,
for head-rest, door-bar, cross-bar of skin-dressing frame 252
isixengxe 1 small axe D. 2 for cutting meat X. 3 men’s axe Xes. 4 with
narrow blade Bh. 5 not known Mp. 6 modern weapon clandestinely made
on the mines 253
ixhayi 1 short jutting branch (on hut pillar) left for use as peg to hang things on
D X Mp Xes. 2 rack made of wood for suspending a gun D. 3 upright poles
of skin-dressing frame Bo Bh. 4. stirrer for medicines, twirled between palms
17 8 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
of hands, to stir medicines or for boys to stir up beestings Bo X Mp 254
umhlaba 1 Aloe supralaevis Haw. D. 2 aloe leaf for currying X 255
ibiba 1 black dye for skins (rotten heart wood burnt and powdered) D. 2 not
confirmed (Bo say: a spinach) 256
igina generic term for various mesembrianthemums, ashes of which are used in
making soap D general 257
-gcabha 1 pour tepid water on a hide when it is scraped with aloe leaves to
raise the nap; pour infusion of zgina on the same hide when it is to be worked
soft; powder the same with a powder made by burning and pounding zbzka
(a black substance) D. 2 prepare, tan, curry a hide McL 258
umthinto sweet milk put aside to form cream. Cream is used for smearing thongs
D 259
umgxam 1 Schotia latifolia Jacq. the rough bark of which is used for dyeing red
D X Mp. 2 tree, infusion of which used for dressing skin (Bh Tooke) X-Cisk
260
LEATHERWORK AND SKIN-DRESSING: DISCUSSION
Skin-dressing was a very important craft in the old days because, until the
introduction of cloth, animal skins supplied the entire clothing of the people,
and many other useful articles besides. Domestic animals were the most
important source for ordinary clothing but wild animal skins were used too.
Reptile skins were not used.
The following is a list of skins specially mentioned in the literature, or by
modern informants, for certain objects.
Cattle—cloaks and clothing generally, sandals, milk-sacks, spear-quivers,
shields, drums.
Calf—according to Barrow, only calf skin was used for clothing, but most
do not agree. Some say it was used for the clothing of children of com-
moners only. Bhaca men’s ceremonial loin-dress is of calf skin.
Goat—milk-sacks, bellows, baby-slings, bags, tobacco bags, and some
clothing, especially in the east.
Kid—used whole for bags.
Sheep—boys’ cloaks, Khwetha boys’ cloaks, saddles.
Leopard: ingwe—for chiefs and their families only, either for whole cloaks
or as trimming for garments.
Springbok: ibhadi—cloaks for upper classes.
Blue Buck (Cephalophus monticola): iphuthi—for the caps of women of upper
classes, tobacco bags, whipcords.
Lion: ingonyama—capes (izidabane) of men of upper classes.
Bush Buck (Tragelaphus scriptus sylvaticus): imbabala—caps of ordinary
women, whipcords.
Oribi (Ourebia scoparia): iwula—chief’s clothing and capes (2zzdabane).
Duiker (Cephalophus grimmi): impunzi—isidabane cape, umnweba of a chief’s
wife.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 179
Large Buck—sometimes used for girls’ and women’s clothing.
Jackal, Wild Cat, Mongoose and other small skins: udyakalashe/thlosi/ingada
—bags, doctors’ caps, and the tails for penis-sheaths.
Baboon and Monkey: zmfene/inkawu—doctors’ caps, bags, tobacco bags.
The Mpondo are said to use the tail as a sleeve to strengthen wooden
shafts, but this is not confirmed.
Hyaena: ingcuka—cloaks (Makalima only).
Special parts
omasum (i.e. third stomach) of ruminants—breast-cloth
pericardium of cattle—penis-sheath
scrotum of goat—small bags (znxzlz)
Cattle were slaughtered at the beginning of winter when the hair was long
and better for cloaks. Moreover, from the women’s point of view, that would be
the best time for the work involved, as it is the agricultural off-season. A modern
informant stated too that a fat beast was preferred, as the skin would wear better
than that of a thin one.
A frame was required for dressing the larger skins. It consisted of two
upright forked poles with a horizontal beam across the forks. According to
Dohne the upright poles leant against the kraal fence, but [’Ons’ sketch
(Pl. 33:1) shows them standing free, as was the case in an example seen in 1971.
The Xhosa had a fourth beam placed on the ground and fixed to the side poles
with wooden fastenings. In the Xhosa example seen in 1971 wooden hooks
were used to fix the skin at the bottom of the frame. Thembu, Bomvana and
Bhaca used pegs to fix the skin. A set of wooden pegs (isikhonkwane) (Pl. 33:2)
was also needed for pegging the skin to the ground if it was spread to dry in the
first instance. An adze, adze-blade, axe-blade or spear-blade was used for
scraping the fleshy side, a spear-head or sharp stone to remove the hair if this
was done, thorny leaves of aloe or a friable stone for currying and raising of a
pile, a spear-head for cutting the dressed skin and an awl and sinew thread or
fine thongs for sewing. Some authors speak of a needle, but there is nothing to
show that the awl referred to had an eye.
The best description that we have of the process of dressing skin is that of
Dohne for the Xhosa (quoted above in full), which has been quoted by several
authors, generally without acknowledgement. This was probably the method
used by all the Cape tribes, with slight local variations, and it is still used when
skin is dressed today. The fresh skin was first stretched and pegged out on the
ground, flesh side up, cleaned of the remains of flesh by scraping with a spear or
sharp stone, and left to dry. Large skins were then stretched on the frame,
attached either by thongs through the peg holes to the frame, or by thongs to
the top of the frame, and pegged at a slant to the ground, or were hung over
the beam and pegged on each side. Small skins were pegged on the ground.
Thembu and Hlubi informants stated that the skins were first soaked and
softened in hot water before hanging on the frame. In the literature it would
appear that the soaking was the first process after hanging on the frame and that
180 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
it applied to the flesh side only, while the hairy side was merely wetted and
covered with fresh dung. When wet the skin was stretched taut. The flesh side
was then scraped and pared evenly with an adze or axe blade until the roots of
the hairs began to show. For smaller, thinner skins this process was replaced by
pounding with stones on the ground until soft. The skin was taken down and
pegged out to dry and then went twice through a process of alternate wetting,
stretching and rubbing of the flesh side with a circular motion, first with a rough
stone and then with aloe leaves, the thorns of which raised a nap. A slight nap
sufficed for men, but women preferred a thick one. The skin was again dried,
and the process of wetting, rubbing between the hands and scraping with aloe
leaves was repeated. The liquid used for this wetting seems to have varied
according to the recipe of the specialist—some of those mentioned are sour
milk, hot water, or an infusion of milk and ashes, of mesembrianthemum juice,
of brains soaked in hot water or of the bark and leaves of Schotia latifolia Jacq.,
which is a red dye. Bhaca informants in 1969 described a slightly different
method of dressing goat-skin, in that after the initial drying of the skin dregs of
beer were wrapped up in it to produce heat to soften it. Then the brains were
spread on the skin and the rubbing and scraping were carried out. In this case
the hair was to be left only round the edges, so the softening agents were put on
the hairy side. In addition the skin was greased with fat, and again specialists
had different views as to which was the best fat, or with butter, and, according
to Von Winkelman, with red ochre, and kneaded with the hands and feet. The
whole process was repeated on several successive days until the skin was con-
sidered fit for use, when the edges were trimmed before a final rubbing, holes
were invisibly patched and the skin was ready for cutting.
According to Hunter, before the last greasing and kneading process the
Mpondo buried the skin in manure in the kraal for one or two days. The skins
for clothing were generally dyed on the flesh side, either red, with ochre, or
black, with charcoal, sprinkled on and rubbed in, or mimosa bark. The
charcoal was obtained by burning rotten heart-wood and grinding it to a
powder. Authors differ as to the stage at which the dyeing was done, but
according to Doéhne it was at the very end, which seems the most likely.
This process of dressing was not completed in one day but took several as,
apart from the time involved in the actual working, it was necessary, particularly
in the final stages, to leave the skin overnight or longer to dry or to absorb grease
or manure.
For small bags and bellows the whole skin was used, inside out with the
neck opening sewn up, and the legs often used as handles. Informants stated
that the skin after cleaning was wetted, greased, rubbed, beaten against a pole,
and turned in and out again and again, and each time packed tightly with
manure to dry in shape. When dry the flesh side was rubbed with soft stone.
For shields, sandals, spear-quivers, and the ox-hide drum, the hide was not
dressed. It was merely pegged out to be cleaned and to dry hard. After drying
the hide was cut to shape. For sandals the forehead skin of an ox was preferred.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 181
The skin for a shield, after drying, was well pounded with a stone to toughen it
and, according to Déhne, rubbed with a round stone from the outside towards
the centre to make it slightly concave on the flesh side.
When inner skin such as the pericardium was used it was simply cleaned,
dried and softened by rubbing with the hands.
The tail skin of slaughtered cattle and buck was and is still used as a
decorative strengthening for sticks or the top of spear-shafts. A section of tail
was cut, the inside cleaned out, and the wet hide tube drawn on to the shaft. It
might be bound while drying with cord or grass, which left a pattern when
removed.
Thongs may be made of a raw hide, first buried, preferably in the kraal, ‘to
ferment’ and to loosen the hair. Some people prefer to dry the skin first and then
wet it, as they maintain that a fresh skin makes the thongs too thin. It is then
cut circularly from the outside to the centre of the skin into a long strip, 7 to
10 cm wide, according to the thickness of the skin. The strip is hung over a
strong tree branch, or the cross-bar of the skin-dressing frame, and fastened at
the ends to a large flattish stone with a stick attached to it (Pl. 33:3). The strip
is twisted by putting another strong stick between stone and stick and walking
round until the stone end of the thong is twisted almost up to the cross-bar
(Pl. 33:4). The loose stick is then removed and the thong allowed to unwind.
The flapping during the unwinding helps to remove the remaining hairs. This is
repeated in alternate directions for one to three days, as judged necessary, after
which the thong is smeared with fat, and twisted for another two or three days.
It is then, according to an informant, put in a bag and hung from the roof (to
keep the mice off) and pieces are cut off as required. Small thong cords are
made of dressed skin, often of goat, cut into thin strips and twisted together.
Thread for sewing, particularly for sewing skins, was made from the neck
and back sinews of animals. According to Alberti, these were first dried, then
beaten with a stone to loosen the fibres, which were finally separated by rubbing
between the hands. They were often used without further twisting, but might
also be twisted into a two-ply thread.
Only two by-products of skin-dressing are recorded. The most important
was the paste that was made from the scrapings of flesh and blood from the
inside of the skin, mixed with more blood and a little clay, or red ochre. This
was spread over a previously prepared clay model of the shape desired for a
snuff-box and allowed to dry. When nearly dry the surface was picked with an
awl to form a rough nap. When quite dry a small hole was cut and the clay
model picked out, leaving a container of dry paste.
Secondly it is recorded that what was scraped off the inside of the skin was
cooked and eaten as a delicacy.
The objects made of dressed skin were for the most part articles of clothing,
cloaks (ox, calf, sheep, especially for boys and initiates, leopard, or antelope),
skirts (ox or antelope), aprons (now goat, Bh.; cattle, Hlu.) women’s caps (blue-
buck, bushbuck or ox), penis-sheaths (pericardium or any soft skin), breast-
182 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
cloths (ox omasum), baby-slings (goat), Khwetha bandages (goat), dancing
capes (izidabane) (oribi or blesbok, now goat), loin-dresses (Mp.— ? cat tails),
milk-sacks (ox, goat), bags and purses (jackal and other small skins, goat
scrotum), bellows (goat), floor skins (Mp.—ox, goat, sheep) and saddles (sheep,
Mp.; ox, X).
Objects made from rawhide were shields, sandals, spear-quivers, heavy
thongs, bridles, and the folded hide used as a drum.
From the paste only snuff-boxes were made.
Skin-dressing and leatherwork seem to have been and are still partly a
specialist and partly a non-specialist craft. The working with rawhide was,
throughout the area, done by men and, with the exception of thongs, by
specialists. Even in making thongs a specialist might be called on to cut the hide.
The same man made shields, sandals, and spear-quivers and in addition the
crane-feather head-dresses of Xhosa and Thembu warriors.
For dressed skin, however, the position seems to have been different. It
would appear that among the Xhosa the owner skinned the beast and pegged
the skin out for its first drying. It was then taken to a man specialist to be dressed,
and it is recorded that two men working hard would take a day to dress an
ox-skin on a frame. Thereafter it was returned and the raising of the nap and
softening process, which extended over several days, was completed by the
women of the homestead, who also made the skins into clothing.
According to a Thembu informant, after the specialists’ work the women
carried on only until the nap was raised, then the men continued with the
greasing and kneading and, according to Makalima, Thembu men made their
own and their sons’ clothing. Among the Mpondo, however, the whole dressing
was the work of men and there were no specialists. Women would help to soften
the skin and raise the nap. Each man was expected to dress skins for his own,
his sisters’ and his daughters’ clothing. They also made the clothing, but might
call in a specialist, also a man, to cut a skirt. This was evidently Xesibe and
Bhaca custom too. Amongst Xhosa and Thembu, on the other hand, cutting
and sewing were women’s work, though again a woman specialist might be
called to cut a skirt or cloak, and men usually cut their own penis-sheaths. There
were, however, men specialists at the Thembu chiefs’ homesteads to make the
chief’s leopard-skin cloak (umnweba).
Sewing was done by means of an awl and sinew thread, or, for coarser,
stronger articles, fine thongs. Corresponding holes were made with the awl in
each of the two edges to be joined together and a continuous thread passed
through in an oversewing stitch.
Unfortunately a proper description is available for the making of only two
articles— Xhosa women’s cloaks and caps.
For the Xhosa women’s cloaks, three or four strips, narrow at the shoulder
end and wide at the other, which would be the bottom of the cloak, were cut
from the skin and sewn together. According to one account they were then
wetted and stretched out to draw the seams tight. The cloak was then anointed
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 183
and rubbed with sour milk and fat and finally rubbed with charcoal. A wide
flap of skin, decorated with brass buttons, was sewn on to the cloak to hang down
the whole length of the back as an ornament. Déhne estimated that from the
slaughtering of the beast a cloak might with luck be completed in three to four
weeks. Other cloaks, particularly those of men, were made of smaller square
pieces of skin sewn together to make a straight cloak.
For the Xhosa women’s caps four pieces of skin were cut, three of them
narrowing to one end, and these three were sewn together like a bag. According
to Dohne and those who copied his account, both ends were left open, but in the
examples seen the narrow end is sewn up. The fourth piece of skin was attached
to one side, to make a long sash 10 cm wide for binding round the head. The cap
was then buried in the ground to toughen it, after which it was dampened with
sweet milk, folded in half across the width, and a piece of wood was fixed into
the lower half or flap to shape it. It was buried again and finally the wood was
removed and the cap stretched, rubbed and trimmed. In the nineteenth
century the majority of these caps were profusely decorated with beads.
Skin-dressing is a craft that has been disappearing rapidly since the intro-
duction of cloth early in the last century. Only a few individuals practise it
nowadays and the objects made of dressed skin are skirts, which women wear
usually only on festive occasions, but in some places for ordinary clothing;
Hlubi men’s dancing tails; penis-sheaths, which are still worn but by no means
commonly; boys’ sheepskin cloaks; very occasionally a milk-sack; and the
tobacco bags and pouches. Of rawhide only thongs, shields of the ornamental
and ceremonial size and the dried, rawhide skin used as a drum are still made.
Horn, ToRTOISE-SHELL, BONE AND Ivory: SOURCES
1788 Von Winkelman p. 86 Xhosa: ivory armbands
‘Ihren elphenbeinernen Ringen, bei denen ihnen die Natur schon vorge-
arbeitet hat, geben sie die geh6rige Weite, Dicke, und Politur mittelst ihrer
als Sagen geformter Assogais und mit Steinen. Sie reiben und schleifen sie
so lange, bis sie ihre Absicht ganz entsprechen.’
1797 Barrow p. 169 Xhosa: bone whistle
‘They have . . . a small whistle made of the bone of some animal... .’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 281, 398
p. 281 ‘Kaffir’: tortoise-shells
‘Some or indeed the greater part of the caffers particularly women have
suspended from their necks or karosses one or more young tortoise shells which
have been cleared from the animal, and in those they have generally some
aromatic vegetable variously prepared which they carry about with them for
smelling. They often use the leaves of the shrub denominated Buchu, a species
of Diosma. Though this is used and selected for the purpose of a smelling
bottle yet they are very particular in cleaning and polishing them and also
pay considerable attention to the selection of the animals. Upon finding one.
184 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
which they think is a good one they cut off the head of the tortoise and then
cut and separate all the parts which adhere to the inside of the shell they then
wash and scrape it well and afterwards dry it.’
p- 398 Mpondo: ivory snuff-spoon
‘Stick ivory snuff-spoon in hair and reed snuff-box in ear.’
1820-31 Steedman p. 252 other than Mpondo: tortoise-shell snuff-box
‘Amapondas form their snuff-boxes out of a reed. . . . The other nations
usually carry their snuff in a small tortoise-shell, with a spoon attached, which
they suspend to their kaross.’
1825-29 Kay pp. 134, 290
Pp. 134 Xhosa: ivory snuff-spoon
‘To this [the snuff-box] is attached a small ivory spoon, with which they
serve up the contents... .’
p. 290 Thembu: ivory snuff-spoon
They generally take it [snuff] in small ivory or horn spoons made for the
b)
purpose....
(1829) Rose p. 80 Xhosa: horn spoons
“There are few arts among savages, for there are few wants: with the Kaffers,
the assegai and kirri, a small club, suffice for war and the chase; baskets,
beautifully made, to hold milk; a small rough earthen vessel for the fire, with
wooden and horn spoons. .. .’
c. 1831-2 Smith p. 203 Mpondo: elephant tusk
“When they kill an elephant [they] must give the one tusk to Facu.’
1844 Backhouse p. 269 Mpondo: snuff-boxes
‘Some of their snuff-boxes are ... of horn... .’
1851-2 King pp. 170-71 Xhosa: rhino-horn club
‘Game they often kill with the knob-keerie, a short club . . . generally made
out of an olive stick . . . or shaped out of rhinoceros’ horn. . . .’
(1853) Kretzschmar p. 239 general: ivory snuff-spoons
“Der zierlichste Artikel, welchen sie mit besonderer Sorgfalt fertigen, ist der
Schnupftabaksloffel, gew6hnlich von Elfenbein, dessen Griff einer Gabel
ahnlich ist... .’
(1856) Fleming p. 204 general: ivory snuff-spoon
Nothing more.
1863-66 Fritsch pp. 66, 68
p. 66 Xhosa: rhino-horn club
‘Seltener findet man im eigentlichen Kafferlande Kim’s aus dem Horn des
Rinozerosses, welches Tier in diesen Gegenden beinahe schon ganzlich
ausgerottet ist.’
p. 68 general: horn snuff-boxes, ivory snuff-spoons
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 185
1845-89 Kropf pp. 101, 103
p- 101 Xhosa: horn spoons
‘Sie essen das Korn mit den Handen oder wenn es hoch kommt mit aus Holz
oder Horn geschnitzten Loffeln. .. .’
p. 103 Xhosa: horn snuff-box, ivory snuff-spoon
Nothing more.
(1874) Korner p. 174 Xhosa: decoration of armbands
‘An Arme und Fiisse streift er sich Elfenbeinringe, die er miihsam mit der
Lanzenspitze, seinem einzigen Schneidewerkzeug, aus einem Zahne des
Elephanten ausschnitt, ausarbeitete, glattete und darauf Zickzacklinien,
Dreiecke, und Vierecke einzeichnete.’
1932 Hunter p. 102 Mpondo: bone snuff-spoons
“Wooden pipes and bone snuff-spoons are carved by men specialists.’
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 14, 42
para. 14 Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: horn spoons
‘Amacepe enziwa ngabantu abamnyama ngala enziwa ngomti, neselwa,
nopondo lwenkunzi yegusha nolwenkomo..’
[Spoons are made of wood, calabash, ram’s horn or horns of cattle. ]
para. 42 Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: ivory armband
‘Umxaka: Umxaka xa wenziwayo uyalolwa ngezitshetshe zokuxhola, ekutiwa
zintshengeca.’
[An ivory arm-ring is carved with gouges specially made for carving, sharp-
edged stones called intshengeca. |
Horn, TOoRTOISE-SHELL, BONE, Ivory: TERMS
ibamba eyetooth, tusk of animal. (From -bamba ‘seize’) general 261
isigodlo 1 the horn of an animal when severed from the head (used as a powder-
flask or trumpet) D Mp T general. 2 also used as part of hemp pipe X Mp.
3 bowl of hemp pipe (Bo Beukes). 4 whole hemp pipe (CT Univ) Mp.
5 also medicine flask X 262
ithambo 1 bone, D. 2 a small white bead generally worn by Kafirs, and so
named because it resembles bone in its substance, D. 3 tamboo, the most
valuable bead (Steedman). 4 pl. amathambo divining bones (modern) 263
uphondo 1 horn, tusk of elephant, D general. 2 horn as trumpet, Mp (Licht.
phéndo). 3 uphondo lokucima (-cima give an enema) enema horn, Mp. 4. uphondo
lweyeza medicine horn, Bh general 264
Horn, TorTOISE-SHELL, BONE AND Ivory: DiscussION
The carving of horn, bone and ivory, which may be considered a single
craft, is scarcely mentioned in the literature, except in so far as the objects made
are mentioned. It is not possible therefore to say whether, when many were
186 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
available, the horn or bone of any particular animal was preferred for any
particular object, except that the ivory arm-rings had to be made from elephant
tusk. Makalima does, however, state that spoons were made of ram- or ox-horn,
as they still are today.
In 1948 a Xesibe informant gave as the tools that were used for this craft
in her youth an axe (zzembe) for splitting the bone or horn, a stick for shaping
horn articles after first heating the horn to make it‘pliable, a gouge (7stbazo) for
scraping out hollowed portions (e.g. the bowl of a spoon) and a spear-head for
carving and shaping the article and incising a decoration. Nowadays a pen-
knife or other adapted blade, for example a shorn-off table-knife or sheep-
shear, is used for carving, a saw may be used for splitting the horn and a file for
smoothing the surface of the finished article. A spoon may be heated again
during making and a stone used to bend the angle between bow! and handle.
Cross-hatched decoration is rubbed with soot or some other substance to make
it show up.
The only records of how the elephant tusks were divided into rings are Von
Winkelman’s, Kérner’s and Makalima’s statements that they were cut to the
required width and thickness with a spear or the stone knife (zntshengeca), which
latter was used too for clearing and enlarging the inner hollow, and paring and
smoothing the outside. Kérner recorded that the arm-rings, like the snuff-
spoons, were decorated with incised zigzags, triangles and rectangles, but this is
not confirmed by old museum specimens.
Besides the arm-rings only snuff-spoons were said to be made out of ivory.
Bone snuff-spoons, whistles and awls are recorded, and a Xesibe informant
stated that porridge spoons were made too. For ornamental use, pieces of bone
were carved into the shape of teeth or claws with a hole bored at the root end,
and strung with beads as a necklace, in imitation of the real teeth and claws
that were so strung.
Of horn, quite a variety of objects were made, either carved out of the solid,
or using the horn as such. The full length of a large horn was used as a water
vessel for dagga pipes or as a nozzle for bellows, and a small size was used as a
medicine horn. With the tip cut off to give an opening at each end, large horns
were used as signalling horns, powder-horns during the later frontier wars, or
for enemas, and small horns as cupping horns. Small horns were used as snuff-
boxes, with the open end filled in with a base of horn or other material cut to fit,
and a hole cut near or at the point. Sometimes the snuff-boxes were orna-
mentally carved. Porridge or sour-milk spoons were quite commonly carved
from the solid horn, snuff-spoons less commonly. The long horn of a rhinoceros
was sometimes carved into a club. The Bhaca of Natal carved horn ear-studs.
Tortoise-shells were, as far as is recorded, used whole. After the animal had
been cleaned out, and the shell cleaned and polished, the back hole was stopped
up with a mixture of clay and resin and the shell was used as a toilet-box or,
according to Steedman only, a snuff-box.
Work in bone, horn and ivory was men’s work and usually done by
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 187
specialists, as it is today.
Today ivory is no longer available. Powder-horns are no longer needed,
and other store-bought receptacles have replaced tortoise-shells as toilet- or
snuff-boxes. Other horn instruments are occasionally used.
The carving of horn porridge-spoons, despite the fact that others are so
easily bought, and of horn snuff-spoons, continues in the east of the area among
the Mpondo and immigrant peoples. Horn is also used in the west for the rear
half of the stem and for the mouthpiece of a certain shape of pipe.
Bone seems to be little used, but bone snuff-spoons are occasionally to be
seen.
STONE-WORKING: SOURCES
(1919) McLaren p. 441 Xhosa: use of stone
“They used stone, zli-tye, for millstones, but these were selected rather than
wrought. An egg-shaped boulder or cobble from the shore or the river-bed
formed the grinding stone, im-bokotwe; a flattish or slightly hollowed hard
stone of oblong shape formed the under stone or bed, on which the grinding
was done, ilitye lokusila. To pick or sharpen a stone is xola, and the pointed
cold chisel with which this is done in-xola. A stone with a round hole bored
through it used for weighting the digging stick, ulu-gxa, for digging up roots
and sometimes for breaking up ground, was known, though borrowed from
the Bushmen.’
(1934) Anon. p. 150 Xhosa: sharpening hoe with stone
Figure.
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 10, 14, 50
para. 10 Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: things made of stone
‘Izinto ezenziwa ngelitye: Nazi izinto ezenziwa ngelitye, sisingqusho, nelitye
lokusilela, iziseko zezindlu (foundations), izinyuko (steps), imbokoto ukwaka
izindlu nezitali, ipali zocingo, amatye okulola amazembe, ibakana, ama-
zembe, iziqandulo, amatye egwada.’
[ Things made of stone: Mortar, grinding-stone, foundations for houses, steps,
oval stones for building houses and stables, fencing posts, stones for whetting
axes, beacons, axes, stones for burring grinding-stones and snuff-stones. ]
para. 14 Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: things made of stone
‘. . . Izingqusho zenziwa ngomti noba kungelitye. Zingqukuva kuba kaloku
kuxotyulwa isiqu esi somti. Kumbiwe ngentla kulendawo yokugalela
umbona, xa kungqushwayo. . . . [zinto ezenziwa ngelitye: Isingqusho kumbiwa
ilitye libazwe libe ngqukuva, kuxolwe indawo engumlomo wokugalela
umbona xa uzakungqushwa. Ilitye lokusila kutatwa ilitye lenyangane elisicaba,
liqandulwe, kufunwe elinye elifunyanwa emlanjeni (ulucwe) leyo ke yimbo-
kotwe yokusila kweli litye. Ukwaka izindlu neziseko zezindlu kuketwa amatye
amahle axolwe, abe mahle afane nezitena ezi. Jsando siyenziwa ngelitye le
nyangane elilukuni. Ipali zocingo ezenziwa ngelitye, kuxozwa ilitye lide libe
188 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
yipali eti inciliselwe pantsi xa kubiywa ucingo. Amatye okulola amazembe
kuketwa ilitye elinkum-nkum, ingabi ngawo la enyangane, ibe lititye eliti xa
kulolwayo linkumke. Jbakani lilitye elide elibupali elimiliselwa kulondawo
kufuneka ibakani kuyo. Amuzembe amatye ayeko kudala ngetuba lelitye (stone
age) bekutatwa ilitye elibukali lifakwe emtini osisipato (handle) ekubanjwa
kuso xa kucandwayo. Bekuhlinzwa ngawo xa kuhlinzwa inkomo nokuba
yinyamakazi ebuleweyo. Iziqandulo zenziwa ngelitye lenyangane elingqukuva.
Amatye egwada ilitye lokusila igwada. Liyabazwa libengqukuva libe nembo-
kotwa yalo yokusila.’
[ Mortars are made of tree trunks and stone. They are round because the bark
is peeled off. A cavity is made on top to pour in the maize for stamping ....
Things made of stone: A stone is dug up and chiselled to a round shape, and a
cavity made at the top to pour in the maize for pounding. Grinding-stone. For
this, people take a slab of granite (inyangane) and dress it, then they search for
another flat stone (ulucwe) found in rivers, this now is the hand millstone for
grinding upon the other one. To build huts and foundations, fine stones are
selected and trimmed to brick shape. A hammer is made of granite, which is
very hard. Fencing posts are made of stone trimmed to the shape of a pillar, and |
planted in the ground to make wire fences. Stones for sharpening axes. Friable
stone was selected for this; not hard stone like granite, but a stone that
crumbled when used for grinding tools. A beacon is a tall stone pillar, planted
where required. Stone axes were used long ago in the stone age. A sharp stone
was fixed to a handle for chopping wood. Such stones were also used for
skinning a slaughtered beast or game. Burring stones for sharpening grinding- |
stones were of granite, round in shape. Snuff-grinding-stone. This was trimmed
into a round shape and had a hand stone to grind with. ]
para. 50 Fingo, Mpondomise, Thembu: stone tool
‘Indlela zokusebenza ngelitye: Witye kudala bekusenziwa ngalo izembe, ibe
lilitye lenyangane ke kodwa. Lisebenze ukuxhola zonke izinto ezi ke elilitye.
Xa kwenziwa isingqusho selitye, sixholwa ngetshizili yentsimbi, ilitye lide
libe yilonto yenziwayo.’
[ The use of stone: In olden times stone was used for axes, and only granite
(tnyangane) was used. It served every purpose. When a stone mortar was to be
made, a big stone was taken and an iron cold chisel used to gouge out the
cavity. |
STONE-WORKING: TERMS
ilitye 1 stone (lower) grinding-stone, D general. 2 flat stone, as used for grain-
pit cover, general 265
inyangane, isinyangane, inyengane 1 nD. 2 quartz, granite marble, general.
3 sort of hard stone used for making knives and cleavers Xes (T Mak).
4 granite or dolerite stone for currying (X McL) 266
uhlalutye iron-stone, gravel D X T used e.g. for cleaning milk calabash T.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 189
From roots -kalu and -vwe, therefore lit. ‘bead-stone’, i.e. glass-like stone 267
intshengece (pron. intjyengece) 1 sharp-pointed stone, flint for cutting with, D X
Mp Xes. 2 sharp-edged (not pointed) knife or sword X Bo. 3 sharp stone
for gouging out wooden utensils (T-Mak) 268
inkxola (-xhola chisel out or off; carve roughly; pick a millstone, i.e. burr
grinding-stone to sharpen it) chisel, gouge D McL but hardly known 269
isixholo chisel, gouge (from -xhola) but, like znkxola, not much used 270
inggandulo (-qandula peck, dress stone for grinding) hard stone or iron bar used
for trimming the grinding-stone D general 271
STONE-WORKING: DISCUSSION
(The building of huts, kraals and fences in stone is not included here.)
This is another craft about which early information is negligible. It is
doubtful, however, whether there was much actual working with stone, though
stones were used for working other materials. It seems likely that stones were
more often chosen for their suitable shape rather than shaped by hand. With
the exception of granite, there is little mention of the actual type of stone used,
except in so far as it is either hard or friable.
Stones chosen for their shape are: round water-worn pebbles, preferably
of granite, used as upper grinding-stones for grain, ochre or snuff, as hammers
for smithing or for other uses including that of hammering modern chisels; flat
stones to close the mouths of grain-pits or as the principal part of a fall-trap;
round hearthstones for pots to stand on; hard flat stones (? granite) to serve as
anvils for working iron; hard stones for trimming grinding-stones; and pointed
stones, natural or trimmed, used for pecking a rough surface on grinding-stones.
Stones chosen for their shape and trimmed to perfect it are used as lower
grinding-stones for grain, trimmed to an oblong shape and then pecked on the
upper surface to make it rough for grinding; lower grinding-stones for snuff or
red ochre; stone mortars for pounding grain, trimmed to a round shape and
then hollowed out at the top by pecking. The latter are relatively common
today in areas where there are no trees suitable for making mortars.
Friable stones (? sandstone or ironstone gravel pebbles) were used for
their abrasive qualities, as whetstones for sharpening iron tools and weapons,
for the currying process in skin-dressing, or for cleaning out new or furred
calabashes.
Of shaped stone tools the only ones specifically mentioned are sharpened
stone knives for cutting ivory armbands; ‘sharp-edged’ stones for trimming or
gouging out wood or for flaying animals, in default of iron tools; and ‘in olden
times’ stone axes, hafted in wood. All of these were described as used by the
Thembu, but a Xesibe informant also spoke of stone axes.
According to McLaren bored stones were used by the Xhosa in the Khoisan
manner to weight digging-sticks, but whether the actual stones were taken over
from the Khoisan as well as the idea, or whether they were bored by the Xhosa,
190 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
is not clear. Nor is it anywhere confirmed.
Nowadays some of the Thembu, Hlubi, and other tribes, where wood is
scarce, dress stone to build hut foundations, hut walls, kraal walls, or for
fencing-posts.
There is no record of the tools that were formerly used for working stone,
but they must presumably have been made of stone, since iron was too scarce.
Latterly iron crowbars, hammers and chisels have been used, as well as stone
hammers.
Such stonework as is done is the work of men.
BEADS AND BEADWORK: SOURCES
1593 Lavanha pp. 243, 270
P- 243 Umzimvubu: red clay beads
‘Sa6 os trajes destes negros como os de Tizombe, e de mais que elles trazem
humas continhas vermelhas nas orelhas: as quaes perguntando Nuno Velho
ao Cafre, (a quem deéra a cobertura) donde vinhaé, entendeo pelas confron-
tagoens, que as trazia6 da terra de Inhaca, que he o Rey, que povoa o rio de
Lourencgo Marques. Sa6 estas contas de barro, de todas as cores, da grandeza
de coentro, e fazem-se na India, Negapataé, donde se leva6 a Mocambique,
e dalli pelas maés dos Portuguezes se communica6 a estes negros, resgatando-
as com elles por Marfim.’
[p. 303 “The dress of these negroes is similar to that of the negroes of Tizombe,
but they wear red beads in their ears, which the others do not. Nuno Velho
asked the Kaffir to whom he gave the lid where these were obtained, and he
saw from their appearance that they came from the land of the Inhaca, who
is king of the people living by the river of Lourenco Marques. These beads
are made of clay of all colours, of the size of a coriander seed. They are made
in India at Negapatam, whence they are brought to Mozambique, and thence
they reach these negroes through the Portuguese who exchange them for
ivory.’ |
p. 270 Natal: beads
‘... (para onde diziaé os negros, que estava o Povoado em que se vendiaé as
suas contas vermelhas, que sad as que vem ao rio de Lourengo Marques) .. .”
[p. 333 ‘. .. in which direction, these negroes said, lay the village where their
red beads were sold, which are those which come from the river of Lourengo
Marques... .’]
1686 (Stavenisse) p. 61 Xhosa: bead trade
‘Middelerwijl dat sij dus gerustelijck leevden wierd haar bekend gemaakt
dat alle jaaren op gewisse tijd en plaats een dag reisens van haar gelegen,
somtijds 50 ook wel 100 Hottentots met wijf en kind kwaamen tegen koralen
en kopere ringetjes dagha (zijnde de bladeren van dien de hennep gelijk) te
verhandelen. .. .
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI IOI
1772-6 Sparrman II, p. 8 mixed Hottentot-Xhosa: beads
‘With respect to beads, which, speaking of in a general way, they call sintela,
the small red ones are much more coveted than the rest: these are called
lenkitenka.’
1776 Hallema fig. 28, p. 133
fig. 28 Xhosa: beadwork girdle, necklet
p- 133 Xhosa: bead ornaments, trade
‘Onder den buik droegen zij eene bandelier van verscheidene snoeren koralen
. .om den hals eenige snoeren koralen. . . .’
‘,.. Wy ruilden verscheidene mandjes van hen. . . . Zij bedelden zeer om
b)
koralen en koper... . -
1776 Swellengrebel p. 12 Xhosa: red bead
‘De mans zowel als de vrouwen schynen zig met al hetgeen zij krijgen kunnen
en op allerley manier op te schikken, dog ’t meest houden zij van geel koper
en roode, kleyne coralen. Hunne carossen zijn wel bereyd.’
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 48 Xhosa: red beads
*, . . en coralen, voornamentlijk roode om de hals en copere en andere
gecoleurde om ’t middellijf: de vrouwen hebben haare tabeljés met coralen
belegd, coralen om de hals en *t middellijf, kopere hangzels die ook wel uyt
pypendoppen bestaan, aan de ooren... .’
1788 Von Winkelman p. 67 Xhosa: white beads favoured
‘Unter allen Giitern lieben sie keine so sehr, als weisse Korallen; alle andern
haben unter ihnen keinen so hohen werth. Wenn man aber indessen in
ehmaligen Zeiten gegen ein Pfund solcher Korallen einen Ochsen oder eine
Kuh erhandeln konte, so hatte man deren jetzt mehr als 2-3 ndéthig, und
miiste noch oben drein eine kleine Zugabe beilegen. Der Grund davon liegt
in dem starken Verkehr der angrenzenden Bauern mit den Kaffern, wodurch
teils der werth jener Guter vermindert, teils der steigende werth ihres viehes
vergrossert wird.’
1797 Barrow I p. 161 Xhosa: metal beads
‘Every man is his own artist. A piece of stone serves for his hammer, and
another for the anvil, and with these alone he will finish a spear, or a chain,
or a metallic bead that would not disgrace the town of Birmingham.’
1800 Van der Kemp pp. 439, 440 Xhosa: metal and other beads
p- 439 “Their heads are always uncovered, but ornamented either with a
chain of hemispherical brass, or copper grains, of about a quarter of an inch
diameter, in the form of a diadem, or with a ribbon of an inch broad, com-
posed of small beads of two or three different colours, put close together.’
p. 440 ‘Their loins are encircled by a single string of iron or copper beads,
which are cylindrical, about one-third of an inch thick, and one-eighth high.
They are very fond of many strings of beads, or metal chains, hanging
round their necks, the lowest of which hang down to the stomach.’
192 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1802-6 Alberti p. 30 Xhosa: prefer red beads
Nothing more.
1803-6 Lichtenstein pp. 453-4 Xhosa: glass beads, fashions
‘Glaskorallen lieben sie besonders: doch herrscht darin bei ihnen auch die
Mode und nicht zu allen Zeiten sind dieselben Farben und Sorten bei ihnen
beliebt.—Besonders hoch schatzten sie zu dieser Zeit eine kleine Art von
Korallen, die sie von dem Stamme der Jmbo bekommen und die einen solchen
Werth haben, dass sie fiir zwei kleine Strange eine Kuh und ein Kalb
bezahlten. Sie wollen wissen, dass diese Korallen, gleich Wiirmern aus der
Erde kriechen und von den Jmbos mit Hassagayen abgemaht werden. Nach
van der Kemps Beschreibung sind es aber wirkliche Glaskorallen oder Pater-
nosterkiigelchen, die von den Portugiesen in jene nérdlichere Gegend einge-
fiihrt sein mégen und von dort hiehergekommen sind.’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 201, 397 ‘Kaffir’: fashions, trading
Nothing more.
1820-31 Steedman I, pp. 9, 17
p- 9 Xhosa: most valuable beads
‘The hour had nearly arrived for concluding the fair. . . . Gaika, in conse-
quence, soon appeared for his accustomed tribute, and evinced both his
rapacity and discrimination in selecting the choicest beads, without appearing
to have the slightest interest in the transaction, and without uttering a word
to the mortified assemblage. . . . as each string of tamboos (the beads most
valuable in their estimation) disappeared successively beneath his covetous
grasp, the contortions of their features clearly bespoke their secret rage. . . .’
Dalz Xhosa: eagerness for beads
*, .. [they] importune those who visit their umzis or villages, for presents of
beads, and so great is the value attached by them to these articles, which
answer, in fact, all the purposes of a metallic currency in civilized nations,
that a traveller must never fail to provide himself with a considerable
quantity. ...’
1825-9 Kay pp. 115-6 Xhosa: fashions
Nothing more.
1827 Shrewsbury p. 269 : beads given in church
‘We had . . . this morning our first public collection, which amounted to one
hundred strings of beads, thirteen ear-beads and two buttons. . . .’
1835 Alexander I p. 386 Thembu: fashion
‘In one ear a few beads are commonly worn, of which the fashionable colour
of 1835 was white with a narrow pink stripe. The Tambookies, the French of
South Africa, set the fashions... .’
1839 Backhouse p. 269 Mpondo: glass beads
‘Some of them have also copper rings about their necks, and wear numerous
strings of small beads, of British manufacture.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 193
1849 Baines p. 142 Xhosa: beads
*,.. and as my guide extended his hand to take leave of me I put into it some
tobacco and half a dozen large blue and white beads, thus rendering him for
the time being the happiest fellow. .. .’
(1853) Fleming p. 110 Kaffraria: favourite colours
‘The principal of these [ornaments] are the frontlet, (generally a string of
cowry-shells,) the armlet, anklet, earring, and necklace. The four last they
form of beads—black, white, and dark crimson, being their three favourite
colours.’
1845-89 Kropf p. 104 Xhosa: beads on clothing
Nothing more.
1877 Cripps p. 330 Xesibe: beads as currency
‘As money we knew would be useless we had brought with us a small col-
lection of clasp-knives, beads, brass wire, and handkerchiefs for the purpose
of exchanging for milk, fire-wood, or Indian corn. The greatest value was
attached to small black and white beads, brass wire and black or red hand-
kerchiefs.’
(1919) Kingon p. 518 Cape Tribes: bead trade
‘It is almost incredible, but absolutely true, that many traders have been
ruined, or at any rate very considerably embarrassed, by the bead... .
Through all the succeeding years the bead has retained a not unim-
portant place in the Kaffir trade, though of course many other articles share
that place in these days. The one great disadvantage remains now, as ever,
that the fashion in beads is constantly and capriciously changing to suit a
passing whim... .
Enough, however, has been said to indicate that even if unrealised, then,
as now, this factor has played some part in the development of the inter-
course and trade between white and black. Speaking broadly, some £17,000
worth of beads are still imported into the Union annually.’
1932b Hunter pp. 102, 223
p- 102 Mpondo: beadwork
‘Women and girls make bead ornaments for themselves and their lovers.
“Only a very stupid girl does not learn to make her own bead head ring’’. In
return men twist trade brass wire into bangles and waist bands. ‘The blending
of colours and designs are always pleasing. The artistic development in bead-
work and embroidery resulting from first acquisition of European goods,
contrasts with later stages of contact, when all artistic sense seems to be
smothered by European influences.’
See. Mpondo: scented beads
‘Leaves of imphepha are ground up and made, with a sticky substance, into
sweet-smelling beads. Wooden beads of umthombothi (Spirostachys africanus)
are also worn for their scent.’
194 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1934 Laidler p. 1-28 Southern Africa: bead trade
Nothing more.
1936 Cornner (Corresp. 3.11.36) Mpondomise: beadwork
‘, . . beadwork is not smeared with red ochre after it is made. It simply
becomes discoloured through wear, from contact with red ochre on the body,
which, in winter time in particular, is never washed. Then in wrapping the
red ochred blanket over the chest it again takes on some of the ochre.’
(1945) Makalima chap. 10, paras. 20, 21
para. 20 Thembu: beadwork squares
Nothing more.
para. 21 Thembu: women make beads
‘Umenzi wamaso: Amaso enziwa nanguwufuna umfazi.’
(The maker of beads: Any woman may make the round white beads. . . .)
(1952) Weir p. 275 Cape Tribes: ochre, beads, bangles
‘The face of the ‘“‘red”’ Native is often smeared with yellow or red clay or
ochre and around the neck is a necklace of beads. The Xhosa are renowned
for their beadwork and are most particular about shades. They are so
particular that while a European might hold a sample of beads in either hand
and declare them to be identical, there is in fact a slight variation which will
cause one to sell easily and make the other unsaleable at any price.
Beads are of two main types, Venetian and Empress. The former are sold
in light turquoise, dark turquoise, black, navy, pink, white and red. In a few
areas green and yellow are also used. There are five main sizes. ‘The Empress
bead is used in only two sizes but in a much wider range of colours.
Beads are used not only in necklaces but also in bracelets and anklets.
While the Fingo tribe use them for decorating blankets, the Xhosa never use
them for this purpose.’
1956 Skead (Corresp.) Xhosa: impepho beads
‘,.. they are made of clay and the impepho plant, Helichrysum. They are worn
by women in general but when a nursing mother is wearing one of these
necklaces she paints it white with clay.’
(1956) Van der Sleen p. 28 East Africa: trade beads
‘IT. Indian-red opaque glass beads. ‘These are the most numerous of the Trade-
wind beads. Under the microscope, small chips of these beads show that the
glass is greyish and transparent, but contains innumerable small copper
crystals, which give it the opaque red colour. The beads are very variable in
form and size, ranging in shape from cylinders to oblates and rings, and in
length from 4 centimetres to 2 millimetres and in diameter from 1 centimetre
to 2 millimetres. .
We may summarize our knowledge of the Arab, Portuguese and Dutch
bead trade in a few words: ‘‘beads of Cambay, red coral and clay beads and
green, yellow and blue glass beads from Negapatam.”’ Now the real red coral
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 195
beads from the Mediterranean are very scarce along the African coast. The
clay beads (barros miudas) of the Portuguese writers can have been none
other than our Indian-red glass beads, that were described by many modern
authors as “‘paste’’, because it looks so unlike glass. They are found in great
quantities in all East African Arab and pre-Portuguese sites and even much
further inland, in the Rhodesias and the Transvaal (see, e.g., the Bavenda
heirloom beads). When the Portuguese first arrived at the East African ports,
the natives would not accept the beads brought from Europe, so that one of the
Portuguese kings had to write to his Governor in Negapatam, to ensure that
his ships could be provided there with the beads wanted by the natives on the
African coast... .’
=
1949-60 Hammond-Tooke p. 28 Bhaca: beadwork
‘Beadwork, made by the women, flourishes among the pagans. At the annual
feast of the first fruits the pagans deck themselves out in all the finery of their
beadwork and the effect is often extremely striking and colourful.’
1964 Louw p. 2 Cape Tribes: thread
“The fibre (of the aloe ingcaca) is used for beadwork. It makes a very strong
thread. . . . When the leaves of the aloe are fully matured, they are cut and
taken to a river or pool. They are beaten flat with heavy sticks and the fleshy
part is washed off, until only the fibre is left. It is then dried, twisted and
wound up for use.’
1971 Gitywa pp. 117-29 Xhosa: beadwork
Pp. 217 Xhosa: social significance
‘Beadwork is a fairly general craft among the Xhosa. It is a female craft which
is passed on from elder sister to younger sister, and in some cases from mother
to daughter. The post-pubescent age groups are, however, the best ‘‘school’’
for beadwork as this is done within the age group and among its members.
It is the age group that preserves the traditional patterns and colours, and yet
again it is this very age group which is responsible for new ideas, innovations
and changes in beadwork. This is so because the whole activity of beadwork
is largely under their control, the beadwork itself being made for boy friends
of the corresponding age group. Thus, although beads and beadwork are
originally foreign elements in Xhosa culture, it has become so accepted and
adapted that beadwork is today universally accepted as a traditional craft
not only of the Xhosa, but also of all the Bantu in South Africa. It features
prominently in the life of the tribe, regulating, for example, the love life of the
sexes. It is also of ritual importance, finding its best expression, in this regard,
with diviners. It also features at the installation of chiefs, etc.’
‘Ornamental beadwork normally passes from the woman to the man as a
love token, but unlike among the Zulu and the Swazi, the beadwork
exchanged in the love life of the Xhosa has no coded messages, the inter-
pretation of which is based on colour combinations which have to be decoded
by the recipient. The entire bead ornament is the love token, with tradition-
196 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ally blended colours for the specific age groups. The various colours are only
used because the colours do not ‘“‘swear’’ at one another (imibala ayithukant).
They are used individually or in combination to indicate a particular status
or ritual condition. Each sex and age group has its formal bead ensemble to
wear on social occasions.’
pp. 124-5 Xhosa: designs
‘Bantu beadwork is noted for its beautiful applied geometric designs. The
beauty comes from the colour and texture of the beads, since the same patterns
worked out on paper with water colours would not appear nearly so interest-
ing.
No preliminary designs are made for the beadwork; the patterns are
worked out directly-on to the bead ornament. This gives the craftswoman
more feeling for harmony between the material and the design she has in
mind. Within the limits of traditional acceptance, the woman expresses her-
self in the pattern, form and colour of the beadwork which must be pleasing
to her to make it a worthy present to pass on to a loved one.
The designs worked on to the bead ornaments are based on the principle
of rhythm which involves:
(i) the repetition of a single motif, especially the chevron with its many
variations and the triangle; the straight line; and superimposed colour
bands. The line and/or band design occur in both the horizontal and
vertical context
(ii) the alternation of two or more motifs and |
(iii) the alternation of two or more sizes of the same pattern or colours.
Colours that contrast well give the designs a bold relief.
Three words referring to form and shape are always used in the descrip-
tion of bead ornaments. These are:
(a) Istqweqwe: A band or flap densely strung together with the rows closely
superimposed on one another.
(b) Amabanga: Separate bead strings joining two or more bands or flaps
together.
(c) Imingqi: Pendant strings of beads which are attached to a band or flap
at one end.
The mixing of the various colours is called ukuvanga.’
pp. 127-9 Xhosa: design
Figures.
BEADS AND BEADWORK: TERMS
amatyhantyala 1 beads, D.2 not confirmed 272
tyila 1 kind of sea-shell, D. 2 ancient bead, Nqamakwe Fgo. 3 necklace of
Nerita (prob. Albicilia) shells strung on string (formerly goat-skin riem) worn
by brides, the newly initiated, and old men X. 4 two shells are strung
together and worn by men (T-Mak). 5 sing. not used, have only heard of
amayila, but unknown what it is, various informants 273
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 197
igalaka 1 nD.2 beads (Licht. ‘Korallen’) not confirmed 274
igalawe white bead, D not confirmed 275
iliso, pl. amaso (as distinct from iliso, amehlo ‘eye’) 1 large round white bead, so
named from resembling the eyeball, D. 2 Job’s Tears (seed of Coix lachryma-
jobi L.) Mp. 3 all large round beads, not only white ones T Mp X Bo prob.
general 276
impepho 1 generic term for the everlasting flowers, which are used for making a
bed for expectant mothers D. 2 sp. of Helichrysum, green leaves of which are
pounded and mixed with white clay (ingceke) and set to a hard mass which is
made into beads which are strung, with others of glass, etc. to make necklace,
Bo. 3 shrub which is powdered and mixed with white clay to make beads
worn by nursing mothers, X. 4 the same, mixed with red clay, Bh. 5 Heli-
chrysum stenopterum DC. Watt-Breyer-Br 277
inkethe 1 kind of bead, D.2 blanket with beadwork on it, T. 3 not confirmed
by others 278
inkithi-nkithti 1 beads D. 2 cf. lenkitenka small red beads (X-Sparrman 1774).
3 notconfirmed 279
inkuluko 1 species of white beads, D. 2 not confirmed 280
intshephe 1 white beads, D 425.2 not confirmed 281
intsimbi iron; articles made of iron; beads, D general. From the common Bantu
root for ‘iron’. In the absence of knowledge of other metals, frequently used
for copper 282
iqganda 1 egg; kind of large bead, D. 2 not confirmed 283
sintela beads (X-Sparrman) 284
ithambo 1 bone, D. 2 a small white bead generally worn by Kafirs, and so
named because it resembles bone in its substance, D. 3 tamboo, the most
valuable bead (Steedman). 4 pl. amathambo divining bones (modern) 285
ubuhlalu generic term for beads, esp. red ones, which are considered the finest
beads; hence necklace composed of large reddish beads worn by principal
chiefs as a sign of royalty D Xes Bh (Hlu). From general Bantu root -kalu
‘bead’ Zu. idem, Tsonga vuhlalu, but not found in the Sotho-Tswana and
Venda languages of the interior 286
umgazi (igazi blood) blood red bead, D not confirmed, but the name of the bead,
though not the bead itself, is still known to old people in the northern Trans-
vaal, as a trade bead of the early days (Venda: mungazi) 287
umswi a kind of blue bead, D 288
unongeshana (cf. ungeshe ear pendant) grizzly dappled bead D not confirmed 289
unyiwa 1 kind of small red bead, D. 2 ancient beads, Fgo. 3 not confirmed
elsewhere 290
utetuma 1 kind of bead, D. 2 not confirmed 291
inxaxhazo 9 1 beads, beadwork, D. 2 but cf. uxhahxazo ‘ornament for the
ankles’, D 292
iphoco 1 small ornamental square of beadwork worn in front of the neck and
attached to the inggosha D X Fingo T. 2 worn by young men Mpm 293
198 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
BEADS AND BEADWORK: DiIscUussION
Under this heading are included all the various uses to which beads are
put, in addition to the actual fabric into which they can be threaded.
From time immemorial the Cape Nguni must have threaded as beads
prettily shaped and coloured seeds of suitable size, and made beads of clay and
wood.
As far as is known, the Cape Nguni did not fire the clay beads that they
made. With the exception of some examples in the Kaffrarian Museum, of
uncertain origin but thought to be local, all the clay beads seen appear to be
sun-dried. One variety has the same name (impepho) throughout the area, but the
beads are differently shaped, round or oval, of different sizes, and sometimes
made of red clay or mixed with ochre, and sometimes of white clay. The name
comes from the shrub Helichrysum odoratissimum Less., the leaves of which are
ground and mixed with the clay. Among the Xhosa and Fingo this shrub has
magical value and the beads are worn by nursing mothers. Mpondo women wear
them for their scent. They are made by women, but not necessarily by the
wearer herself.
A Xhosa boy at Bojeni was seen wearing a necklace of small round wooden
beads that he said he had made himself out of umzane wood (Vepris lanceolata Don.
or Toddalia lanceolata Lam., white ironwood). Hunter speaks of wooden beads of
umthombothi (Spirostachys africana Sond.), worn by the Mpondo for their scent,
but elsewhere umthombothi necklaces are made of thin strips of wood not beads.
Barrow alone mentions the making of small metal beads and Van der
Kemp mentions their use. There are some ornaments in the South African
Museum in which iron beads are used alone or interspersed with others.
The coloured glass beads, with which the Cape Nguni have developed such
a vigorous and artistic craft of beadwork, came to them, slowly at first, by inter-
tribal trade, perhaps from the Arabs and certainly from the Portuguese on the
east coast of Africa. When the Portuguese started trading there, one of their
main items of barter for gold and ivory was beads which they imported from
Negapatam in India. Contemporary accounts describe these beads as being of
clay, but Van der Sleen has suggested that they were all of glass, but that the
firing was so poor that, particularly in the case of the red, they looked like clay.
Internal barter took these beads far from the place of introduction, and the
survivors of the wreck of Santo Alberto (1593) noted a few small red beads being
worn as ear-ornaments by the people on the Umzimvubu River (Port St Johns).
When the wrecked people reached Natal they learnt that the beads were
imported through Lourencgo Marques, and traded from a village in north Natal.
After 1660 when the Dutch took Negapatam, the Indian beads ceased to be
available and glass beads from Europe were traded on the coast.
For some time intertribal barter and occasional wrecks on the coast were
the only sources of beads for the Cape Nguni, but after the establishment of the
Dutch settlement at the Cape a small quantity of beads started to filter through
by trade with the Hottentots, and when travellers started entering the area from
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 199
the Cape, more beads became available, to the extent that Von Winkelman
remarks that whereas formerly one pound of beads would purchase a head of
cattle, by 1788 the price per head had gone up to 2-3 pounds. By now the beads
used were for the most part directly from European sources, though Lichtenstein
reported that in 1803 the Xhosa were still trading very precious beads from the
Mbo, at the rate of a cow and a calf for two small strings, and suggests that these
were still part of the Portuguese east coast trade. Throughout the early part of
the nineteenth century, and particularly at the Fort Willshire fairs, beads and
buttons were the principal items of barter for ivory and skins, of payment for
food and commodities, or of gifts to chiefs and headmen by travellers, and some
missionaries used them for hiring labour. By the same token strings of beads
were deposited in the collection plate by members of the congregation at
religious services. At first any beads were valued, though red appear to have
been for a long time the favourites, and a necklace of red beads was worn by
chiefs as a sign of rank. At the end of the eighteenth century white, and particu-
larly large white, were most favoured, and were taken by the chief as tribute.
But as early as 1803 beads were sufficiently numerous for Lichtenstein to men-
tion the changeable fashions, a fact which from then onwards embarrassed many
travellers and traders who found themselves with out-of-date stock on their
hands. Beads continued to be imported in great quantity, only checked by the
cutting off of the sources of supply during and after the two world wars. The
demand continues strongly, and plenty are available today (1971). In the
1950s one firm of importers alone imported four hundred cases of beads a year,
mostly from Venice, some from Czechoslovakia and some from Germany.
Beads became an important item of internal and intertribal barter, at one
stage amounting almost to a currency. Cattle could be bought with them, they
formed part of the bride price, and they were given as formal presents. They also
had a part in certain ceremonies (iinkozo). But apart from their trading and gift
value, beads were of course primarily used for ornament.
In the early days just a few were worn strung together or interspersed with
other things to form an ornament, or tied in the hair. Then as they became more
plentiful they were threaded into strings, considerable numbers of which were
worn round the neck or waist. Finally they were sewn into a fabric of beadwork
at first for headbands, anklets, and armbands and then for necklaces, belts and
bandoliers. They were also attached to clothing, either isolated as edgings, in
patterns, or as fringes. Later there was somewhat of a return to single strings of
larger beads, but the beadwork fabric, of smaller beads, appears still to be used
for best wear.
It is not known where the method of stringing into a fabric originated or
was learnt. The earliest mentions of it in the Cape are by Van der Kemp in 1800
and Janssens in 1803, both of whom saw headmen wearing headbands of a
narrow strip of beadwork, worked in a pattern of alternating triangles of white
and black or blue. Armbands and anklets of white and black or blue were being
made about the middle of the nineteenth century, but the great wealth of bead-
200 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
work, necklaces, belts and bandoliers seems to have been a feature of the end
of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries.
There appear to have been two methods of stringing into a fabric. ‘They are
best understood from the diagrams. The method of Fig. 14a is only found in the
older fabrics, while that of Fig. 145 is the one in universal use today and permits
of any number of variations on the basic method, since designs can be made by
threading one or more beads between the beads that hold the fabric together.
The beaded strands may even be crossed to form a thick ridged fabric, Fig. 140,
(from which the beads on the crossing strands have been left out to allow the
method to be seen). The nature of the threading also makes possible a great
variety of pattern by alternating colours in continuous bands or stripes or
diamonds, triangles, zigzags or chevrons. They must, however, be linear —it is
not possible to make curves. Since the introduction of cloth, coil ornaments have
been made by binding a continuous string of beads round a foundation of cloth.
Beads are threaded and worked with a thin twisted thread of sinew or aloe
fibre. Nowadays cotton is sometimes used, but it is not as durable nor does it
give as firm a texture to the work. No tool is needed except an awl to make the
holes if beads are to be sewn on to skin or cloth.
All work with beads is done by women, who make their own bead orna-
ments and those of their boy friends. Married men in the west do not wear beads
or beadwork in ordinary dress, but for social occasions they wear a great deal of
beadwork. In the east they have clothing ornamented with beads, but do not
wear them as ornaments. Medicine men, however, wear a great deal of mainly
white beadwork, though nowadays other colours are worn.
The changing fashion both in style and patterns of beadwork and in the
colours used is ephemeral and not relevant to this account.
ABRASIVES, GLUES, DyEs, REPAIRS: SOURCES
1802-6 Alberti pp. 31-2 Xhosa: red colour
“Alles, wat zij ter dekkinge gebruiken, wordt rood geverwd.’
c. 1813 Campbell p. 269 Xhosa: stone to clean skin
“They prepare the hides of cows and oxen, with which they make their cloaks
by first rubbing off all the flesh and blood from the inside by a certain kind of
StOMes 45 i
(1839) Adams p. 131 Xhosa: stone to curry skin
“The mode used by the Caffres, in tanning and dressing tiger and other skins,
is thus described; they spread them on the grass, covering them with sheeps
fat, and strewing a kind of chalk over them, then with a sandstone, by a
circular motion of the hand, they rub them till the skin becomes as soft and
pliable as wash leather.’
1836-44 Dohne p. 40 Xhosa: black dye
‘Dann wird sie wieder mit den Handen gerieben, mit Fett bestrichen und mit
saurer Milch eingesprengt. Darauf werden Kohlen von weichem Holz zu
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 201
§
f
1
!
ae
AD o> ee
=,
202 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Staub gerieben und auf das Kleid gestreut und eingerieben, damit es eine
schwarze Farbe bekomme.’
1851-2 King p. 265 Xhosa: black dye
“The women, like those before taken, had their woolly hair entwined with the
claws and teeth of wild beasts, and wore karosses of hide, finely dressed, and
dyed black with mimosa bark, of which all the larger trees had been stripped.’
(1853) Fleming p. 30 Xhosa: tan dye
“This shrub [Mimosa] is also useful as well as ornamental, the bark being
used by the natives as a tan-coloured dye for their blankets and carosses, (or
skins); and it has lately been similarly employed by our soldiers, to render
their clothes less discernible by their enemies in the bush.’
1863-6 Fritsch p. 75 | Xhosa: joins
“Was man in einem anderen Lande zusammen leimt .. . wird hier durch
Bindwerk zusammengefiigt. . . .”
(1895) Smith p. 175 ‘Kaffir’: gum for spears
‘Pterocelastrus variabilis, Sond.— Kaffir, 1-Tywina. . . . In fastening the assegai
head to the handle. . . . A hole was burnt in the shaft with the lower part of
the head made red-hot. Into this was put the resin from the root of 2- Tywina
which oozes from it when it is heated. The head was then put in, and it was
found to hold very firmly.’
1936 Cornner Corresp. Mpondomise: red ochre
‘White blankets, after purchase at the stores, are taken to the river and red
ochre is washed into them, not so much I think to colour them or to keep them
from looking dirty but to close up the pores of the blanket and so give warmth.
Our natives use crimson red ochre, not the sickly orange colour, which I
think is very little used.’
1937 Dyer p. 124 general: gum
‘Such species [of Celastraceae] as . . . Pterocelastrus tricuspidatus Sond. (cherry
wood) yield a small amount of timber; the leaves and bark of the latter have
also been used to some extent as a tanning agent, and the gum from the roots
is used by natives to repair their earthenware.’
1945 Makalima chap. 9, paras. 6, 14
Mpondomise, Fingo, Thembu: tree bark dye, stone abrasives
para. 6 : dye
Nothing more.
para. 14 : dye
‘Tzinto ezenziwe ngexolo lomti: ukujika ibala lempahla nge dayi yinto yabe
lungu, ayiko kuti bantu abamnyama.’
[What is done with the bark of trees: to change the colour of clothes with dye is
something done by Europeans, not by us.]
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 203
para. 14 : abrasive
‘Amatye okulola amazembe kuketwa ilitye elinkum-nkum, ingabi ngawo la
enyangane, ibe lilitye eliti xa kulolwayo linkumke.’
[Stones for sharpening axes: Friable stone was selected for this, not hard stone
like granite, but a stone that crumbled when used for grinding tools. ]
(1949) Duggan-Cronin Pl. LX XII and legend Mpondomise: dye
legend Pl. LX XII ‘Mpondomise women dye the white sheeting and blankets
they buy at traders’ stores an exquisite terra-cotta shade with red ochre.
Unfortunately the dye is not fast, and the cloth stains any surface it touches.’
(1952) Weir p. 273 Xhosa: ochre
“There are several reasons for the use of ochre: the Native loves bright colours
and the use of ochre makes frequent washing unnecessary, besides acting as
a vermin repellant. The wide use of DDT is now obviating this latter reason
for using ochre and it may have a marked effect on custom.
Ochre is used in three shades: the “‘kaffir ochre’, which is the bright red
most commonly seen; the ‘‘Fingo ochre”’, which is a much darker red, used
by the Fingo tribes; and a yellow ochre which has become fashionable in
certain areas during the past ten or fifteen years.
The Bantu are discriminating buyers always, but when it comes to
ochre they are, if anything, more particular than European women selecting
lipstick or powder. The ochre must be of an exact shade and texture and its
quality of adherence to the blanket or sheeting must conform to precise
requirements or the Native will have nothing to do with it. Let a trader buy
a wrong quality and his custom will disappear in no time. A strange thing is
that South Africa has up to the present not been able to produce a red ochre
that is acceptable to the Native and all supplies of the correct quality have to
be imported. In yellow ochre, however, the South African product has proved
satisfactory.’
1956 Skead (Corresp.) Xhosa, Ciskei: ochre
‘The position here is that icumse is dug out of the ground by natives, sold to
stores and trading stations who resell it to other natives who are not within
easy access of a deposit of this stuff.’
*, . . the local natives do use locally dug ochre for their blankets even
to-day. They state that they use local clays depending upon the shades they
want to get in their blankets.’
1956 Hammond-Tooke (Corresp.) general: ochre
‘According to a large wholesaler here practically all the ochre sold in the
Transkei is the powdered red variety. If any yellow is sold at all the quantity
is infinitesimal, and apparently no white ochre is stocked by traders at all.
The red ochre sold at the stores is called ucumse (Thembu), ucumsa (Ntinde),
ucumshe (Ndlambe). Red ochre appears to be a by-product of certain indus-
tries, particularly the iron-and-steel and paint industries, and imported red
ochre from Britain has always been the most popular. During the war this
204 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
was unobtainable and the Natives were forced to use the local product—
which previously they had refused to buy. To-day a certain amount of local
ochre is sold and the Thembu mix it with the imported variety to make it go
further. Most of the stuff used in the area between Butterworth and Mount
Frere is manufactured... [in] East London. A certain amount is also
obtained from Rhodesia. Traders get their stock via a wholesaler. The ochre
is used on blankets and body and is mixed with a little water and beaten into
the former. Body ochre is probably smeared with fat. Store-bought red ochre
is also known by the Natives as zmbola but this name seems to apply more
particularly to the natural ochre.
As far as naturally-occurring ochre is concerned my information is a bit
conflicting. Ndlambe informants in King mention a yellow clay called uma-
khabha and a white stone (ingxwala) found in streams. They also know the red
clay izmbola. Ntinde informants (King) seem to call the white stone igadudu.
In the Transkei (Tsolo) the yellow stuff is called umdiki “‘a type of stone”’ and
is smeared on the face while inceke is the white clay, found in the rivers, with
which the abakhwetha smear their bodies.’
(1963) De Lange Xhosa: ochre
p. 85 ‘The traditional cosmetic arts practised by the Xhosa include the use of
colour on bodies and clothes. .. .’
p. 86 ‘Although certain colouring substances used on the face are supposed to
have medicinal properties, others are admitted to be harmful to the com-
plexion and are preferred as dyes for clothing.’
“The majority of cosmetics consist of various types of ochre. These are
readily procurable in trading stores, where the red types especially are a
stock-in-trade and are constantly in demand as a dye for the kaffir-sheeting
clothing (zbayi). These ready-ground ochres are often imported... .’
‘There is no standard colour which is favoured universally, and fashions
change so rapidly that suppliers to the traders find it impossible to keep them
supplied with the exact shade in demand. Preferences alter from district to
district within the same tribal group, but in general the Transkeian Bantu
prefer the bluer reds and the Ciskeians the yellower reds. In a general way a
comparative chronology regarding the history of colour preferences can be
devised from the age of buyers, the youngest age-group preferring the latest
colours. Informants attest that these ochres are properly dyes, and unpleasant
to wear on the face, being harsh and drying. They are nevertheless frequently
used for facial decoration. . . .’
‘Ucumse: This is the name given to magenta iron oxide. Always popular,
it can be bought in the trading stations in a granulated form, ready for
use. The traders sell an ochre imported from Winford, England, but ucumse
is also quarried at various places by the Xhosa themselves, for example
around Mazeppa Bay. A piece of metal which has been flattened and
sharpened, called ulugxa, is used to dig the ochre out of the ground, after
which it is carried home in sacks. The women then grind it to powder
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 205
between two millstones. This ochre is used as a dye, and for this purpose a
quantity is added to a basin of water and the clothing kneaded in this mixture.
The article is laid out to dry on the grass, upon which it becomes stiff. The
garment is then rolled in a sack and beaten with sticks by a couple of women.
It is unrolled, shaken out and hung up to air. Several dippings are required
before the garment acquires the desired shade. Old blankets, which when
bought were dyed a brighter colour, are eventually dyed with ucumse and
worn when working in the fields, as its dark hue disguises the dirt. For full-
dress occasions it is not popular, although still worn by the older women.
Xhosa informants considered dark red clothing typical of the Mfengu, who
use fat together with ochre in dyeing.’
p. 87 ‘Umakaba: This is a name given to the lighter-toned oxides or clays
which are found in a natural state at various localities, and does not seem to
refer to any particular colouring. One product called by this name is a light
red clay which can be collected around Komgha. It is moistened and shaped
into a ball by the hands and dried for storage. Dyes of a similar bright red
shade which were collected from sites in the Willowvale and Tsolo districts
were merely referred to by local users as zmbola. Umakaba is the name given by
local informants to a pale yellow ochre which is a heterogeneous compound of
white and yellow oxides quarried at Black Rock, near Haga-Haga. These
ochres are sometimes sold to the trading stations, where they can be bought by
people from other areas. The vermillion ochre which is so popular, and which
is stated in many neighbourhoods to be available only at the trading station,
appears to be either this same umakaba or an imported product which closely
resembles it. A rust-red variety is quarried and prepared commercially in
Natal. At Willowvale this shade was called inewlook, which suggests that the
fashion is of fairly recent adoption there. One sees clothing dyed to different
intensities of red, but I was not able to ascertain satisfactorily whether
different types of zmbola were responsible for this difference in hue. All the
umakaba oxides are procurable from South African quarries, and vary greatly
in hue. . . . They are usually mixed with water and used as a dye in the same
way as ucumse. New blankets are usually dyed with umakaba, the bright reds
or pale yellows being generally considered the most fashionable. It is used by
the younger married folk as well as the youngsters.’
‘Umtoba: . . . The yellowish red ochre popular as a dye in the districts
of King William’s Town and Peddie, which appears to be burnt yellow ochre
bought at trading stations, is called by the users umtoba.’
p. 88 ‘Such colouring matter as is produced from vegetable sources is used on
the face, and there are no vegetable dyes produced for the dyeing of clothing.’
Pp. 95 ‘Red is the colour beloved of the Xhosa. It expresses their vanity and
show of good spirits. Red is used on the faces and clothes of those who are
normal and ritually sound; the significance of red lies in its normality. When
its use is suspended, something abnormal and supernatural is involved.
People resuming their normal life in the tribe after a period of seclusion, such
206 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
as the abakhwetha and the intonjane, by resuming the use of red on body and
clothes, indicate that they have passed the testing time and are back to
normal.’
1971 Gitywa pp. 141, 142 Xhosa: fixing head, adhesive for spears
p. 141 ‘An informant of the amaBamba clan, Dikidikana Location, Middle-
drift, described a similar method whereby he, as a practising assegai maker,
fixed the assegai heads to their shafts. He used the roots of the ztywina tree
(Pterocelastrus variabilis Sond.) which were burned and ground to a powder.
The bore previously made in the wooden shaft is filled three quarters with
this powder, and the heated tang of the assegai head is inserted into the
powder-filled bore. The powder smoulders, and before it burns out, it is
quenched with water. In the absence of ztywina soot, umle, from the roof of the
hut could be used in a similar manner. Another alternative is the use of
sulphur. The joint is then reinforced with sinew thread tightly wound round
1t*
p- 142 ‘It was pointed out that as an alternative to using ztywzna for fixing the
assegai head to the shaft, aloe juice mixed with finely ground soot, umle, was
used. This was probably the more traditional method since informants who
know this method stated that they learned it from their fathers. The assegai
shafts were made from isiduli, Eugenia zeyheri Harv., umngqabaza, Grewia
occidentalis and umlungumabele, Knobwood.
ABRASIVES, GLUES, DyEs, REPAIRS: TERMS
itywina 1 gum from roots of Candlewood (Péerocelastrus variabilis Sond.) heated
and used for fixing spear into shaft; a seal D. 2 cement of dung or beeswax
Xes 295
utywino 1 nD. 2 sinew binding round top of shaft Bo 296
umthwebeba propolis, D general. Used e.g. to seal bottom of wooden milk-pail
297
ictyane kind of red clay D McL, but not confirmed 298
imbola clay of red colour, which was burnt and then pounded and made into a
paste and painted on the body D general, now also imported ochre bought in
stores 299
iqumra 1 red clay finely ground, D.2 not known Tk goo
ucumse 1 crushed ground red clay; red ochre D general. This is the imported
ochre bought in the shops, slightly darker than imbola. Deriv. and origin
unknown. It comes in barrels, and as these were then used as vats for beer
brewing, the second meaning now is: 2 large wooden vat or barrel for beer-
brewing; by extension even large pottery vessel and modern steel drum got
tkhebenga 1 nD.2 paint, Xes. 3 not confirmed 302
iqgabo (-gaba paint, colour, smear the body or face only with imbola, ochre)
I paint, D.2 primarily for anointing McL. 3 not confirmed 303
umgabo (from -gaba paint, colour, smear the body, or the face only, with
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 207
imbola...D) 1 paint D. 2 any substance used to paint or colour, as
blankets or face and body, general 304
isigqgabo 1 nD. 2 paint, prob. made from ground stone, Mp only 305
iggabo 1 nD. 2 grey stone that powders when rubbed, the powder being
called umggabo or imiggabo, Xes. 3 soft white stone, used by izanuse to daub
on their faces Mp 306
umggabo 1 nD.2 white or greyish stone which is ground to powder and used
as paint, Mp Xes 307
amalahle charcoal D general (lit. ‘what is to be thrown away’) 308
umnga Acacia horrida Willd. 309
umphambo 1 anything circular and binding; handle attached to both sides of a
vessel, D; as of bucket, jug X, Mp. 2 repair or binding of a pot Mp g10
iphamba (-phamba tie round, encompass) 1 parcel or bundle of things which can
be carried in the hand, D. 2 repair or binding of a pot, Mp. 3 thought
possible, but not confirmed as a word in use 311
ugelezane 1 the small patch which keeps the larger patches of the leather
kaross together, D. 2 not confirmed g12
ABRASIVES, DyEs, GLUES, REPAIRS: DiscussION
(a) Abrasives
Only two instances have been recorded or observed in the field of the use
of an abrasive. In each case the abrasive is a piece of friable stone, generally
sandstone, and it is used to sharpen the edge of an iron weapon or tool, and to
clean surplus fibres from the inner surface of a skin that is being prepared.
(b) Glues and Sealers
Adhesives are unknown to the Cape Nguni, who, as Fritsch pointed out,
tied or sewed but never glued anything together. On the other hand several
substances were used for caulking and cementing:
Propolis—according to all informants it is used for sealing the bottom of
milk-pails. Though they are not recorded, it doubtless had other similar
uses, for example sealing the end of tortoise-shell toilet-boxes.
Gum — extracted from the roots of trees— Pterocelastrus and Acacia have been
named. It was heated for use and amongst its uses was fixing a spear-head
into the hole in the top of the shaft.
Dung—fresh cow-dung is used as a seal to keep the air from a join—for
example it is put under the stone over the hole of a grain-pit.
Clay—fine clay or clay from anthills is still used when obtainable as a
plaster for walls, and is mixed with dung for floors. There was no occa-
sion for the use of cement until stone or box-bricks began to be used for
building. Cement is not however used and the walls are held together by
the clay plaster.
208 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(c) Colouring Media
The colouring media mentioned in the literature, and still used today, are
charcoal, mimosa bark and ochre. Ochre is by far the most important and
widely used and is an important cultural characteristic of the western Cape
Neguni. In addition, the Mpondo have for many years used washing-blue.
Powdered charcoal was used by the Xhosa to blacken skin clothing,
particularly cloaks, by rubbing in the powder. Modern Mpondomise informants
stated that the charcoal powder is mixed with fat, and used for colouring
blankets. -
Mimosa bark was used by the Xhosa to dye clothing. According to Ross-
King, the colour achieved was black, and according to Fleming, tan colour.
Makalima considers this a European technique.
Powdered ochre was and is used to colour clothing by all except those in the
extreme east of the area. Originally the ochre was dug out of the ground. There
are ochre deposits in clay form in many localities of the Ciskei and Transkei.
Some of the larger deposits, such as the ‘Clay Pits’ near Grahamstown, were
visited by people from a considerable distance, and a huge quantity was mined.
It is still the practice for those who live near a natural deposit to dig more than
their own requirements and sell the surplus to the traders, who then sell it to
others who do not live near a deposit. When brought home it is ground to a
powder between small grinding-stones. According to De Lange some people
then moisten it and form it into balls for storing. A great deal of ochre, however,
is now imported into the area by the traders, some of it South African and some
imported into South Africa by wholesale firms, who put it up into small packets
for sale in the trading stores. According to a member of one of these firms, all the
red ochre used on clothing is imported from Britain, but for the smaller quantity
of yellow ochre used the South African variety is acceptable. In times of scarcity,
however, during the last war for example, people have had to be satisfied with
general South African or locally mined ochre. A certain amount of excavating is
still done by individuals, particularly of the yellow ochres.
There are local fashions in the shade of red used and latterly yellow has
become fashionable in some areas.
Powdered ochre is said to have been beaten into clothing, but more com-
monly, especially for colouring cotton clothing, the ochre is dissolved in water
and used as a liquid. According to De Lange a garment needed to be dipped
several times, and was dried between dippings, until the required shade was
obtained. It was stiff when it dried and was softened by rolling in a sack and the
roll was beaten with sticks. A method of proceeding seen in the Kentani District
in 1971 was that a new white skirt was first dipped in a solution of pale yellow
ochre, dug locally. When dry it was given a second dipping in a solution of a
dark golden shade of ochre bought at the store. It was then to be worn for some
time, but later on it would be coloured dark red with ucumse, also bought at the
store. De Lange suggests that this is done when the garment has become shabby.
Red is, nevertheless, an important colour particularly to the Xhosa and Thembu.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 209
At the end of the nineteenth century the Mpondo east of the Umzimvubu
River went into white clothing in mourning for the death of the chief. Subse-
quently, when washing it, they used washing-blue and used it in an over-strong
solution. The resultant colour was found pleasing and blue became the estab-
lished colour among them for clothing.
The only instance of painting that has been or is found is the decoration of
hut walls. The colours used were mainly ochres, but whitewash is widely used
now for the white, and is sometimes treated to a greater or lesser degree with
washing-blue. Today, more and more oxide paints are used.
(d) Repairs
Large pots or calabashes may be bound with a network of grass rope, bark
or thongs, to strengthen them against cracking and to repair them if they do
crack. Cracks in pottery might be mended with gum.
Cracks in calabashes may be mended by boring a series of corresponding
holes on each side of the crack, threading thin cords or sedge stems through the
holes in an oversewing stitch, and sometimes, for added strength, darning
through these in the opposite direction. Museum specimens have been seen on
which the mend has been covered with sticky paste. Another museum specimen
has a new round of calabash rind sewn into the broken calabash in the same way.
Skins were patched by cutting a piece of skin in a round to fit the area to
be patched, cutting that portion right out and replacing it with the new piece.
In skin garments with the hair on, a piece with the same colour hair as on the
garment was chosen if possible, and it was then so neatly inserted that it was
hard to see the patch from the hairy side.
SUMMARY
The Cape Nguni technology comprised metal-working, pottery, skin-
dressing, basketwork, the carving of wood, horn, bone and ivory, the prepara-
tion of calabashes and tortoise-shells, beadwork and very simple stonework.
They made use of abrasives, caulking cements and pigments in the practice of
the crafts and made skilful repairs.
Such evidence as there is suggests that neither Xhosa nor Thembu mined
or smelted iron ore before the arrival of the Fingo. This cannot have been due
entirely to lack of ore because some was quarried by the Fingo. Major
deposits are absent but lateritic ironstone is present in many parts of the area.
Neither did the Xhosa mine or smelt copper, but the Thembu may have done
so at the Insizwa Mountains. Mpondo, Bhaca and Xesibe, on the other hand,
claim to have dug and smelted iron ore, but as the records in this case are post-
Fingo, the evidence is inconclusive. The basic fact remains, that it is clear from
the earliest records that metals were highly prized throughout the area and
practically unobtainable except from outside sources. This is unlikely to have
been the case if the art of smelting had been known.
210 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
All the Cape Nguni groups, however, had specialist smiths who worked
metal obtained by trade from the north, and later from the west, and, from the
sixteenth century onwards, from wrecks on the coast. The early accounts state
that iron was scarce and in great demand, and this evidence is supported by the
fact that beyond its main use for making spear-heads, it was used to a lesser
extent only for domestic axe/adze-heads, awls and a few rather precious orna-
ments. Copper and brass were used exclusively for ornaments. Brass was
obtained from European sources. Metal-working was a man’s craft. It has not
been possible to establish any differences in the iron objects made, nor in
smithing practice, between the various groups, except that whereas such records
as there are of the fuel used indicate that it was charcoal everywhere, the Xhosa
are said to have used dung as well.
An anthill or a built-up clay forge was used by the western groups, but there
is no description of the forge used by any of the others. A pair of separate skin
bellows was used and suitable stones were used as the other tools.
Metal-working activities today are confined to the making of a few objects
from scrap or store-bought metal, and mainly, though not entirely, for personal
use.
Pottery was made by all the Cape Nguni, by women, who are likely to
have been specialists as are those who practise today. The Xhosa, Thembu and
Bomvana built the walls of the pot by adding separate pieces and produced a
coarse, brown and little decorated ware. Mpondo and Bhaca built the walls by
coiling a continuous thin roll of clay, and produced a hard, thinner reddish
ware, decorated with incised or raised patterns. The Bhaca also made a finer
ware, which they blackened in the Natal manner. A third method of building,
that of adding rings, seems to have been adopted from the South Sotho. Clay
from river banks or special deposits was used and, by the Xhosa, anthill clay as
well. Only for the Xhosa is the boiling of corn-meal in a new pot in order to seal
it recorded.
The continued preference for pottery for the making and holding of beer
has kept the craft alive, if reduced in practice, but among Xhosa and Thembu
it seems to have declined a long time ago and finally disappeared. Mpondo,
Xesibe, Bhaca and some Hlubi still make pottery and groups of South Sotho
potters are now established in the Mt Ayliff, Matatiele and Herschel areas and
supply customers at a considerable distance.
Very little is recorded in the literature about wood-carving, as distinct
from the use of wood for hut frames, fences and many ordinary purposes.
Inquiries in the field have however shown the use of many trees and shrubs for
specific purposes. Sticks, troughs, spoons, tobacco pipes, clubs, spear-shafts,
mortars and, in the east, milk-pails have been or are still made of wood. Sticks,
spoons and especially tobacco pipes show most care in the choice of wood, and
many were carved in decorative shapes or decorated with carved conventional
designs. It was a man’s craft and it is likely that many men made their own
wooden articles. Today those who practise the craft are specialists.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 2rt
Calabashes were and still are grown by most families where the soil is
suitable, for use mainly as containers for liquids, snuff or medicines, but also as
resonators for musical bows or as boys’ penis-sheaths. Formerly the snuff-boxes,
particularly, were often decorated with branding or with beadwork. This is not
a specialist craft and men or women may prepare the calabashes.
The two basic techniques of basketwork, woven and sewn, are both repre-
sented among the Cape Nguni and for many different purposes. A wide variety
of materials is used, the most important of which are sedge, grass and palm-leaf,
in that order. Objects differing as much as sledges and personal ornaments are
made. For actual baskets Xhosa and Thembu and probably Bomvana formerly
used sedge in a fine coiled technique with furcate sewing, which was impervious
to liquid, and baskets of a certain size were used as milk vessels. This style has
long disappeared, possibly because of the early availability to the people in the
west of the area of imported containers, though the Bomvana used the tech-
nique, but in coarser style, up to at least the 1930s. Thembu and Hlubi in the
north use grass in a coiled technique for garden baskets, but the sewing is
different and both style and name seem to be borrowed from South Sotho. The
Mpondo and Mpondomise use palm-leaf in a coiled technique, again with
different sewing, for beer-beakers and small dishes or plates. The garden basket
that is most widespread today is made of sedge in a twined woven technique. It
seems to have been characteristic of the eastern groups and to have spread
westward to all except, as far as could be established, the Xhosa. There are also
two different sorts of beer-strainer—the one made by women of sedge, straight-
sewn with a multiple foundation, the other made by men of palm-leaf, in
twilled weave. But the two sorts are also found together in other societies and
the palm-leaf variety can only be made where the Hyphaene palm grows. The
Mpondo, who use it chiefly, have the leaf available, and also use it for their beer-
beakers. There are two techniques used in making sleeping-mats of sedge and
cord—the latter may be sewn through the sedge stems or woven together by
twining. |
Basketwork is predominantly a woman’s craft and is practised in the winter
season when agricultural work is slack. Despite the varieties taught in schools it
has shown strong resistance to change and is still an active craft.
Skin-dressing was an important craft when all clothing and in addition war-
shields, bags and many other useful articles were made of the skins of cattle or
game. The equipment used was a frame and pegs for stretching the skin, a
spear-blade, an adze, stones and the thorny edge of an aloe leaf, for cutting,
cleaning, pounding and currying it, a variety of fats, liquids and infusions for
softening and preserving it, ochre or charcoal for colouring and sinew thread for
sewing the articles made. The preliminary cleaning and scraping were men’s
work, and Mpondo and Bhaca men seem to have done the whole work. Else-
where, however, women took over the skin for the softening and currying
process and the making-up of the garments from it. Apart from this there are no
records of differences in technique between the groups. Skin-dressing is still
212 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
practised to a limited extent, especially for the making of bags out of small skins
and of sheepskin cloaks and blankets.
The small craft of carving horn, bone and ivory, or making them and also
tortoise-shells into useful or ornamental objects, is not mentioned in the litera-
ture, and its existence is only known from records of the objects made—arm-
rings and snuff-spoons of ivory; snuff-spoons, ornaments and whistles of bone;
snuff-boxes, snuff- and other spoons, and vessels for pipes and medical purposes
of horn; and toilet-boxes of tortoise-shell. The latter are only recorded with
certainty from the Xhosa and may be a borrowing from the Hottentots. This is
men’s work, and to the small extent to which horn and bone carving survive
today (there is no ivory available for carving) it is done by specialists. Snuff-
and porridge-spoons are still made occasionally.
Except for the trimming of suitably shaped stones for such things as
grinding-stones, whetstones, mortars, hammers or fencing-posts, stonework is
confined to the foundations of modern huts, for which pieces of stone are dressed,
or where wood is scarce, for the building of cattle-kraal walls, when they may be
dressed if not the right shape. There is continued reference to the former use of
a stone knife, but no definite confirmation of this was obtained.
The threading of beads, whether natural objects or made of clay or glass, is
an ancient practice which grew into a flourishing craft among the Cape Nguni
when glass beads from European sources became available in increasing quanti-
ties from the end of the eighteenth century. The origin of the making of beads
into a fabric, as distinct from threading them in single strands, is not known. It
is a woman’s craft and very much practised today.
A friable stone as an abrasive, propolis, gum, cow-dung and clay as adhe-
sives, and charcoal, mimosa bark and ochre as dyes, have been used as long as
there are records and are still used today. Skins and even calabashes may be
patched by inserting a new piece instead of placing it over the tear or break.
Calabashes, however, like pots, more often have the crack drawn together by
threads through holes down each side and the whole mend covered with gum.
The difficulty of distinguishing former differences in technological methods
and in the finished objects is enhanced by the fact that the majority of the
accounts for the nineteenth century, when outside contacts were recent, and
almost the only full ones for that period or just before it, are for the Xhosa, and it
is rare to find museum specimens older than the second half of that century.
Certain characteristics in tribal or group techniques stand out, however, and
may indicate historical associations.
There are the two techniques of building pottery, by adding separate pieces
as was done in the west, or by adding a continuous coil as was done by the
Mpondo and others in the east. The only other people so far recorded in
southern Africa who build by coiling are the Swazi (Lawton 1967: 71), and this
is in accord with Mpondo traditions of origin (Wilson 1969: 93). There is a third
technique now practised, that of adding rings of clay, but it is used mainly by
people under fairly recent South Sotho influence (Lawton 1967: 42-3). There
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 213
were the two techniques for making baskets—the old coiled basketwork with
furcate sewing, of the Xhosa, Thembu and Bomvana, and which, incidentally,
has not so far been recorded elsewhere in southern Africa, and the split-warp
twine (Pl. 27:5), which may have spread westward from the Mpondo and
others in the east, and which has so far only been recorded elsewhere among the
Ndzundza in the Transvaal. ‘The Mpondo beer-beaker, of coiled technique with
simple oversewing, and the woven beer-strainers of the same palm-leaf are not
found in the west. On the other hand the former use of baskets to hold liquid
seems to have been characteristic of the Cape Nguni in general. These slight
indications do no more than confirm the relationships known from other
sources—the Xhosa, Thembu and Bomvana; the Mpondo, Mpondomise,
Xesibe and Bhaca (the Mbo of early records) and the various Fingo tribes who
arrived later.
None of the crafts has remained unaffected by outside influences.
Neighbouring peoples from the north brought iron and copper to trade in
early times, and latterly have introduced a different coiled basketwork tech-
nique among the Thembu and coiled basket grain-bins among the Hlubi and
perhaps Bhaca. |
The Hottentots in the west may have introduced the sewn sleeping-mat,
which way of making mats, though for roofing, is a Hottentot technique but is
used in many parts of southern Africa. The Hottentots also, after the arrival of
Europeans at Table Bay, brought copper and beads.
The Fingo peoples brought in iron-smelting.
European contact, first through the wrecks on the coast and later through
the spread of the colony, caused a decline in many techniques by making manu-
factured goods available, but it brought greater availability of metal, and was
responsible for the great flourishing of beadwork. It does not appear to have
brought about changes in technique, except in some basketwork and the avail-
ability of a variety of tools, especially for woodwork.
The men, as the pastoralists, could practise their crafts of metal-working,
wood, horn, bone and ivory carving and stonework at any season, and there is
no record that any season was preferred. For skin-working, which in many
groups they shared with women, winter is said, among Xhosa at least, to have
been preferred because of the more suitable condition of the skins. Women as
the gardeners only had enough time in the agricultural off-season, again the
winter, to practise their crafts of pottery, basketwork and beadwork, but it
should be added that the materials for basketwork only become available in the
autumn.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Acknowledgement is hereby made of the financial assistance of the Human
Sciences Research Council towards the publication of this work. Opinions
expressed or conclusions reached are those of the authors and should not be
regarded as representative of those of the Human Sciences Research Council.
214 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Thanks are due to the Directors of the Africana Museum, the Albany
Museum, the Alexander McGregor Memorial Museum, the Archives, Cape
Town, the East London Museum, Fort Hare Ethnological Museum, the
Kaffrarian Museum, the National Museum, the Port Elizabeth Museum, the
Queenstown and Frontier Museum, the Transvaal Museum, the National
Cultural History and Open-air Museum, the British Museum, the Royal
Scottish Museum, the State Ethnographic Museum, Stockholm, and the
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, and to the University of Cape Town and the
University of Stellenbosch for permission to use material in their charge; to the
late Sir Ernest Oppenheimer and the late Mr Hugh Solomon for permission to
consult unpublished material in their libraries; to the Bantu Commissioner,
Cape Town, the Manager and assistants of the Cape Town Municipal Adminis-
tration at Langa, the Manager and staff of African Explosives and Chemical
Industries, Ltd., Somerset West, the Manager and Compound Managers of
Randfontein Estates, and the Magistrates of Willowvale, Mt Frere, Mt Ayliff,
Bizana, Flagstaff, Libode, Ngqeleni, Mqanduli, Kentani, Idutywa, Engcobo,
Elliotdale and Umtata for assistance in obtaining information; to the late
Dr A. W. Burton of King William’s Town, Mr H. W. Pahl, Prof. W. D.
Hammond-Tooke and Mr Mda, of Umtata, for information; to Mr C. C.
Biden, Mr R. E. Carter, Mr C. C. Clarke, the late Mrs F. Clarke, Mrs B.
Jurgens, Mr G. Velcich, the State Information Office and the Director of the
British Museum for permission to use photographs; and to all others who have
assisted in one way or another, particularly to Mrs S. Bruins, librarian of the
South African Museum, for checking the bibliography.
mie ey ae
1) th Sn ete tread a,
ee oe th
DY OVS ae
PLATE 18
Potter moulding base of pot, Mpondo, Zibungu, Libode 1958.
Making roll to coil around flat base on left.
Shaping coils into wall of vessel.
Making longer coil to build up wall of vessel.
Coil builds up wall further.
Fragment of calabash used as smoother by potters, 83 mm, Mpondo, Umvume
Springs, Port St Johns 1939 (SAM 6063).
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 18
SAGES gt
TED
Vj
Y
PLATE 19
1-7. Firing pottery, Mpondo, Mthombe, Libode 1968:
I.
2.
7:
umphanda, unfired, is brought to firing site.
Firing site, with bricks from collapsed hut, sacks filled with cattle dung
for fuel, grass to bed pots and ignite fire.
. Furnace built of old bricks (only because available).
. Pots filled with dung and covered entirely.
Fire lit and burning well; bricks stacked up and arranged to control
draught and heat.
. Fire burnt out, furnace is dismantled. Older woman watches her
daughter, whom she taught the art.
Pot, still hot, is removed with help of sack.
8. imfutho (bellows) used by smiths, 864 mm, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935
(TM 35/409).
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 19
ve
Yai
OO AM w
PLATE 20
umphanda, diam. mouth 400 mm, Bomvana, Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
Pot, height 255 mm, “Thongefass der Kaffern’, c. 1880. Nauhaus, Ethno-
graphische Gegenstande . . ., 1881 (Z. Ethn. 13 Verh. pl. 9(4)).
umphanda, diam. 365 mm, Bomvana, Guse Loc., Elliotdale, 1935 (TM 35/380).
umphanda, diam. 375 mm, Bomvana, Elliotdale, 1935 (TM 35/359).
ingcayt, diam.
ingcayi, diam.
ingcayi, diam.
. ingcayi, diam.
ingcayt, diam.
120 mm, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/382).
265 mm, Bomvana, Elliotdale (TM 35/381).
228 mm, Bomvana, Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
223 mm, Bomvana, Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
160 mm, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/440).
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
CRORE UTES See ee,
ssssctinlntaebrimttines
rece,
Plate 20
© PI ANE Pp
=~
O
Il.
PLATE a1
inggayit, black burnish, diam. 175 mm, Mpondo, Luqhoghweni, Lusikisiki
1948.
inggayi, diam. 198 mm, Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/412).
inggayi, diam. 190 mm, Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/402).
ingcayi, diam. 180 mm, Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/423).
Pot, diam. 180 mm, Mpondo (EL 732).
inkongo, diam. 318 mm, Mpondo (EL 748).
. ingcayi, diam. 190 mm, Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/439).
ingcayi, diam. 200 mm, Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/443).
inkongo, diam. 200 mm, Mpondo, Umvume Springs, Port St Johns 1939
(SAM 6051).
. ingcayi, diam. 160 mm, Mpondo, Flagstaff 1932 (University of Cape Town,
32/37).
inkongo, diam. 300 mm, Mpondo, Lusikisiki 1948.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 2]
TDAP | p
PLATE 22
imbiza, diam. mouth 540 mm, Mpondo, Qawukeni, Lusikisiki 1948.
imbiza, diam. mouth 490 mm, Mpondo, Luqhoghweni, Lusikisiki 1948.
ikhanzi, diam. mouth 350 mm, Mpondo, Lughoghweni, Lusikisiki 1948.
imbiza, c. 720 mm, Mpondo, Lugqhoghweni, Lusikisiki 1948.
inkongo, diam. 333 mm, Mpondo (EL 7309).
umphanda, diam. mouth 280 mm, Mpondo, Qawukeni, Lusikisiki 1948.
. ingcaza, height 230 mm, diam. mouth 145 mm, Xesibe, Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff
1948.
|
{
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
Plate 22
—
PLATE 23
1. Pot with lugs, diam. mouth 180 mm, presumed made by Xhosa because of
locality where found buried, viz. farm Orlando, Addo, ¢c. 1930-40 (EL 255).
2. Pot with lugs, diam. mouth 200 mm, presumed of Xhosa make because of
locality where found buried, viz. farm Umslateni, above Debe Nek, c. 1930-50
(EL 300).
Plate 23
n. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
\
: WK
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WN
eee Ca
PLATE 24
ukhamba, diam. 300 mm, Xesibe, Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
ingcaza, diam. mouth 130 mm, Bhaca, Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
ingcaza, diam. 260 mm, Xesibe, Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
umphanda, diam. mouth 250 mm, Xesibe, Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
Pot, diam. 256 mm, Xesibe (EL 981).
ingcaza, diam. mouth 105 mm, Bhaca, Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
ingcaza, diam. 215 mm, Xesibe, Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
umphanda, diam. mouth 245 mm, Bhaca, Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
Plate 24
Ann, S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
QR
3. Sledge with frame for transport of maize, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
PLATE 25
. Pipe maker at work, shaping pipe with hatchet, Ndlambe, Soto, Komga 1965
(Photo G. Velcich).
. The same, boring through the stem with red-hot awl.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol.
on ee
ips
Plate 25
. Snuff-box, diam. 105 mm, Fingo, Peddie c. 1910 (TM 4725).
4. Milk calabash, diam. 235 mm, ‘Kaffern’ (Ratzel, 2, 1895:98).
PLATE 26
. umcephe (calabash scoop), 227 mm, Mpondo (Albany Museum C1307).
. Calabash for curdled milk (idliwa), 340 mm, Mpondo, Maghingeni, Libode
1968.
. ugumpu, 1 150 mm tip to tip in straight line, Mpondo, Luqhoqhweni, Lusikisiki
1948.
Plate 26
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
S LQG
GE
Ww
WS &
_
PLATE 27
. Fabric of milk basket obtained by Sparrman in c. 1775 from Gonaqua Hotten-
tots, who traded such baskets from the Xhosa (Statens Etnografiska Museum,
Stockholm 1799.2.8). See 37:3.
Woven basketwork, Bhaca, Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
Coiled sewn basketwork: isiludu, made by Hlubi-Sotho long integrated in
Bhaca tribe, Mt Frere 1948.
Fabric of coiled ingobozi basket, Thembu, Xalanga 1935 (TM 35/482).
Woven basketwork, ingobozi, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/504).
. Fabric of coiled basket, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/354).
. imizi sedge, Cyperus textilis Thunb. (Photo E. M. Shaw, SAM).
. Coils of dried uluzi plant fibre, for making sleeping-mats, Mpondo, Zibungu,
Libode 1958.
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
Plate 27
A SS
PLATE 28
Woman carrying large coiled basket, sketch by Sir Richard England, 1833-7
(Africana Museum, Johannesburg 53/722).
Fabric of coiled basket, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/390).
Fabric of coiled basket (South Sotho style), Hlubi Mt Frere 1948.
Beer-strainer, half-made, and needle, Fingo, Dwessa, Willowvale 1960.
istludu, diam. c. 280 mm, Fingo, Tsomo 1955 (Photo E. M. Shaw, SAM).
. Fabric of coiled basket, Thembu, Xalanga 1935 (TM 35/466).
. tsitya, diam. 200 mm, Mpondo, Bizana 1935 (TM 35/422).
Plate 28
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
- = in ——
WAG:
AKG WS \
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PLATE 29
ixamba, 400 mm, Mpondo, Luqhogqhweni, Lusikisiki 1948.
Mpondo making coiled isitya, Luqhoqhweni, Lusikisiki 1948.
Bomvana woman making woven ingobozi, Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
umqungo, 260 mm, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/364).
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
WM,
4 Wj
yy)
Za
Plate 29
Wai:
eon
Sees
S
=i
7. Fabric of ukhukho or isicamba (sleeping-mat), Mpondo, Qawukeni, Lusikisiki
8. Fabric of istcamba (sleeping-mat), Xesibe, Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
g. Fabric of umahambehlala mat, Hlubi, Mt Fletcher 1942 (Fort Hare 102).
PLATE 30
. Beer-strainer being made, Fingo, Dwessa, Willowvale 1960.
. Fabric of intluzo (strainer) for children’s food, open-twined weave, Thembu,
Maanduli 1935 (TM 35/341).
. Fabric of intluzo, beer-strainer, straight sewing, Xhosa, Qwaninga, Willowvale
1948.
. Fabric of beer-strainer, diagonal twill weave, Mpondo, Umvume Springs,
Port St. Johns 1939 (SAM 6054).
. Fabric of isicangca (sleeping-mat), open twined weave, Bomvana, Nkanya
Elliotdale 1948.
. Woman making isicangca (sleeping-mat), Bomvana, Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
1948
Plate 30
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
eS
SS Ea
PLATE 31
. Fabric of istthebe food-mat, close-twined weave, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935
(TM 35/481).
. Fabric of isithebe food-mat, close-twined weave, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935
(TM 35/410).
. Fabric of isithebe food-mat, close-twined weave, Xesibe, Mt Ayliff 1944
(EL 993).
4. ingobozi basket being made, Fingo, Dwessa, Willowvale 1960.
. Mpondo women carrying bundles of imizi (sedge) for mat-making, Umvume
Springs, Port St Johns ¢. 1935 (Photo Mrs F. Clarke).
Plate 31
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
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PLATE 32
Portion of initiate’s dancing skirt, Bomvana, Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/838).
Boy making hat, Thembu, Umtata 1948.
Rope, Xhosa, Willowvale 1948.
Making rope, Bomvana, Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
Mpondo woman carrying bundle of grass rope for sale) Umvume Springs
Port St Johns c. 1936 (Photo Mrs F. Clarke).
Plate 32
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58
PLATE 33
. Frame for stretching hide, c. 1850. Note adze, pegs, aloe leaves and liquid.
Watercolour by F. I’Ons, ‘Kaffir method of preparing the kaross’ (Africana
Museum, Johannesburg 6327).
. amakhonkwane (pegs), 95-160 mm, Xhosa (EL 58).
. Thong-softening frame with thongs stretched by stone, Mpondo, Nomadolo,
Nggeleni 1958.
. Thongs being softened by twisting with stick used as lever, ibid. ;
Ann. S. Afr. Mus., Vol. 58 Plate 33
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INSTRUCTIONS TO AUTHORS
Based on
CONFERENCE OF BIOLOGICAL EDITORS, COMMITTEE ON FORM AND STYLE. 1960.
Style manual for biological journals. Washington: American Institute of Biological Sciences.
MANUSCRIPT
To be typewritten, double spaced, with good margins, arranged in the following order:
(1) Heading, consisting of informative but brief title, name(s) of author(s), address(es) of
(authors), number of illustrations (figures, enumerated maps and tables) in the article.
(2) Contents. (3) The main text, divided into principal divisions with major headings; sub-
headings to be used sparingly and enumeration of headings to be avoided. (4) Summary.
(5) Acknowledgements. (6) References, as below.
Figure captions and tables to be on separate sheets.
ILLUSTRATIONS
To be reducible to 12 cm X 18 cm (19 cm including caption). A metric scale to appear
with all photographs.
All illustrations to be termed figures (plates are not printed; half-tones will appear in their
proper place in the text), with arabic numbering; items of composite figures to be designated
by capital letters (A, B, C etc.).
REFERENCES
Harvard system (name and year) to be used: author’s name and year of publication given
in text; full references at the end of the article, arranged alphabetically by names, chronologi-
cally within each name, with ruffixes a, b, etc. to the year for more than one paper by the same
author in that year.
For books give title in italics, edition, volume number, place of publication, publisher.
For journal articles give title of article, title of journal in italics (abbreviated according to the
World list of scientific periodicals. 4th ed. London: Butterworths, 1963), series in parentheses,
volume number, part number (only if independently paged) in parentheses, pagination.
Examples (note capitalization and punctuation)
Buttoucu, W. S. 1960. Practical invertebrate anatomy. 2nd ed. London: Macmillan.
FiscHER, P.-H. 1948. Données sur la résistance et de le vitalité des mollusques. 7. Conch., Paris
88: 100-140.
FiscHEr, P.-H., Duvat, M. & Rarry, A. 1933. Etudes surles échanges respiratoires des littorines.
Archs Zool. exp. gén. 74: 627-634.
Koun, A. J. 1960a. Ecological notes on Conus (Mollusca: Gastropoda) in the Trincomalee region
of Ceylon. Ann. Mag. nat. Hist. (13) 2: 309-320.
Konn, A. J. 1960). Spawning behaviour, egg masses and larval development in Conus from the
Indian Ocean. Bull. Bingham oceanogr. Coll. 17 (4): 1-51.
THIELE, J. 1910. Mollusca: B. Polyplacophora, Gastropoda marina, Bivalvia. In: scHULTZE, L.
Koologische und anthropologische Ergebnisse einer Forschungsreise im westlichen und zentralen Siid-
Afrika. 4: 269-270. Jena: Fischer. Denkschr. med.-naturw. Ges. Fena 16: 269-270.
ZOOLOGICAL NOMENCLATURE
To be governed by the rulings of the latest International code of zoological nomenclature issued
by the International Trust for Zoological Nomenclature (particularly articles 22 and 51).
The Harvard system of reference to be used in the synonymy lists, with the full references
incorporated in the list at the end of the article, and not given in contracted form in the synonymy
list.
Example
Scalaria coronata Lamarck, 1816: pl. 451, figs 5 a, 6; Liste: 11. Turton, 1932: 80.
c ss < = ‘: ome ; . " ‘ ets el Ea
ea NNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
5
NH NALE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM
Volume 58 Band
August 1981 Augustus
Part 3 Deel
OCT 191981
- THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE
Ss CAPE NGUNI
7 Part 3 Subsistence
By
E. M. SHAW & N. J. VAN WARMELO
Cape Town Kaapstad
The ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
are issued in parts at irregular intervals as material
becomes available
Obtainable from the South African Museum, P.O. Box 61, Cape Town
Die ANNALE VAN DIE SUID-AFRIKAANSE MUSEUM
word uitgegee in dele op ongereelde tye na gelang van die
beskikbaarheid van stof
Verkrygbaar van die Suid-Afrikaanse Museum, Posbus 61, Kaapstad
OUT OF PRINT/ UIT DRUK
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6(1, t.—p.i.), 70-4), 8, 9(1-2, 7), 10(1-3),
11(1-2, 5, 7, t.-p.i.), 15(4-5), 24(2), 27, 31(1-3), 32(5), 33, 45(1)
Copyright enquiries to the South African Museum
Kopieregnavrae aan die Suid-Afrikaanse Museum
ISBN 0 86813 O15 X
In Suid-Afrika gedruk deur
Die Rustica-pers, Edms., Bpk.,
Courtweg, Wynberg, Kaap
Printed in South Africa by
The Rustica Press, Pty., Ltd.,
Court Road, Wynberg, Cape
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
Part 3 Subsistence
By
E. M. SHAW
South African Museum, Cape Town
&
N. J. VAN WARMELO
Department of Co-operation and Development, Pretoria
(With 34 plates and 3 text-figures)
[MS. accepted 14 May 1980]
ABSTRACT
The object of this third part of the study is to record the use to which Cape Nguni tech-
nology, as described in the second part of the volume, is put in subsistence activities. This
includes agriculture and animal husbandry, tools and weapons, hunting, fishing and food
gathering, and household and cooking practice.
The starting point of this section, as of the whole study, was the Xhosa terminology.
An attempt was made to find and record all the objects for which names exist, and to fit them
into place in everyday life. The literature was searched, museum specimens were examined
in South Africa and elsewhere, and fieldwork was undertaken in Transkei and Ciskei, the
home of the Cape Nguni, between 1948 and 1971.
During this period considerable change has taken place in Transkei and Ciskei, old
styles of living have given way to new, with a consequent disappearance of the old technology
as more convenient artefacts became available. The study concentrates on the period before
1948, with some reference to changes since then.
CONTENTS
PAGE
Introduction 3 : ; : ee SAG
Agriculture . ; 3 d ; sar 248
Sources : , : : hy (28
Terms - ; : ‘ ; : aon
Discussion . : ; : Bue) PERN
Animal husbandry . : é 8)
Sources F : : ‘ Rig Mees:
herms: ; : é , : 259
Discussion . ; : ‘ 261
Tools . y p : é : : 270
Sources : ; ’ ; 220
Terms . : ‘ , P E pg 7)
Discussion . ‘ : ; a 279
aS
Ann. S. Afr. Mus. 58 (3), 1981: 215-445, 34 pls, 3 figs.
216 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
PAGE
Weapons . 3 : F : ca 284:
Sources ; : F : 5 aya
Terms . 5 : ; ; a hate SileD)
Discussion . ; i : . 319
Hunting. : : 2 : x 12339
Sources ‘ ‘ ; : : 339
Terms . i 5 ; é : 353
Discussion . : ; é ee MSD
Fishing . : ‘ : : . 360
Sources 5 : : : . 360
Terms . ; ; : ‘ 3 362
Discussion . ; ; : 5 KGS
Collecting food . , ; : . 366
Sources 3 ; ; : . 366
Discussion . . : ' . 366
Household . : : : ; 5 367
Sources : ; ; : . 367
Terms . ; ; : : ; S72
Discussion . ; : . ma STA
Preparation of food . : : 5 Se
Sources ‘ : : 3 5 ORY
Terms . ; ; i : . 404
Discussion . , ; P . 409
Summary . : : d ; . 430
Acknowledgements . 3 ; . 438
References . 2 : : : . —439
INTRODUCTION
This is the third part of a four-part volume* in which the material culture
of the southern Nguni people is described (see Shaw & Van Warmelo 1972,
1974). For convenience in handling, the third aspect of the study, that is the
uses to which the technological skills are put, has been divided into two parts.
Part 4 will thus complete the volume and will include indexes and a full alpha-
betical list of references.
This third part deals with various aspects of subsistence. The emphasis is
on the objects used, and only as much background information as is necessary
is included to make the picture clear. It is not, therefore, a full discussion of
subsistence.
The starting point was the vernacular terminology. Literary sources are
quoted fully and discussed in the text. Other information comes from an
examination of museum specimens, and field observations made over several
years by both authors.
It should be noted that the spelling in the sources is as in the publications
themselves. Von Winkelman’s (1788-89) text is particularly noticeable for its
spelling errors.
Vernacular terms are quoted in the singular.
* Contrary to the usual format, the first two papers in this volume contain both ‘figures’
and ‘plates’, to run consecutively through the volume: this format must therefore be followed
in the present paper. Ione Rudner, Editor.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI ONT
The dates preceding the names of authors in the sources given for each
chapter are preferably those of the authors’ stay in that part of the country.
Sometimes an author dated his narrative as it went along so that the exact date
can be used. If the work was published while the author was still in the country
the period between the date of arrival and the date of publication has been
taken. Where no dates of sojourn are known the date of publication is given
in parentheses. The object of this arrangement is to keep the sources as far as
possible in chronological order.
The numbering of Figures and Plates is continuous throughout the various
parts of this volume.
TERMS
In these sections the names only of authors with one publication are given
without the dates of publication, for the sake of brevity: the full references may
be found in the list of references. Only in the case of Soga should it be noted
that unless stated the publication date is 1932. The convention, for example
(-Soga), means that the word or meaning is taken from a source other than
verbally from an informant. The latter is indicated by the abbreviation of the
tribal name, for example X (see list of abbreviations). The starting point of the
study was A Kafir—English dictionary (Kropf 1915) which is quoted verbatim
and is indicated by D. Terms gathered in the field or elsewhere and not in the
Dictionary are marked nD.
The terms are numbered in bold type as one series throughout the four parts
of the study to facilitate indexing. Where a term appears in more than one place
its other numbers are given as well, in parentheses. Abbreviations used with the
terms and also in the legends to plates are given below.
Hlonipha is a custom that requires a female to avoid as taboo words
identical with or similar to the names of her chief’s and husband’s relatives,
especially of her father-in-law, and to substitute for them others, which together
constitute a whole hlonipha vocabulary for the use of those needing one or
other item from it.
ABBREVIATIONS
Alb. Albany Museum, Grahamstown
AM Africana Museum, Johannesburg
Beukes Dr Beukes, at one time ethnologist at the Transvaal Museum
Bh Bhaca
Bo Bomvana
D Kropf (1915)
EL East London Museum
Em Mbo
Fgo Fingo
FH F. S. Malan Museum, Fort Hare
Hlu Hlubi
| KM Kaffrarian Museum, King William’s Town
| Mp Mpondo
! Mpm Mpondomise
Mzamane Mzamane, G., formerly lecturer at University College of Fort Hare
218 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
nD not in Kropf (1915)
PEM Port Elizabeth Museum
pron. pronunciation/pronounced
SAM South African Museum, Cape Town
T Thembu
™ Transvaal Museum, Pretoria
UCT University of Cape Town ethnographic collection
xX Xhosa
Xes Xesibe
AGRICULTURE
SOURCES
1593 Lavanha (1597) p. 234 South of Umtata R.: grain
‘Sad estes e todos os mais Cafres pastores, e lavradores, e disso vivem;
a lavoura he de milho, o qual he branco, do tamanho de pimenta e dasse em
huma macaroca de huma planta da feica6 e tamanho de canico.’*
(p. 293. ‘These and all other Kaffirs are herdsmen and cultivators of the
ground, by which means they subsist. They cultivate millet, which is white and
the size of a peppercorn; it is the fruit of a plant of the size and appearance
of a reed.’)
1686 “Stavenisse’ (Godée Molsbergen 1922) p. 67 Xhosa: crops
‘Driederley koorn teelen sij bij haar, mitsgaders callabassen, pompoenen,
waterlimoenen, en boontjes, de vaderlandse grauwe erweten seer gelijk.
Verders saaijen sij jaarlijkx seeker slag van aardakers mitsgaders een
soort van onder aardse boontjes; beide seer voedsaam, dragende boven d’aarde
kleine bladeren.
Den tabacq planten sij meede, en soo se kennis en wetenschap hadden,
dien wel te havenen, soude deselve na alle waarschijnelijkheid de Virginische
in deugd te boven gaan.’
1752 Beutler p. 308 Xhosa: spade
*... als se een stuk land om te planten of te besaayen hebben uytgekoosen
steeken se eerst de daar op staande ruygte in brand, daarna word hetselve
omgespit met een soort van een graaf dat dubbeld of aan beyde de eyndens
even is gefatsoneert. .. .’
1776 Swellengrebel p. 13 Xhosa: gardens
‘Naast de kraal zagen wij twee stukjes grond met doorns afgeschoten;
in ’t een stonden Tabaksplanten en Kaffers-koorn, waarvan de plant, die
even opkwam, veel geleek naar de Turksche tarwe of milie (:mogelijk de Holcus
Sorghum:)—en in ’t ander kalbassen, pompoenen.’
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 49 Xhosa: spade
Nothing more.
1782 Hubberly pp. 73, 112 Mpondo, Gqunukhwebe: crops
* When quoting Theal in this work, his spelling of Portuguese has been followed.
|
|
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 219
p. 73 Mpondo: maize, sweet potatoes
‘On the 3rd day after they left the wreck, a party of about sixty Coffreys,
with women amongst them, led by a captain, with their lances and targets,
came to enquire what they were and where going, as they understood... .
Mr Hays, the purser, was sent to treat with them. . . he cut gold lace and put
round the women’s heads, which they seemed pleased with, and brought some
sweet potatoes and other roots, a few ears of Indian corn, and two or three
cakes of bread, which were divided amongst the ladies and children... .’
io. Gqunukhwebe: crops
Nothing more.
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) p. 72 Xhosa: method
‘Die Sorge voor die letztern ist meistens das Geschafft der Frauen, die
ihre nachst am Kraal liegenden Felder oder kleine Fluhren mit Mais und
Kafferkorn anbauen. Sie haben ein 4—5 Fuss langes auch Ofters kiirzres Stiick
Holz, pfahlartig gestaltet, womit das Erdreich miihsam umgegraben wird. Sie
leiten selten das Wasser, und dennoch griint alles aufs schénste. Die Millis
oder der Mais wachst zu einer betrachtlichen Grosse... .’
1797 Barrow (1806) 1 pp. 171, 176 Xhosa: crops, implements
p. 171 Xhosa: crops
‘Few are the dietetic plants cultivated by the Kaffers. The millet, called by
botanists the holcus sorghum, and a very large species of watermelon, seem to
be the most important articles of their kitchen garden.’
p. 176 Xhosa: implements
Nothing more.
1800 Van der Kemp (1804) p. 438 Xhosa: method, crops, spade
“When they sow this corn, which is the work of the women, they use no
plough nor spade, nor any manure, but only throw the seed on the grass; after
this they push off the grass with a kind of wooden spade, by this operation the
seed falls on the ground, and is covered with the grass; from underneath this
half dried and half rotten grass the corn afterward springs up.’
1803 Paravicini di Capelli p. 129 Xhosa: not primarily agriculturalists,
neglect of agriculture in wartime
‘De landbouw is by de Kaffer nog in desselvs geboorte; zy zayen een
koorn veel gelykenis met onze gierst hebbende, het welk gemalen en tot koeken
gemaakt, van redelyk goede smaak is. Sodra zy in oorlog of gevaar zyn, stellen
zy zodanig weinig belang in den akkerbouw, dat zy deeze tak van onderhoud
dadelyk laten varen, om tot de veyligheid hunner kuddens te waken, blyvende
in de omstandigheid somwylen jaren zonder landbouw.’
1803 Van Reenen p. 197 Xhosa: sorghum, maize
‘In their country the Kafirs reap much corn, which is called Kafir-corn,
and grows to a considerable height. . . . Mealies are also found in abundance.
Their food consists mostly of the above-mentioned corn, mealies and sour milk
220 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
prepared by leaving milk for a few days in water-tight baskets made for the
purpose.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810 a) pp. 113, 114 Xhosa: tools and crops
pe il3 Xhosa: spade, spear, flail
‘Het spitten geschiedt met Spaden, vervaardigd uit de zeer harde soort
van hout, onder den naam van Nieshout bekend, en wel uit één stuk, dat,
aan beide einden van den gemeenschappelijken ronden steel, omtrent 2 Duimen
dikte, 4 Duimen breedte en 10 Duimen lengte heeft, om daardoor, wanneer
het eene eind door langdurig gebruik stomp is geworden, zich van het andere
te kunnen bedienen. .. .
De Gierstairen, rijp geworden zijnde, worden met werpspiesen afgemaaid,
op eenen hoop verzameld en met droog gras en doornen bedekt. Niet lang
daarna worden zij met dunne stokken gedorscht, en de vrucht alsdan met
beide handen in de hoogte geworpen, om langs dezen weg van de schel
gezuiverd te worden.’
p. 114 Xhosa: mealies and tobacco
‘Boekwit en tabak worden na den oogst in de hut zelve opgehangen en
alzoo tot op het oogenblick van derzelven gebruik bewaard.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) pp. 447-448 Xhosa: methods, reaping, threshing
Nothing more.
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 370 Xhosa: crops and spade
Nothing more.
1821-4 Thompson (1827) 2 p. 359 Xhosa: use of spade by women
Nothing more.
1824 Ross p. 212 Fetcani: implements
‘They break up the ground with iron picks, or hoes. Men and women
work in the fields.’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 77, 258 Xhosa: methods, spade
ose HT Xhosa: reaping
‘They generally enclose their gardens and they are then dug by the women
with wooden sticks round in the middle and flattened at both ends. Their corn
when fit to be cut is cut with an assegay and carried in bundles to the [home],
threshed out and then cleaned by aid of wind and put in grainery.’
p. 258 Xhosa: spade at wedding ceremony
“When they come by the women of the kraal to whom the bridegroom
belongs they stand still and one of the old women gets up with a spade in her hand
at the same time telling the bride that she must cultivate well the ground... .’
1815-37 Shaw (1840) pp. 58-59 Xhosa: spade and plough
puny
‘When the Kaffirs first beheld the plough in operation, they were seized
with perfect amazement at the sight, gazing wishfully one at another as they
perceived the deep furrows that were made.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 224
1826 Shrewsbury (1869) pp. 229-230 Xhosa: introduction of plough
‘The plough takes wonderfully with the Kafirs wherever it is introduced,
especially with the women, for as the men do nothing but attend their cattle,
while it falls to the hard lot of the native females to cultivate the ground, they
are clamorous for so useful an invention in agriculture, which much lightens
their labour and toil.’
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 35, 143, 144-145 Xhosa: threshing-floor; spade
p. 35 Xhosa: threshing-floor
‘On inquiring where we could sleep, our aged host silently pointed to his
threshing-floor; a small circular enclosure surrounded with poles and branches.’
p. 143 Xhosa: spade
Nothing more.
p. 144-145 Xhosa: threshing-floor
‘The harvest being over, the corn is brought home in bundles: each woman
carries her sheaves upon her head. A small circular enclosure is then made,
and the ground within prepared in such a way as to form a good hard threshing-
floor on which the iminyani, or ears, are laid and beaten out when dry.’
c. 1831-2 Smith pp. 62-63 Mpondo: spades
‘The Caffres . . . have set to making wooden spades for tilling the ground
which are their only implements of agriculture. . . .” (quoting Farewell 1825
| unpublished).
| c. 1831-2 Drége p. 20 Mpondo: gardens
| ‘In the afternoon we drove 2 hours firstly through Kaffers gardens planted
| with vegetables and Kaffercorn... .’
| (1833) Morgan p. 34 Xhosa: method
| Nothing more.
1834a Bonatz p. 279 Thembu: plough
In August 1834 one of the Tambookie began to use a plough.
18346 Bonatz p. 351 Thembu: spades, women’s work
‘The Tambookie women are considered as the slaves of their husbands.
... The cultivation of the gardens is likewise their incumbency. This labour
they perform on their knees, with wooden spades.’
1834 Godlonton (1835-6) p. 227 Xhosa: women’s work
Nothing more.
1835 Alexander (1837) 1 p. 393 Xhosa: division of work
Nothing more.
(1836) Martin p. 157 Thembu: use of spade
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw (1860) pp. 330, 418, 419 Xhosa: threshing-floor, women’s
work, introduction of plough
Nothing more.
222 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1839 Hallbeck p. 259 Fingo: hoe
‘.. . the Fingoos, who are not so exclusively devoted to pasturage as the
Caffres. Their tools show that they are expert gardeners. Instead of the poor
wooden spade in use amongst the Caffres, they wield a large iron pickaxe,
scarcely, if at all, inferior to the European one in utility. Both sexes take part
in the labour, and work diligently, side by side, from morning till night.’
1836-44 Dohne (1844) pp. 9, 72 Xhosa: method
pas Xhosa: method
‘Die Kaffern bauen nichts als Milis, emme Art Korn, an Gestalt den Wicken
gleich, . . . und Pampunen oder Kiirbisse. Einige bauen auch etwas Tabak.
Ihr Ackerland bereiten sie gewohnlich an den Fltissen, auf hohen Hiigeln oder
an den Bergen. Wenn sie ein bisher nicht urbares Stiick Land an einem Flusse
bebauen, so stechen sie den Boden mit dem Grase einen Zoll tief ab; ist das
Gras verwelkt, dann saen sie den Samen hinein und stossen das Abgestochene
leise um. Wenn die Saat keimt, bringen sie das trocken gewordene Gras auf
lauter kleine Haufen und verbrennen es. Die Asche ist dann Diinger fiir das
Land. Da ihnen dieses Umstechen aber schwer wird, weil sie gewohnlich dabei
auf den Knieen liegen miissen und statt eines eisernen nur einen hélzernen
Spaten haben, so bereiten sie die Garten lieber in einem Gebiisch oder Walde,
wenn sie es so haben kénnen.’
pai2 Xhosa: new iron spades
‘Nach neueren Berichten fangen die Kaffern jetzt auch an, statt der hélzer-
nen eiserne Spaten zu gebrauchen, die sie von den Kaufleuten aus der Colonie
kaufen. Aber sie stechen auch damit die Erde nicht so um, wie wir thun, sondern
sie fassen den Spaten mit beiden Handen am Stiele unmittelbar tiber dem
eisernen Blatt, und stechen so den Boden um; daher tragt ein Kaffergarten
auch nie so viel, als dié der Fingu’s, die unter den Kaffern leben. Diese namlich
bearbeiten das Land mit gewaltigen eisernen Hacken, sogut, als dies ein Pflug
thun wurde... .’
1848 Baines (1842-53) 1 pp 43-44, 62 Xhosa, Fingo: beer, granaries
pp. 43-44 Xhosa: corn beer
“We entered first a small patch of Kafir corn or millet, Holcus sorghum... .
From the fermented juice of this grain is obtained the intoxicating beverage
called Outchualla....’
p. 62 Fingo: granaries, drying platforms
*. . . kraal of the Fingoes, near which were several immovable baskets
formed of stakes driven into the ground and wattled, generally about six feet
high and three or four in diameter, for the reception of mealies or heads of
Indian corn, and a number of scaffolds of larger dimensions on which the
corn was laid to dry in the sun.’
1851 Walker ‘Caffre’: hoe
His plate 37.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 28
1851 Baines (1842-53) 2 p. 272 Xhosa: spade
‘The use of several double-bladed, wooden spades, found in the huts,
puzzled our soldiers not a little, but one of them, forgetting that the Kafirs
were not a nautical race, decided the question by calling it a paddle. The broad-
bladed, iron hoe was dubbed a frying-pan, and forthwith used as such, and the
handle in which it ought to have been set, being found apart, was flourished in
triumph as a Kafir club.’
1862 Bauer & Hartmann (1861 sic) p. 491 Thembu: hoes
Nothing more.
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) pp. 87, 88, 89 Xhosa: implements, utensils
p. 87-88 Xhosa: spade, flail
Nothing more.
(Deetsbe) Xhosa: grain pots
‘Das fiir den taglichen Gebrauch nothige Getreide holt man von Zeit zu
Zeit hervor und bringt es in den grossen bowlenférmigen Topfen unter, bis es
zur Nahrung verwandt wird.’
1845-89 Kropf (1889) p. 107 Xhosa: method of cultivation and
threshing; spade, plough
Nothing more.
1871 Bauer p. 193 Thembu: hoeing
‘The women, at least hereabout [Baziya], are not so much debased and
inferior as you often hear is the case in other nations, where they have to do
all the hard work, while the lords of creation are living a lazy life. When the
seed-time comes, I always see the men working with their hoes together with
the women. And in harvest time it is pretty much the same.’
1872 Chalmers p. 1 Xhosa: spade, plough
Nothing more.
1873 Brownlee p. 264 Xhosa: spade, plough
‘The Kaffirs, strictly speaking, are a pastoral people. When the missionaries
first came among them, cultivation was carried on to but a very limited extent,
and their only instrument of husbandry was a two-bladed wooden spade. In
those warlike days it was considered a degradation for a man to cultivate.
At present, ploughs are coming into use, and the principal occupation of the
women is to hoe their crops, in which they are generally assisted by the men.’
(1874) Korner p. 175 Xhosa: bird scaring
“‘Deshalb tiberzieht man das Feld mit Faden, die am Geriist zusammen-
laufen. Das Madchen zerrt an diesen Faden, um dadurch die Végel zu ver-
scheuchen; gegen Heuschrecken wendet sie Qualm von schmauchenden
Brennstoffen an.’
(1883) Cape of Good Hope Cape tribes: land tenure
Appendices C, and D pars. 23-27, discussion.
(1894) Ratzel 1 p. 656, fig. General: grain
224 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1896) Brownlee p. 173 Cape tribes: use of spade
Nothing more.
(1904) Kidd Mpondo: carrying, winnowing
His plates 76, 78.
(1912) Ayliff & Whiteside pp. 19,46 . Fingo: tobacco, spades
p. 19 Fingo: tobacco
‘In order to acquire cattle, the Fingoes grew tobacco, and prepared it
with great care. They packed it in small rush baskets which they hid in their
huts until a favourable opportunity to sell it was found. Under the pretence of
visiting a relative .. . they would form a party and start like so many pedlars
carrying small baskets of tobacco on their heads. When they arrived at their
journey’s end, they bartered the tobacco for cattle... .
These articles they did not use, but reserved them for barter with other
tribes for cattle, contenting themselves with earthen pots for cooking and
brewing native beer and with wooden impliments [sic] for breaking up the soil.’
p. 46 Fingo: spade
‘Fourteen years ago [i.e. 1832] the Fingoes had been accustomed to dig
Hintsa’s gardens with a piece of sneezewood sharpened at the end. One of
these, after he was converted, threw away his sneezewood spade, purchased
English garden implements, etc., etc.’
(1916) Kingon pp. 183, 184, 187 Cape tribes: spade, plough, land tenure
p. 183-4 Cape tribes: spade, plough
Nothing more.
pemlton Cape tribes: land tenure
Nothing more.
(1919) McLaren p. 444 Xhosa: picks, hoes
‘The original hoe or pick, ing-xobonga, for breaking up, kubela, and
cultivating, Jima, land, and also the original spade for scoffling or clearing
away weeds, um-hlakulo, were both made of sneezewood, um-tati, or ironwood,
um-hlebe, the hardest and toughest woods obtainable. The head of the pick
was fixed as described above in the case of the axe-head, but, it was set at an
acute angle to give greater purchase, and the user bent down considerably in
using it. The wooden spade, for the sake of balance, was made much longer in
the head and proportionately shorter in the shaft than our iron spades. The
maker of hoes and spades was called um-bazi or incibi yemiti.’
(1920) Kingon p. 142 Cape tribes: land tenure
(Full and useful survey of changes in land tenure from communal to
individual.)
(19265) Miiller pp. 23, 27, 28, 29 Hlubi: agricultural implements
Da25 Hlubi: winnowing
‘Um das Korn von Staub und Unreinigkeiten zu befreien, die es beim
Ausschlagen oder beim Aufbewahren in den Hausern oder Sacken angenommen
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 225
hat, muss es zuerst ausgeweht werden. Die Frau fillt einen offenen, breiten,
schiisselahnlichen Korb mit Korn, hebt ihn mit beiden Armen tiber den Kopf
und lasst die K6rner aus dem leicht geneigten Korbe langsam zur Erde rieseln.
Auf diesem Wege entfiihrt der fast immer herrschende Wind allen Staub und
alle Schalen, so dass das Korn sich ziemlich rein auf dem Boden aufhauft.’
jo atl Hlubi: hoe, plough
‘In friiheren Zeiten haben die Kaffern wohl einfach mit der Hacke den
Boden nach der Ruhe des Winters wieder umgebrochen. Ich vermute, dass
diese Arbeit fast ausschliesslich der Frau zufiel. Heutzutage pfliigen die Manner
mit europdischen Pfliigen, und zwar bevorzugen sie in dem schweren Boden
die schweren Pfliige mit Holzgestell, obwohl ihnen auch elegante, schlank-
gebaute, eiserne oder stahlerne, angeboten werden.’
p. 28 Hlubi: hoe
Nothing more. ;
poy 29 Hlubi: threshing-floor
‘Die Tenne befindet sich meist mitten oder am Rande des Feldes, und ist
ein grosser runder, hartgetretener Platz, auf dem besonders das Kafferkorn
ausgedroschen wird, wahrend die Maiskolben meistens nach Hause gefahren
und dort durch Reiben der Kolben aneinander von den K6rnern befreit werden.’
(1929) Kawa p. 84 Fingo: implement
‘Ikuba labo laliba ligaba, uluti ke olo olwalubazwa Iwenziwe bukali
encakamini....’ [Their plough was a hoe (igaba), a stick which was sharpened
at the tip. |
(1932) Soga pp. 381, 382-383, 393 Xhosa: changes in method, spade
pp. 381, 382 Xhosa: introduction of new implements
Nothing more.
p. 383 Xhosa: plough
‘More than a hundred years ago the first European plough was introduced
among the Xhosa. The iron hoe also came in at the same time. The expense of
the former, and the necessity of training oxen which had never previously been
used for the purposes of agriculture induced the Natives to go in more exten-
sively for the hoe. The hoe was supreme for many years, but gradually the
plough made its way into favour.’
p393 Xhosa: spade, new implements
‘In olden times agriculture was of a very primitive character. A piece of
um-Tati wood (Pteroxylon utile or Sneezewood) was shaped into the form
of a primitive spade (ikuba), flattened and sharpened at the digging end, and
rounded for holding, for the remainder of its length. Its usual length was about
two feet. It was necessary, therefore, that the agriculturalist should sit down in
order to do the digging. According to the industry of the individual was the
extent of the ground turned up. ... Changes have come about in this particular
as in others, through the advent of the European, who has introduced modern
implements of agriculture—the iron hoe with its long handle, enabling the
226 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
worker to stand while cultivating, and the modern plough. These have super-
seded the simple uwm-Tati spade. They have altered also the food question, in
that now much larger crops of grain are secured, which has taken the place of
milk as the principal article of diet.’
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 71-74, 85-86, 88, 101 Mpondo: method, implements
joe Jl Mpondo: crops, clearing land
‘Crops grown by the Pondo before contact with Europeans were maize’,
(‘Note 1. This is what the Pondo say. Maize is, of course, not indigenous to
Africa.’) “millet, sorghum, various kinds of pumpkin, and calabashes. Sweet
potatoes, ... peas, and beans are said to be comparatively recent introductions.
Tobacco and hemp have been grown for long; I could get no evidence as to
the date of their introduction. Maize is now the staple crop. Formerly it is said
that millet was more largely grown, but in many districts it was attacked by a
disease. .. . Gardens are made in the valleys, on the banks of rivers, and on the
steep slopes of the valley walls... . The silt on the banks of the large rivers is
known to be the most fertile land, and the next best that where bush has grown.
For this reason bush is often cleared to make fields, even when open grass-land
is available.’
p. 74 Mpondo: method, implements
‘Formerly the implements used for cultivation were izikhu6a, sharpened
sticks, 2 to 3 feet in length, made of hard wood (Pteroxylon utile, or Milletia
caffra, or Acacia horrida). Both ends were sharpened and hardened by fire.
The cultivator squatted on her heels, held the stick in both hands, and dug with
the sharpened point. Iron was smelted, and iron hoes are said to have been made
before contact with Europeans, but these must have been few in number.’
‘Seed is scattered over the ground and then hoed or ploughed in. Women
hoeing keep a supply of seed in their mouths and spit it out as they go along.
The ploughman usually scatters it first and then ploughs.’
pp. 85-86 Mpondo: threshing
‘To thresh millet a hut is swept clean, the heads piled in the middle of the
floor, and then beaten with heavy sticks cut for the purpose. Maize may also
be threshed in this way, but more often the grains are broken off from the cob
by hand. Husbands assist their wives in threshing with flails, and when a work
party is made to shell mealies men and women work together, but again the
greater part of the work is done by women.’
p. 88 Mpondo: sledges
‘Nowadays, when the land is ploughed and the grain is brought back
from the fields in sledges, it is usual for two or three imizi to combine for plough-
ing and cartage, each supplying part of the necessary tackle or team. One umzi
possesses a plough, another yokes and skeys, another a chain, each may con-
tribute a yoke of oxen.’
p. 101 Mpondo: sledge
‘Old techniques have been put to new ends in making the yokes and skeys
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 227
necessary for ploughing, and sledges for drawing grain. The base of the sledge
is a forked tree-trunk. Wickerwork sides are built on to it in the same technique
as the old doors and meat trays. Hides are cut into strips, which are tied on to
a branch and twisted and retwisted to make supple “‘reims”’ for yoking.’
(1937) Soga p. 118 Xhosa: hoes
‘Be kulinywa ngesingxa zemiti nezomnonono ekutiwa ukubizwa kwazo
‘“vimihlakulo”. Ibazwa zincibi ibe macala mabini (ntlangoti mbini).’ [Hoeing
was done with digging-sticks (wgxa) of wood, e.g. of the Strychnos (wmnonono),
and these were called imihlakulo. They were sharpened by experts so as to have
two working ends.]
(1939) Duggan-Cronin p. 27 Xhosa: digging-stick
Nothing more.
| (1939) Goodwin pp. 445-463 ; South Africa: origin of food plants
| General discussion.
(1944) Fazan p. 45 Transkei: survey of land
| ‘The proclamation which inaugurated the system of land tenure in the
Transkei was No. 227 of 1898. It followed the general lines of the Glen Grey
Act of 1894. One of the chief provisions was that: “The locations shall be
surveyed, and the available extent of arable land therein, after due allowance
has been made for commonage and dwelling sites, and after allotments to
claimants specially mentioned as hereinbefore provided, shall be divided into
allotments of four morgen each, more or less.” The proclamation has only been
applied to seven of the twenty-seven districts of the Transkei... .’
1945 Makalima chap. 4 pars. 48-49, 51, 61
par. 48 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: hoes
: ‘Into ekwakuhlakulwa ngayo—Kudala bekusenziwa amakuba ngomtati,
kuhlakulwe ngawo. Ngezi mini sekuhlakulwa ngamakuba asesiLungwini
entsimbi.’
[In the olden times hoes were made out of sneezewood and the people
weeded the fields with them. Nowadays lands are cultivated by means of
European iron hoes.|]
par. 49 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: trap for baboons
‘Imfene zona ziyatiyelwa ngomgibe, kungenjalo zibekelwe inyoka ijingiswe
elutini. Imfene ziya yoyika kakulu inyoka. Ziti zakuyibona zikale zibaleke.
Inkawu zitiyelwa ngeselwa nokuba ngu mxoxozi ugqojozwe, wenziwe intunjana
ziti ngokufuna intanga ezi, zifake isandla, kanti nokuba sekuteni, inkawu
ayinako ukusikupa isandla se ifumbate intanga. Iti ke ibulawelwe apo ngu-
mnini ntsimi ngokufika ayibete.’
[A trap was used to catch the baboons and if that was not done, a stick
was pitched in the ground with a snake hanging on it. Baboons are very much
afraid of a snake. On seeing it, they screamed and ran away. Monkeys are
trapped by means of a calabash or the Kaffir water melon in which a hole
Ue
228 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
was made, and in trying to get the pips out they would put a paw in, yet on no
account will a monkey draw out a clenched paw with pips in it. It was killed
on the spot by the owner of the land by beating it.]
Dare! Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: sling to chase birds
‘Ngamaxa wambi ziyatsawulwa intaka ngotsawulo lodongwe ne ntswazi.’
[At other times they drive birds away by putting a piece of clay on the point
of a switch and hurling it off at them.]
par. 61 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: threshing
‘Indawo ekubhulelwa kuyo: Indawo ekubhulelwa kuyo, umgangato iyaridwa
kakuhle ize isindwe igude. Kwenzelwa ukuba umbona aze angalumezi, anga-
binahlalutye. Amazimba wona abhulelwa paya emasimini akusikwa aposwe
ndawonye ezizadulwane aposwe esandeni. Lento isisando iba lilitye elite
tebelele, paya entsimini okanye kutshentwe kwenziwe ibalana eliti ke liridwe,
lisindwe, emva koko kubhulelwa kulondawo ngamadodana ngezibhulo zomti,
kuti kwakugqitywa intlaba le, yeliwengabafazi, bancediswe ngabafana aba
ngokuwasusasusa amazimba.’
[The place for threshing is a floor that has been stamped down and smeared
with mud and cow dung. It is smoothed out with a round stone. This is done
to avoid the mealies getting mixed with gravel. Kaffir corn is threshed in the
fields after the ears have been cut off. They are put together in bundles and
thrown on the threshing floor. The threshing floor is a flat rock in the field
or a spot cleaned up with a spade. It is smeared with mud and cow-dung. The
young men thresh the kaffir corn with thick sticks on that spot. When this is
finished the grain is winnowed by the women with the assistance of the young
men. |
(1949) Duggan-Cronin p. 13, pl. 50 Mpondo: crops, hoes,
cultivation, winnowing
Nothing more.
1949-1955 Hammond-Tooke (1955) pp. 18, 19 Bhaca: crops, lands, methods
p. 18 Bhaca: crops
‘The main crops are maize (umbona), sorghum (amabele), beans, various
kinds of pumpkin (iselwa, usolontsi, usenza), marrows (iigalonci) and melons
(umxoxozi). Some of the more educated people grow potatoes, cabbages and
other vegetables but their number is still very small. In the deeper river valleys
a certain amount of tobacco is grown and sold to traders. According to Bryant
(1929: 376) the only crops grown prior to the coming of the Europeans were
uphoko (Eleusine coracana), pumpkins and gourds. In later years, probably
about the beginning of the 19th century, a variety of short kaffir corn (Sorghum
caffrorum) and later a type of maize, called ungoye by the Zulu, were introduced.’
pals Bhaca: lands
Nothing more.
p. 18 Bhaca: plough
‘By no means every household owns a plough and there is co-operation
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 229
between residents in a locality (isigodzi)— usually clansmen—one man supplying
oxen, another the yoke, and so on.’
plo Bhaca: gardens
‘Each umti (household), in addition to its fields which are almost invariably
situated some distance away with the fields of the other households of the
locality, has a garden, usually next to the cattle kraal, where the first planting
is done so that the family will have early green mealies. These gardens are often
attractively hedged with aloes.’
palo Bhaca: doctoring of seed
‘Nowadays there is no public ceremony before planting but formerly no
one was permitted to begin ploughing before the chief had doctored the seed.
On an appointed day the representatives of each household assembled at the
great place carrying small baskets (dingcekance) containing seeds of kaffir corn
and maize that had been set aside the previous year for planting. The grain
was placed in large baskets containing seed from the fields of the great place
and previously doctored with special medicines to ensure fertility so that ‘“‘the
seed of the people would get blessing from that of the chief”. The iingcekance
were then refilled and taken home where the rest of the seed of the umti was
mixed with it, receiving blessing in its turn.’
(1954) Walton pp. 24 ff Southern Africa: sledges
Discussion; nothing more.
1949-1960 Hammond-Tooke (1962) Bhaca: agricultural implements,
pp. 16, 17-18, 20, 147-148, 293 methods
p. 16 Bhaca: agricultural implements
‘Bush is cleared by chopping it out with an axe and both men and women
co-operate in this work. Formerly implements used for cultivation were crude
in the extreme being practically confined to a digging-stick sharpened at both
ends. Since contact with Whites the iron hoe has been adopted, greatly facili-
tating work, and of later years (since c. 1890) the use of the plough has become
universal. Not every household, by any means, owns a plough, and there is
often co-operation between neighbours, one man supplying the oxen, another
the yoke, and so on, particularly if they are relatives.’
pp. 17-18 Bhaca: crops, blessing of seed
Nothing more.
p. 20 Bhaca: threshing
‘The grain is removed from the cob by standing it on a stone or block of
wood and striking off the grains with a piece of iron made from the hoop of
a barrel. Occasionally the grains are removed by hand but this is a painful and
lengthy process. Alternatively the maize may be threshed. The cobs are piled in
a heap in a hut, which has been cleared and swept clean, and beaten by men
with long poles. All other forms of grain removal are done by the women.
Kaffir corn is threshed in the same way, but outside the hut with light poles.
It is reaped in the same way as maize, but with a sickle, and a certain amount
230 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
is gathered, before the reaping proper, for beer and marewu (fermented gruel).’
p. 147 Bhaca: rights over land
‘Rights of cultivation were obtained merely by turning over the ground
with a hoe, and there was no limit to the number of fields a woman might
cultivate.’
p. 147 Bhaca: sale of land and homesteads
‘Today the old system has been modified. With the stabilization of tribal
and location boundaries and the increase in population causing pressure on
the land (the population density is estimated at 82 persons per square mile),
the right to grant the exclusive right to cultivate certain areas is reserved to
the Bantu Affairs Commissioner, for with Annexation all land became the
property of the State. Rights of cultivation are inalienable, and, on the removal
by death of the cultivator, the land reverts to the State as, under the Native
Land Act of 1936, the district was gazetted as Scheduled Native Area. The only
exceptions to this are four privately-owned Native farms with an area totalling
about 3,016 morgen. A widow has the right to continue to cultivate the fields
she cultivated as a wife, and, in reallocating land, the eldest son of the deceased
is given preference if he has not already got sufficient land.’
p. 148 Bhaca: allocation of fields or plots
‘Fields are separated from each other by strips of long grass (iminyele)
left between them, and aloes are also sometimes planted for this purpose. When
a field is allocated the headman marks the boundaries with cairns of stones or
by knotting the grass at the corners. We have already discussed the common
preference for two or three small plots in place of one large one because of the
greater chance of striking fertile soil or avoiding hail or blight.’
jos AES Bhaca: seasonal calendar of work
Discussion.
1956-8 Hammond-Tooke (19585) pp. 41, 43
p. 41 Xhosa: modern methods, crops, old methods
‘Apart from these Trust properties the tribal areas continue to be culti-
vated, to a large extent, by primitive methods and it is estimated that at least
haif the land in the Scheduled Native Areas needs resting. There is no rota-
tion of crops, and maize and kaffir corn are planted in the same fields year after
year... . About 14 tons of fertilizer is used annually by the average peasant
farmer. ... The staple crops are maize, kaffir corn, beans and a little wheat. ...
Not much kaffir corn is grown, although two-thirds of the district is more
suitable for it than for maize. . . . One of the reasons why kaffir corn is not
grown to a greater extent is that many of the children are away at school and
there is no-one to scare the birds away from the crops.’
p. 43 Xhosa: table of crops
List of crops.
(1969) Holt pp. 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210 Tshezi: agricultural practice
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 231
p. 205 Tshezi: land tenure
‘Formerly when the Tshezi were still a small group and land was plentiful,
a man could find land almost anywhere he chose. But today things are different.
The people have increased (a matter of pride) but the land is small (a matter
of regret). Neither headman nor chief any more, and not even the tribal authority
as a whole, may authorise occupation of allotments but only the Bantu Affairs
Commissioner (though usually on their recommendation) and a residential site
provides only sufficient room for a man’s homestead... .’
‘As well as applying for a residential site, a Tshezi man applies for a field
or fields for his wife or wives. . . . The applicant for an arable site follows the
same routine as for a residential site... .’
p. 206 Tshezi: size of lands
‘Arable sites may not exceed 5 morgen, but few are so large. The average
is said to be 3 morgen [2,57 ha]. Usually these fields are some distance from the
homestead. They are not fenced, but if two fields are adjacent to each other, a
line of tall grass (idobo) will be left growing between them as a boundary line.’
p. 207 Tshezi: choice of site
*. . . the valleys and especially the river-banks are preferred for arable
sites... . Now, however, owing to the population explosion and the consequent
land scarcity fields are to be found everywhere, . . . even (an unknown thing
some years back) reaching down the inclines close to the sea.’
ps 209 Tshezi: land tenure
“There is no individual land tenure anywhere among the Tshezi, or their
neighbours the Tshomane and the Bomvana, as there is in some other parts of
the Transkei.’
p. 210 Tshezi: digging-stick, hoe, plough
‘Old people living today still remember having heard from their grand-
parents of the time when fields were prepared for grain by means of digging
sticks (izinti). This must have severely offset the advantage of being able to
have as much land as one wanted for tilling. Then traders and missionaries
introduced the hand-hoe, which was soon widely adopted. The single-furrow
plough came next, introduced, it is said, by a missionary.’
TERMS
igaba 1. pick or hoe, D, general except Bo (from-gaba ‘dig with a pick or hoe’),
denotes the imported article. 2. sharpened stick used for cultivation
(Fgo—Kawa p. 84) 313
ikhuba 1. (Em) originally iron pick or hoe the pointed end of which was put
through a wooden handle; now it means an ordinary Kafir hoe; a plough,
D X T Bo Mp Mpm Fgo Xes Hlu. 2. wooden spade, T Bh (X-Soga)
(T—Makalima). 3. now also general for plough (from -khuba ‘dig with
pick or hoe’ D) 314
isikhuba 1. old hoe or spade, D. 2. single-bladed wooden spade of sneezewood,
Mp. 3. sharpened stick (Mp-—Hunter) 315
232 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ingxobonga (-ngxobonga pick, hoe (X —McLaren 1915)) pick, D (X—McLaren
1915), otherwise not 316
umhlakulo 1. hoe, spade, plough, D. 2. old-style wooden spade, T Xes (X—
Lichtenstein 1811, 1: 655 slak’hulo ‘hélzerne [sic] Spaten’) (X—McLaren
1915). 3. European-made spade, X Bo Mp (from -hlakula weed) 317
isikwelo (unaspirated no vb) 1. (Em) boy’s digging-stick for digging up roots,
=isikhwili, D (but note, D does not say isikhwili is for digging) 2. not
confirmed 318
isikhwili, ukhwili 1. sharp-pointed stick, shaped like an assegai, used by boys,
D, general (presumably for digging, cf. 318 isikwelo). 2. not confirmed 319
ulugxa sharp-pointed stick or iron rod for digging roots or clay, D X Mp Xes
320
isigxa 1. stony, bushy place, D. 2. old style sneezewood digging-stick, Xes. 321
inkwitshi 1. sling, made of stripped maize cob fastened on switch and hurled
away, D. 2. stick with cob or clay on end for hurling at birds (X—McLaren
1915). 3. unknown, X Bo Mp 322 (1079)
igonga elevated place for storing fruit, corn, etc; store, shelf, D, general, for
various purposes, as rack for sticks, firewood, platform on poles built in
fields for crop-watchers; rough bedstead of sticks made and used by healed
abakhwetha (Bo-Cook) 323 (86, 109, 505, 1025)
intsawula switch for hurling clay, T Mp Mpm Xes 324
intsawulo (from verb -sawula, -tsawula) switch for hurling lump of clay, nD X
Bo, general 325
uswazi switch, D, general 326 (959)
irengqa, irengge 1. sickle, D. 2. store-bought sickle, general 327
ikrele 1. short-handled assegai used in hand to hand conflict, D. 2. sickle
bought from store, Bo but other Bo deny it 328
isanda threshing-floor, D, general 329
isibaya 1. fold for sheep or calves; fold for Kafircorn before it is threshed out,
D. 2. this first meaning is general except that Bh Mp Mpm and Xes use
the word for any cattle kraal, as in Zulu 330 (95)
isibhulo 1. stick for threshing out corn, flail, D, general. 2. act of threshing, Mp.
3. thick stick, Xes Bh (from -bhula ‘beat out, thresh’) 331
isimbatyulo scourge or flail, D (from -mbatyula denoting the action) 332
isileyi sleigh (from Dutch slee), D, general 333 (1096)
umgodla 1. (Em) pocket, D. 2. bag of calf-skin, Xes. 3. bag of ox-hide, Bh.
4. grain bag of two soft hides, Hlu 334
umgodlo 1. nD. 2. bag made of ikhwane rushes, T and others 335
intlwayelelo 1. bag made of rushes for preserving seed, D. 2. also calabash for
preserving seed, Bo. 3. not known Mp Bh. 4. ingobozi basket or other
receptacle held in the hand to hold seed whilst sowing. Not for storing
seed, as the form of the word does not allow this meaning, and in olden
days seed was kept on the cob, hanging from roof, T (from -h/wayela ‘sow’,
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 233
therefore ‘something for sowing from’). 1-2 may be due to misunder-
standing 336
ingobozi 1. large elastic basket for storing corn, D. 2. garden basket, general.
3. small pot-shaped closely woven basket (Bo—-Beukes) 337 (538)
ingxowa bag, usually made of the skin of a kid flayed whole; sack; pocket, D,
general 338 (948, 969)
isilulu 1. light but very large basket for storing corn, made of coarse grass,
with a narrow mouth, D. 2. learnt from South Sotho, Hlu Xes Bh. 3.
conical garden basket, T. 4. storage for maize, made like crib on sleigh,
covered and plastered, Mp. 5. not as generally known as might have been
expected from the nature of the article, and probably is the Zulu isilulu
grain-storage basket introduced by the Fingo. 339 (103)
isiludu (Xhosa pron. of Sotho word seroto) medium-sized basket for carrying,
Hlu Bh Fgo; style adopted from Sotho, Bh 340 (543)
isiximba 1. nD. 2. grass bin for maize, made like crib on sleigh, covered and
plastered, Bh. 3. basket made of maize husks, for carrying seed (Mp-
Poto Ndamase) 341 (104)
unyati (Bh pron. of Zulu wnyazi) 1. nD. 2. large basket for carrying corn, Bh
342
DISCUSSION
Agriculture used to be almost entirely the woman’s domain, but with the
change of implements since the early part of the nineteenth century men have
come to take a considerable part in it.
LAND
The idea of ownership of land was foreign to the Cape Nguni. Everyone
was entitled to cultivate a portion, and the chief would settle disputes. This
is still the case over a large area of the present Transkei and Ciskei, but in
some districts the land has been officially surveyed into building and gardening
lots for individual use. Latterly many districts have been surveyed into suitable
grazing land and suitable arable land and the people have been persuaded to
reserve them for such uses and to build on the less fertile ground. In Pondoland
large lands are seen.
In addition to the main lands, there was usually a small fenced garden at
the homestead.
Most of the information available in the literature before the twentieth
century refers to the Xhosa and Thembu and a little to the Fingo.
METHODS
In former times, when a choice of site was possible, the bottoms of the
valleys or the bushy hill-sides were chosen to make lands, as being more sheltered
and fertile. When new ground had to be cleared of bush or forest, this was the
men’s work. Bushes and trees were cut down, piled up and burnt. Each wife
234 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
then had her own land to cultivate. The women spread the ashes, which thus
helped to fertilize, and this was the only fertilizer used. They then smoothed
over the ground, sowed the seed, and dug it in very shallowly with a digging-
stick or a wooden spade. They squatted or knelt to work and gripped the shaft
of the implement with both hands. If the ground was already clear of trees and
bushes the seed was spread on the grass which was then dug over and allowed
to rot. Or, when the seedlings were up and the grass had dried, it was gathered
into heaps and burnt, and the ash spread. When the seedlings began to appear,
the men fenced the lands, generally with thorn bush, to keep out wild animals.
The successful growth of crops was assisted by the use of field medicines, and
in former times, certainly amongst Bhaca and probably other tribes too, no
planting might be done until the chief had blessed the seed.
According to Paravicini di Capelli, if the tribe was at war, care was taken
of the herds, but the crops were neglected and the tribe might thus be several
years without agriculture.
With the gradual restriction of movement there was less clearing of new
ground. At the same time, when iron hoes and eventually ploughs began to be
generally used, a larger area of ground could be cultivated.
Among the Immigrant Cape Nguni, who were using iron hoes when they
entered the country, men helped with the hoeing, and ploughs brought the men
of all the Cape Nguni into the work on account of the use of cattle with which
women had nothing to do. Later, Thembu men were said to help with the
hoeing too. Thembu men in the Herschel district did most of the work in the
fields, but if hail was threatening, as in 1961, the women helped to bring in the
harvest. Elsewhere women do the harvesting but men appear always to have
helped with threshing the corn, and latterly have driven the oxen that drag the
sledges, in which it is carried home. Otherwise agricultural practice is much
the same now as it has always been, except where entirely new modern agri-
cultural method has been adopted. Mpondo women used to hold the seed in
their mouths and spit it out as they hoed; ploughmen, however, scattered the
seed before ploughing.
The gardens are weeded at intervals and some seedlings are thinned out.
Little regular watering is done, nor is the land irrigated.
When the sorghum crops begin to ripen women and children watch them
continuously during the daylight hours to keep the birds, baboons and other
game away.
Fences used to be broken at the end of the harvest, but nowadays the
lands are unfenced, and the small home gardens are permanently fenced.
CROPS
The crops mentioned by the early writers, and still the most important
today, are millet (Pennisetum sp.), sorghum (Holcus sorghum), maize (Zea mays),
several varieties of bean, pumpkins, melons, tobacco and dagga (Cannabis
sativa). There is considerable disagreement about the time and route by which
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 235
maize reached the southern Bantu, though it is thought to have reached Africa
at the Congo mouth in 1560. The literature for the Cape Nguni does not throw
much light on the matter. The survivors of S. Alberto recorded only millet
(?sorghum) at the Umtata River in 1593. The next records are two centuries
later, when maize was seen among Mpondo and Xhosa. In the meantime it had
been recorded in 1633 by the survivors of Nossa Senhora de Belem in southern
Natal, and Van Riebeeck had introduced it at the Cape in 1658. Gourds were
mentioned in 1686, as were a type of ground-nut, not now known. As well as
sorghum, Alberti (1802-6) mentioned ‘boekwit’ (?buckwheat). It was stored in
the hut, and it is not clear to what he referred.
IMPLEMENTS
The main implement with which the ground was tilled in former times by
Xhosa, Thembu and Mpondo was a spade (umhlakulo; Mpondo isikhuba),
about 60 cm to 90 cm long, the shaft being about 5 cm in diameter, with a blade
at each end 10 to 15 cm wide. The descriptions are not always clear, but the
same shape was probably used throughout the area. According to Soga there
was a blade at one end only, but this is not confirmed either in literature or by
the actual specimen in the South African Museum (PI. 34: 5). It was usually
made of sneezewood (umthathi) but other hard woods, such as Kaffir ironwood
(umhlebe), were used as well. This implement had its place in the marriage
ceremony, when an old woman holding a spade, would tell the bride that she
must cultivate well.
In addition a pointed stake or digging-stick (ulugxa), 120 to 140 cm long,
was used for digging out roots, or, according to the earlier authors, for actual
tillage. (It was also used for digging out clay.) According to McLaren it was
sometimes weighted with a bored stone in the Bushman manner but this is not
confirmed. Hunter states that the Mpondo hardened both ends by fire.
The vocabulary has ingxobonga (a pick), which McLaren described as
made of sneezewood or ironwood, with a head fixed into a haft like an axe
head, but at a more acute angle (the inference is that the head is of wood, but
this is not clear). This was not known to our field informants, nor is it mentioned
elsewhere in the literature.
It is not clear to what type of implement the word igaba was originally
given. According to Kawa it was a digging-stick. It is not otherwise mentioned
in the literature, and modern informants used it, if at all, for the store-bought
hoe, more commonly called ikhuba. Ikhuba was the name used by the Immigrant
Cape Nguni for the proper hoe that they brought with them when they entered
the Cape. It had a large iron head, the pointed tang of which was fixed into a
wooden haft (PI. 34: 2).
The missionaries who began to enter the country at the beginning of the
nineteenth century soon introduced, among the Xhosa and the Thembu,
Furopean style spades, ploughs and iron-headed hoes (PI. 34: 3) which gradually
replaced the wooden spade and digging-stick, and the iron hoe of the immi-
236 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
grants. The iron spade was at first gripped with both hands above the blade
in the same way as the wooden spade. The hoe (igaba) which was and still is
bought without a haft so that the owner has to make his own, was at first more
popular than the plough (ikhuba), because it was cheaper, was needed in any
case for weeding as well as the initial turning over of the ground and, according
to Doéhne, gave just as good results. Moreover, it did not cause the sociological
revolution of the plough—women could continue to work with an iron hoe,
whereas oxen had to pull a plough, which meant that men had to inspan and
drive them since women had nothing to do with cattle. Nowadays, however,
the plough is widely used at sowing time and hoes are still used for weeding.
Korner reported that the Xhosa fixed strings across the garden, and when
birds came the crop-watcher scared them by shaking the strings. He also
reported that locusts were kept away by smoke from fires. For baboons calabash
traps were set, or the Thembu hung up a snake on a stick to frighten them.
Today crop-watchers usually sit on a platform (igonga) erected in the fields, and
shout at the birds or fling lumps of mud from the end of a pliant stick (intsawulo)
(Pl. 34: 1). Temporary huts (iphempe) are erected at the edges of the fields for
the watchers.
According to Alberti, a usually reliable source and from whom certainly
Lichtenstein, and probably Smith, took the information, a spear was used
formerly for cutting the crops at harvest time. The fact that the name ikrele,
formerly a specific type of spear, is now given by some to the store-bought
sickle that is used for cutting grass, and according to Hammond-Tooke by the
Bhaca for sorghum, seems to confirm this.
For threshing, the ears of sorghum were laid on a hard floor (isanda) of
clay and dung usually made in the fields, or in a fenced enclosure at the home-
stead. The latter is now replaced by the floor of the store hut. The Mpondo
preferred a hard floor on the inkundla (W. D. Hammond-Tooke pers. comm.
c. 1955). According to Makalima, the Thembu sometimes used a flat rock in
the fields. Maize is threshed on the floor of the store hut, if it is threshed at all.
It is more often husked and shelled by hand.
Any stick, thick for maize, thin for sorghum, or several in a bundle, serves
as a flail (isibhulo), and is prepared when the crops are ripe. Sometimes a club
or the door-bar is used (Pl. 34: 4).
PLATE 34
Agricultural implements.
1. Crop-watching woman on igonga platform, with intsawula ready to throw at birds,
Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
‘Caffre Woman’ with hoe, c. 1850 (Walker 1851, pl. 37).
Woman with hoe, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
isibhulo, flail, 560 mm, Xhosa; Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
umhlakulo, spade, 1050 mm, Mpondo (SAM-1423).
WR WN
237
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
“ eens TERN
238 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Winnowing is done in a gentle breeze, either by throwing the grain up in
the air, or by pouring it slowly from a basket to the ground, or into another
basket (Pl. 35: 1). In either case the grain falls to the ground and the chaff is
blown away. The Thembu visited in the Herschel district in 1961, made a fire
if there was no wind for winnowing, to create a breeze.
The Immigrant Cape Nguni used to make skin bags (umgodla) into which
the threshed corn was put for loading on pack-oxen and carrying from the
land. The Cape Nguni formerly used the large garden baskets (ingobozi, isirudu,
unyati) (Pl. 35: 2-3, 5) which are still used for grain and other crops. They
can take up to 22 kg and are carried on the head. In recent times all tribes
made a triangular sledge (isi/eyi)(P1. 25: 3) to which oxen were harnessed and
the bulk of the crop was transported home on it. In Pondoland, and probably
elsewhere, several homesteads might combine to produce all the necessary
equipment. The style of making the sledge varied in different areas, but not,
as far as could be seen, tribally. The base was either the forked trunk of a tree,
or two large logs joined at an angle, to which wattled or slatted sides and floor
were added. However, the sledge has fallen into disfavour because it creates
erosion and in many areas it is banned.
Skin bags (inxhowa) are said to have been used, as well as the garden
baskets, to carry threshed or shelled maize to the pits.
Threshed corn was stored as described previously (Shaw & Van Warmelo
1972: 95-99), and that set aside for daily use was kept in large baskets or pots.
ANIMAL HUSBANDRY
SOURCES
1593 Lavanha (1597) pp. 234-235, 244 Cape tribes: butter, milk-sack
p. 234-235 South of Umtata R.: butter
‘O gado he muito gordo, tenro, saboroso, e grande, (sendo os pastos
grocissimos) o mais delle mocho, e a mayor parte sa6 vacas, em cujo numero
e abundancia consistem as suas riquezas, e sustenta6d-se do leite dellas, e da
manteiga que delle fazem.’
(p. 293 “Their cattle are very fat, tender, well flavoured, and large, the
PLATE 35
Agricultural utensils.
Woman winnowing corn, Mpondo, c. 1900 (Kidd 1904, pl. 78).
ingobozi, garden basket, diameter 405 mm, Mpondo; Libode 1936 (SAM-6058).
isirudu, garden basket, diameter 500 mm, Thembu; Xalanga 1935 (TM 35/466).
intlwayelelo, seed basket, diameter 162 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/354).
Mpondo women returning from fields with baskets of produce; Port St Johns c. 1935
(photo Mrs F. Clarke).
intlwayelelo, seed basket, 255 mm high, Bomvana; Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
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240 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
pastures being very rich. Most of them are hornless, and the greater number are
cows, in the abundance of which their riches consist. They use milk and the
butter which they make from it.’)
p. 244 Umzimvubu: milk-sack
‘E sobindo hum monte, que junto do alojamento estava, déra6 em hum
bom caminho, e muy povoado, ao qual vinha6d, os negroes com muito leite,
e davao hum folle, que teria meyo almude, por tres e quatro tachas de bomba.’
(p. 303 ‘Climbing a mountain which was near the camping place, they
came upon a good road, where many negroes brought a quantity of milk, of
which they gave a leather bag full... .’)
1622 Almada (1625) pp. 34, 36 ?Between Fish and Bashee R.: domestic stock
p. 34 ?Between Fish and Kei R.: sheep
‘O Rey desta comarca veyo ver o Capita6 muy authorizado, trazendo hu
fermoso carneyro de sinco quartos para lhe comprarem, & pedio por elle mais
do que custava hua grande vaca.’
(p. 102 ‘The king of this district came to see the captain with great osten-
tation, bringing a fine sheep with a very large tail to sell to him, and he asked
more for it than the price of a large cow.’)
[Os 36 Near Bashee R.: hens
*,.. & aquella foy a primeyra onde vimos hua galinha, que nos nao quizera6
vender ... & chegando a hua aldea, aonde nos disserdo estava o seu Anguose,
que assim cham4o ao Rey naquellas partes, resgatames nella algumas galinhas;
que bastara6 para dar a cada duas pessoas hua.’
(p. 104 ‘this was the first place where we saw a hen, which they refused
to sell us.... When we reached a kraal where they told us their inkosi, as
they called the king in those parts, was, we traded for some hens and obtained
sufficient to allow one between every two persons.’)
1686 ‘Stavenisse’ (Godée Molsbergen 1922) p. 67 Xhosa: domestic animals
‘Het krieldter van koeijen, kalveren, ossen en bokken. Schapen sijn er
weinig.’
1687-8 ‘Centaurus’ p. 448 Xhosa: wild horses
‘Dit land krield van ongedierte, hier siet men d’elephanten, beeren, tigers,
wolven, en venijnighe slangen, daar loopen de wilde paarden, hebbende witte
maenen, witte voeten, en swarte staerten, onder d’eselen harte beesten en nog
meer onbekende dieren te saemen weijden.’
1772-6 Sparrman (1785) 2 p. 165 Xhosa: no sheep
‘. . . the Caffres, have no notion of the breeding of sheep, employing
themselves only in rearing horned cattle... .’
1782 Le Vaillant (1797-8) 1 p. 364 Gonaqua: baskets
‘... d’autres m’offrirent une abondante provision de lait dans des paniers
qui me paroissoient étre d’osier. . . . Ces jolis paniers se fabriquent avec des
roseaux ou des racines si déliées, et d’une texture si serrée, qu’ils peuvent servir
:
|
|
|
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 241
méme a porter de l’eau: ils m’ont été, pour cet usage, d’une grande ressource
dans la suite. Le chef des Gonaquois m’apprit qu’ils étoient l’ouvrage des
Caffres, avec lesquels ils les échangent contre d’autres objets.’
1782 Carter p. 60 Mbo: churn, butter
‘The milk was put into a leather bag, which being hung up in the middle
of the hut, was pushed backward and forward by two persons standing at the
sides; and this they continued to do, till the butter was arrived at a proper
state of consistence.
When it is properly prepared, they mix soot with it, to anoint their
bodies. This operation not only serves them as a security against the intense
heats of the climate, but renders them active, and gives them that agility which
the inhabitants of Africa are well known to exhibit both in the chace and in
battle.’ -
1782 Hubberly p. 112 Gqunukhwebe: milk-basket
‘The chief before the last of the cows were turned out brought a kind of
bowl made of rushes, but so closely wrought together as to hold liquid, of
which there was some in it. The new milk being then added, turned it instantly
to curds.’
1788 Von Winkelman (1778-9) p. 75 Xhosa: milking-thong, milk-sack
‘Ehe sie damit beginnen, pfeiffen sie immer zuvor, unnachahmlich schnel
und stark, um wie ich glaube die Kiihe dadurch stillstehend zu machen, dann
werffen sie der Kuh einen kurzen Riemen um die vordern Fiisse, und melken
sie dann ausserordentlich geschwinde in ihre Kérbgen. Diese Milch bringen
sie hernach in ihre Hitten und schiitten sie in ein zusammen genahtes Kalbsfell,
worinnen sie bald in Gahrung tibergeht; die denn so genossen und auch von
Reisenden sehr gut gefunden wird.’
1797 Barrow (1806) pp. 155-156, 176 Xhosa: care of cattie, dogs
De LSS Xhosa: cattle
‘In times of peace he [the Kaffer] leads the true pastoral life; his cattle
is his only care: he rarely kills one for his own consumption, except on some
particular occasion. When a stranger of distinction visits a Kaffer chief, he
selects from his herd the fattest ox, and divides it with his visitors.
p. 156 Xhosa: training of horns of cattle
‘The whole management of the cattle is left to the men, and they easily
render them uncommonly expert in comprehending their meaning. The horns
of their greatest favorites are twisted in their nascent state into very whimsical
forms. These are effected by grasping the young horn with hot irons till it
becomes soft, in which state the direction wished for is given to it. Those of
the ox on which the King rode were laid along each side of the neck with the
points just touching the shoulders.
Among their cattle was a particular breed different from any I had seen
in the colony.’
242 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 176 Xhosa: dogs
‘From some fires being seen at no great distance from the place of our
encampment and from the perpetual barking of the dogs after it grew dark,
we began to suspect that our motions were watched by the spies of one of the
parties, namely the Kaffer King, or the emigrant chiefs.’
1803 Howen, three paintings Xhosa: nose-strap, bridle, bent horns,
pack- and riding-oxen, dogs
1803 Paravicini di Capelli pp. 129, 133 Xhosa: cattle
jos 2) Xhosa: cattle-breeding
‘Het byna eenig en voornaam middel van bestaan is de veefokkery. .. .’
oh |e )Sitae Xhosa: care of cattle
‘De vrouwen schijnen het meeste werk te moeten doen, want eenige beesten
ter zijden afloopende, moesten zij ze aandrijven, zonder dat er zich één mans-
persoon mede moeide.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) pp. 36, 54, 107-108, 109, 110, 111
Xhosa: milk-baskets, milk-sack
15. 310 Xhosa: milk-baskets
‘De Melk wordt niet versch genuttigd; men laat die vooraf stremmen
en zuur worden, en wel zeer spoedig in Korven, die tot dit zelfde oogmerk
meermalend gediend hebben en alzoo reeds zuurstof bevatten. De kring-
vormige omtrek dezer Korven is bovenaan, doorgaans, tusschen 10 tot 16 Duim
middellijn van onderen naar evenredigheid iets ruimer; de wand is 1 tot 2
Lijnen dik, zelden dikker. . . . Ook wordt de Melk in platte lederen Zakken,
van 2 Voeten lengte en | Voet breedte, bewaard.’
p. 54, note Xhosa: butter
‘Deze Boter wordt bereid door het langen tijd heén en weder slingeren
van den Korf, reeds hiervoor beschreven, die grootstendeels met melk gevuld
en alzoo wordt opgehangen. Door dit herhaald schudden worden de vettige
deelen der melk van de waterdeelen afgescheiden. Deze Boter, echter, heeft
bij de Kaffers geen ander gebruik, dan alleen ter bereidinge en onderhoudinge
hunner kleedinge.’
p. 107-108 Xhosa: training of horns
‘Zeer algemeen ziet men de Horens van Koeijen en Ossen, van eene buiten-
gewone lengte, naar den smaak des eigenaars, in allerlei rigtingen en gedaanten
gebogen. . . . Deze buiging der horens geschiedt niet, zoo als de Heer Barrow
verhaalt, met behulp van een gloeijend ijzer, maar alleen op de volgende wijze.
Zoodra de horens van eenig rund de lengte van omtrent 2 Duimen bezitten,
begint men die reeds naar welgevallen te rigten, door van den eenen kant zoo
veel weg te snijden, dat zulks aan het bloeden raakt, waardoor alsdan de kromte
aan de tegen over gestelde zijde ontstaat, en de gekozene form, op dezelfde
wijze, door herhaald wegsnijden wordt veroorzaakt.’
p. 109 Xhosa: pack-oxen, ox-racing
‘In het algemeen bedient men zich van enkele Stieren, om het huisraad
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 243
en andere noodwendigheden bij eenen togt mede te voeren. Zulk eenen last-
dragende Stier wordt een rond stuk hout, omtrent 6 Duimen lang en 1 Duim
dik, dwars door het Neuskraakbeen gestoken en aan beide einden met eene
pen voorzien, waardoor dit hout niet wegvallen en de opening niet weder kan
toegroeijen. Aan dezen dwarsstok worden de teugels vast gemaakt. Zodanige
Stieren worden ook dikwijls bereden, en dragen hunne ruiters, zelfs in den
galop, met alle mogelijke zekerheid.’
p. 110 Xhosa: sheep
‘Hoe aangenaam den Kaffers het Schapenvleesch zij, houden zij echter
bijkans geheel niet op met de fokkerij dezer dieren.’
pet | Cape Neguni: dogs; hens
‘Honden vindt men in grooten getale. Zij dienen voor de jagt, en tevens ter
bescherminge der kudden tegen het woeste gedierte. Men onderhoudt ze in ’t
algemeen zeer slecht, en zij hebben daardoor een jammerlijk, dikwels zelfs
afzigtig voorkomen. Bij de verder van de Kaap wonende Horden vindt men
Hoenders, vrij gelijk aan de Europeesche, offschoon kleinder, en, even als de
Patrijsen, glad van kop en zonder kam.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) pp. 442, 444, 447 Xhosa: milk-sack,
domestic animals
pp. 442, 444
Nothing more.
p. 447 Xhosa: domestic animals
“Ausser dem Rindvieh besitzen sie keine andre zahme Thiere als Hunde,
die sie in grossem Werthe halten. .. . Sie dienen ihnen aber mehr zum Abwehren
der Raubthiere bei Nacht, als dass sie von ihnen auf der Jagd Gebrauch machen
wussten.
Obgleich sie sehr gern Schaffleisch essen, so findet man doch diese Thiere
nicht bei den Koossa. Daran ist die Beschaffenheit ihres Landes Schuld... .
Auch Hiner trifft man bei den Koossa nicht an, obgleich die n6érdlicher
wohnenden Kafferstimme eine kleine Art, ohne Kamm, die tbrigens den
unsrigen sehr 4hnlich sind, halten.’
1804-5 Daniell (1820) “Kaffer’: pack-ox
His plate 5.
1806-15 Carmichael (1831) p. 289 Xhosa: milk-sacks
“They preserve it in leathern bags; and as these extraordinary vessels are
never scalded, and but seldom emptied, the fermentation constantly going on
within them partakes more of the putrefactive than of the acetous.’
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 370 Xhosa: pack-ox
“The riches of a Caffre chiefly consist in his cattle... . He never uses them
as beasts of burden, except when he is removing from one place to another
along with his Kraal, and then they carry the milk bags, or skin bags which
contain milk.’
244 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1824 Shaw p. 55 Xhosa: livestock
‘The pursuits of this people are pastoral; but their whole attention is
confined to horned cattle, as they have no sheep, and only a very few goats,
among them... . The number of horned cattle in the country is immense, and
the milk is in Caffreland the stay and staff of life, as in a scarcity of this from
drought there is always more or less suffering among them. .. .’
1824 Ross p. 212 Fetcani (Amazizi): stock
‘They have much cattle, sheep & goats; no horses. They do not know
horses. The first which he saw was in Hintza’s country . . . in his own country.
There are hens there like ours. ... The men milk the cows. .. . The milk from
the cows is put into large calabashes with a wide mouth. They use clay pots in
milking. They pour of [off] the thin of [from] the thick milk and use the thicker
part.’
c. 1824-5 Smith p. 388 Xhosa: milk-baskets and sacks
‘Use curdled or thick milk. Milk into baskets of twisted grass woven by
women quite waterproof not always very clean . . . pass the milk into leathern
bags or bottles, a projecting neck at one end, wooden cork. They are made of
[?sheep] skin or small calf skin body drawn threw the neck and legs cut off
and tied.’
1820-31 Steedman (1835) p. 263 Xhosa: milk-sack, calabash
‘In that of a wealthy Caffer there is usually a milk-sack made of bullock’s
hide, so closely sewn together as to prevent leakage, and capable of containing
several gallons, but the poorer classes are content to keep their milk in
calabashes.’
1825 Phillips (1827) pp. 137, 198 Thembu: milk-sacks, baskets, saddles
joy SY) Thembu: milk-sacks, baskets
‘... curdled milk was brought us. They never drink it but in this state,
and it soon turns, from being kept in a bag made out of a hide, from whence
it is taken when wanted in the little neat baskets made of rushes.’
p. 198 Xhosa: saddle
‘Gaika and his two queens soon after overtook us, riding furiously; their
horses were not very gaily caparisoned, having only a loose piece of cow’s
hide for their saddles.’
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 121, 122, 129 Xhosa: milk-sack, cala>ash
palD2 Xhosa: calabash
‘It [the milk] is sometimes kept in calabashes (gourd shells); but in these it
often contracts a peculiar and disagreeable taste.’
p. 129 Xhosa: milk-sack
‘Amongst the plebeian order each man milks his own cows; but the Chiefs
have a certain class of servants, whose exclusive business it is to superintend
the abalusi (herders) milk the cows morning and evening, and personally (no
proxy whatever being allowed in this case) see to the milk being properly and
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 245
purely poured into the household bottles, with which they are at all times
sacredly charged. No other person, not even the master himself, is allowed to
put in, or take out, a single drop.’
1829 Holman (1834) 2 p. 262 Xhosa: milk-sack
‘The milk is immediately poured into leathern sacks (instuba) [sic], where
it remains an hour, while it is fermenting... .’
1829 Shaw p. 129 Xhosa (near the mouth of Buffalo): milk
*... here we found the men of three kraals collected for the purpose of
drinking milk together; it being a custom with the Caffres, when milk is plentiful,
to assemble, bringing their milk, and spend the day in what some would call
convivial party... .’
c. 1831-2 Drége p. 12 Xhosa: milk-baskets
Nothing more. y
c. 1831-2 Smith p. 135, and fig. Xhosa: milk-sack
[Zulu] ‘Milk sac the same as the frontier Caffers’.
(1832) Anon. p. 145 Xhosa: stock
‘They subsist chiefly upon their herds and the produce of the chase. They
have no flocks either of sheep or goats, nor do they raise poultry.’
(1833) Morgan pp. 34-35 Xhosa: milk-sack
‘Their attention is however chiefly engaged by their cattle:— these they
herd, protecting them with great care by night and day from the depredations
of their fellow-creatures and the attacks of wild beasts. The milking them also
is the work of the men, as is the making and repairing of the folds; the bags
for holding the milk are their work; these they make of raw hides which are
so firmly sewed together by thongs of the same material as to be quite impervious
to their contents: they are large, each being capable of holding several gallons;
and a neck is left at one corner which is tied round with a string to secure the
milk.’
1834b Bonatz pp. 350, 351 Thembu: baskets, sacks, oxen
p50. Thembu: milking-baskets
‘At sun-rise they creep out of their round huts, each with a round milking
basket in his hand, skilfully manufactured by the women, and hasten to the
cattle kraal.’
pasol Thembu: milk-sack
‘The produce of the morning milking is poured into milk sacks, made of
ox leather, and in which the process of churning is afterwards carried on. The
sack being hung upon a pole, is beat from side to side, till the butter is made.’
(de Sol Thembu: riding-oxen
‘The meal being over, the boys are sent to look after the cattle. They are
permitted at these times, to exercise themselves in riding upon the oxen, and to
drive the cattle rapidly before them.’
246 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1836) Martin pp. 154, 156 Thembu: milking-basket, milk-sack
Nothing more (taken from Bonatz 18346).
1820-56 Shaw pp. 369, 416 Xhosa: milk-sack
p. 369
Nothing more.
p. 416 Xhosa: milk-sack
‘The “master of the milk-sack”, umnini wentsuba, is an important
functionary at any Kaffir kraal, but especially at the kraal of a Chief.’
1839 Backhouse (1844) pp. 225, 249, 250, 276 Xhosa: milk-basket, milk-sack,
saddle, bridle
p: 225 Xhosa: milk-basket, milk-sack
Nothing more.
p. 249 Xhosa: milk-sack
‘A milk-sack of oblong form, made of cow-skin, with the flesh-side out, and
having the hair carefully removed, was lying at the door of one of the huts as
we passed. It was about four feet long and three wide, and had a neck at one
corner, for the admission and discharge of the precious beverage, which under-
goes a slight fermentation, and would burst a less elastic vessel, if closely
stopped. The number of these sacks at a kraal depends upon the population
and their wealth in cattle; they are placed under the charge of one man, who
opens them only at milking-time, in the forenoon, and after sunset.’
p. 250 Xhosa: saddle
‘A sheep skin formed his saddle.’
p. 276 Xhosa: bridle
Nothing more.
1837-44 Dohne (1844) p. 30 Xhosa: milk-sack, calabash
Nothing more.
1842 Baines (1842-53) pp. 28, 54, 56 Fingo: initiates ox-riding
*.. . looking out saw half a dozen Fingoes, wrapped in their karosses
and with their faces and limbs besmeared with white clay, galloping furiously
past on as many oxen, to undergo, as Abram informed me, the rite of circum-
cision; and later in the day six or seven more passed us at full gallop, naked as
they came into the world and with their skins as black as nature had made them.’
p. 54 ‘Kafir’: value of cattle
Nothing more.
p. 56 ‘Kafir’: ox-racing
(Wedding ceremonies.) ‘The festivities which continue from three to ten
or more days are terminated by an ox-race, which, if the bride be a chief’s
daughter, every chief within two days’ journey is expected to attend either in
person or by his racing cattle. Sometimes the number of guests amounts to
thousands and for these, though they are expected to bring their own cows and
milk sacks, the bridegroom has to provide flesh.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 247
1848 Baines (1842-53) 1 p. 108 Xhosa: pack-oxen
Nothing more.
(1848) Anon. p. 195 Xhosa: ox-racing
‘Wenn ein Capitain von Rang sich verheirathet, so werden sie bis zu
10 oder 12 Tagen ausgedehnt. Am letzten Tage, wenn die Sonne beginnt unter-
zugehen, werden die Ochsenwettrennen gehalten, ein wildes und aufregendes
Vergniigen, das wir spater ausfiihrlicher beschreiben werden.’
1848-52 Baines 25 nos 5-6 ?Xhosa: riding-ox, tethered ox
Figures. ;
c. 1850 C.B. (?Charles Bell) ‘Kafir’: riding-ox, nose-strap, bridle
Figure.
c. 1850 POns : Xhosa: hunters with dogs
Figure.
(1851) Walker Xhosa: bridle
His plate 15.
1851 Baines (1842-53) 2 p. 270 Xhosa: ox-horns
‘The ground was strewed with bleeding carcases, among which I particularly
noticed that of one fine animal with loose, pendulous horns, probably the
favourite riding-ox of some renowned warrior... .’
1851 Bell (18515) 2 p. 47 Xhosa, Thembu: cattle
“These last few days the captures have been... 11,190 [head of cattle].
Some thousands of goats have also been taken’ [in the country north north-west
of Butterworth].
1851-2 King pp. 167-168 Xhosa: goads
*,.. many other traits, of Eastern origin, might be adduced .. . the use of
... goads; in driving cattle, which, however follow the chief herdsman, who
'eads them from one pasture to another... .”
1851-5 Brown (1855) pp. 97, 98 Xhosa: milk-sack
p. 98
*... the warm milk just taken from the cow, into these skins or sacks made
of bullock’s hide, which soon became quite saturated with the milk constantly
kept in them, and have a very sour disagreeable smell. The warm milk poured
into these, upon the quantity of the old milk always left in them, instantly
curdles, and gets rapidly into a state of fermentation. The curdle is all nicely
broken by a sort of kneading, rolling and shaking of the milk sack.’
(1853) Fleming pp. 98, 99, 100, 102 Cape tribes: herding-rods, bridle
p. 98 Cape tribes: herding-rods
“Besides these, they generally, during times of peace, have two or three
“Herding rods’. These rods they employ in driving their cattle. and they may
be here described as worthy of note.’
248 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 99 Cape tribes: herding-rods
‘In herding their cattle, they make use of the “rods”? above-mentioned.
These are thin sticks about half or a quarter of an inch in diameter, and about
six feet long, and pointed at one end....
Two other, assistant, herds walk behind them, and with these long “‘rods”’
they keep the cattle together, and stimulate the lazy. When war commences,
however, their numbers are augmented by several other “‘assistant herds’’.
These are hired to run beside and behind the oxen, and, with the sharpened
point of these rods, they goad and prick them, and thus keep them excited and
alert.’
p. 100 Cape tribes: herding-rods
Nothing more.
p. 102 Cape tribes: bridle
‘In addition to the uses, to which oxen are put in England, the Kaffirs add
one more, as they ride them like horses. The rapidity, at which they gallop them,
is astonishing, as well as the distances which they will thus travel. They drill
a hole through the nose of the beast (in the part between the two nostrils)
through which they pass a reim (or thong) of leather, with a noose and slip-knot
at one end, and draw the noose tight. The other end of the thong the Kaffir holds
in his hand, and thus guides the ox, while with his ““knobkeerie”’ he impels him
forward.’
(1856) Fleming pp. 216, 217, 218 Cape tribes: herding-rods,
bridle, milk utensils
pp. 216, 217 Cape tribes: herding-rods
Nothing more.
p. 218 Cape tribes: milk-basket, milk-sack
“The milk is caught in baskets, made of plaited grass, ingeniously worked
by the women so as to be quite waterproof. The milking being finished, the
legs of the cows are loosened, and their teats become the contested property
of the little Kaffir boys and the calves... .
The milk is brought by each Kaffir to the dairy hut of the village; and a
man, specially appointed for the purpose, receives into the ‘“‘milk-sac” (a large
bottle made of leather, from the skin of a calf or sheep) the contents of the
various baskets; whilst from a second bottle, which contains the milk of the
preceeding day, he distributes to each Kaffir the same quantity of sour or
curded milk as he brings in of sweet.’
(1858) MacLean p. 152 Xhosa: milk-sack
Nothing more.
(1861) Anon. p. 209 Xhosa: at a wedding
p. 209 Xhosa: gifts
‘Die Geschenke des Brautvaters werden zu seinem Schwiegersohn gebracht.
Sie bestehen in einem Stiick Vieh zum Kaross, im Schwanzhaar, welches man
als Schmuck rund um den Nacken tragt und wenn die Braut eine Person von
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 249
Rang ist, in einer Zahl von Kiihen, den Milchsack zu versorgen zu ihrem
Unterhalt. Die Zahl der letztern ist verschieden von zwei oder drei bis zu
zehn, je nachdem der Wohlstand oder das Grossthun des Theils, der sie sendet,
es zulasst.’
p. 209 Xhosa: ox-racing
Nothing more.
1862 Bauer & Hartman (1861) p. 491 Thembu: livestock
“We were surprised to meet with fowls in most of the kraals, and here and
there we also saw small flocks of sheep. Goats are pretty numerous—cattle
less so in proportion, but horses are met with in considerable numbers.’ [This
was beyond the Bashee. ]
1862 Anon. p. 85 ‘Kaffir’: milk-sack
‘The milk of the kraal is under the charge of the chief or the herd. He has
the care of the milk-sack, and gives to each member of the kraal his share. No
one is allowed, on any pretence, to untie the milk-sack save the responsible
officer.’
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) pp. 74-75 Xhosa: milk-sack
Nothing more.
(1867) Taylor p. 106 Xhosa: bridle
‘Looking to the hills east of the valley in which we were stopping, [near
Kingwilliamstown] lo, a novel sight, four naked Kaffir young men, each mounted
on a young bullock, and dashing along like a Jehu. They used a kind of bridle,
by which they guided them at will. Sweeping across the valley at a great rate,
they rode up to the public house. Their animals were fat and apparently almost
as fleet as deer.’
1845-89 Kropf (1889) pp. 101-102, 109, 111 Xhosa: milk utensils,
use of animals
p. 101 Xhosa: milk-sack, calabash
‘Stisse Milch (ubisi) trinkt der Kaffer nicht, sondern giesst sie, nachdem
sie gemolken, in Kalabasse oder in einen aus zwei viereckigen Stiicken Ochsen-
fell zusammengenahten Sack, der an der einen Ecke eine Tile hat, die zuge-
bunden wird. Dieser Sack wird in der Hiitte aufgehangt und von den Knaben
hin- und hergeschaukelt oder unter ihren Fiissen geknetet, wodurch die Milch
sduerlich wird, aber ihren Fettgehalt behalt (amasi). Sie ist ungemein erfrischend
und nahrhaft. Auch Ziegenmilch wird ebenso zubereitet und gern getrunken.’
p. 102 Xhosa: calabashes
‘Auf der Reise wird diese Milch in Kalabassen fiir die Kinder auftewahrt.’
p. 109 Xhosa: pack- and riding-oxen, bridle
Nothing more.
Deetclil Xhosa: goats, sheep
‘Ziegen werden der Milch und des Fleisches wegen gehalten, neuerdings
auch Schafe und Angoraziegen wegen der Wolle und Haare.’
250 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1878 Stanford (1858-89) 1 p. 90 Gcaleka: greyhound
‘As our column was marching along on the Bashee Heights, I noticed a
handsome greyhound near a burnt-down and deserted kraal... .’
1875-87 MacDonald (1890a) p. 162, 195 Cape tribes: cattle-race
p. 162
‘The [wedding] day closes with an ox race—an institution peculiar to
Africa—dancing, feasting, and merry-making.
p. 195
‘Dedera, or cattle running, may be regarded as the national amusement.
The cattle are trained for the game, and a race causes as much excitement as
turf events among ourselves.’
1883-88 Bachmann (1901) p. 180 Mpondo: saddle
‘Sein Sattel bestand in einem Schaffell; das Pony war ausnahmsweise in
gutem Futterzustande.’
(1896) Brownlee p. 347 Xhosa: bridle
Nothing more. i
(1904) Kidd p. 59 Cape Nguni: calabash
“When the milking is over the milk is taken into the hut, and is immediately
placed in the milk sac or calabash. This is never cleaned out, but contains a
strong ferment which makes the milk clot immediately. Sweet milk is but food
for babies, and only a few tribes would drink it. But clotted sour milk is food
for men. The calabash has a small plug at the bottom by which the natives let
off the whey, the curds being the only part they care for. Milk formed the
staple article of their diet in olden days; but, since rinderpest has carried off
most of their cattle, they have a good excuse for drinking beer.’
1910 Friedlander (1911) pp. 54, 55, 57 ‘Kaffir’: ox-racing, milk-sack
Nothing more.
(1919) Kingon p. 147 Cape tribes: horse
‘On arrival of the white man in the country the natives began to acquire
the fast-moving horse, chiefly, be it said, by the long series of raids on the
Eastern Frontier, which took place as far back as the days of Gaika.’
1921 Tooke p. 423 Xhosa: cattle, sheep
‘The Zulu breed of oxen. . . are diminutive, graceful animals . . . being
descendants of the zebu. Among the Xosa Kaffirs they seem to have interbred
with the Hottentot variety, and with excellent results, .. . The Kaffir really
breeds, not for slaughter, for he lives on milk and mealies and only slays an ox
when avarice allows or ceremonial enjoins, nor did he use his oxen as beasts
of draught though he employed them once as beasts of burden (pack-oxen)....
Cattle were in fact, the form in which he liked to realise his wealth, to be parted
with only in exchange for wives.
The Xosa-Kaffir also kept a few sheep, but he acquired them with his
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 251
Hottentot wives, together with his name for them, igusha (Hott. gusa) a term
now applied to merino sheep to distinguish them from Cape sheep.’
(1926b) Miller p. 10 Hlubi: bridle
‘Auf der Weide oder auch abends im Viehkraal, werden die Jungen nun
auch in der Kunst des Ochsenreitens unterrichtet. Ein Ochsenkalb von 3/4 oder
1 Jahr Alter, das ihnen stark genug zu sein scheint, wird aus der Herde aus-
gewahlt. ... Dann schwingt sich einer nach dem anderen auf den Riicken und
fort geht es wie die wilde Jagd. .. . Die Qualerei fangt erst an, wenn das aus Gras
geflochtene Leitseil dem Tier durch die Nase gezogen wird und der darauf
sitzende Junge sich mit einem Stock oder einer aus Ochsenriemen gefertigten
Peitsche bewaffnet.’
1927 Anon. pp. 137-138 Cape tribes: goats
‘Goat-skins are used for quite a variety of purposes, two of which may
be mentioned in the meantime. The entire skin may be prepared as a bag to
contain the owner’s pipe, tobacco, knife, spoon and fork with secure hiding-
places in the legs for a needle and medicines; or it may be dressed as a rug for
the feet in front of the sleeping-mat.
But, while it is quite true that, next to cattle, goats are looked upon as
the main milk-producers for the native household and are valued for their
drought-resisting powers, their real importance arises not from any economic
considerations but from the part they play in the time-honoured customs of
the natives... .
These and such like customs, demanding on the part of the native people
the sacrifice of many goats per annum, have to be taken into consideration by
those who would wish, from the economic standpoint, to rid the Transkei of
its goats. Before the goats can be disposed of, the customs of the people must
be altered, and this is much the harder task of the two.’
(1929) Nauhaus p. 3 Xhosa: milk-sack
“Aus dem Fell des geschlachteten Tieres wird der grosse Milchsack (imvaba)
genaht, in den die Milch fiir die abakweta (Beschnittenen) zum Garen geschuttet
wird.’
(1931) Cook pp. 49-50, 56-57, 118, 123 Bomvana: calabash, milk utensils
pp. 49-50 Bomvana: milk calabash
‘On the fifth day she [the mother] is given a separate calabash of sour
milk which she keeps in her own hut. . . . The woman’s calabash is called
imbikata. When the baby starts to consume amasi it is also given an imbikata.’
p. 56-57 Bomvana: milk-sack
‘This milk sac or umvaba has to be provided by the “father” of the school.
He kills a goat or beast before the circumcision... .’
p. 123 Bomvana: milk-pail
‘In former days there was a special man to milk the Bolowane cattle, but
now the same man milks both the Bolowane and the other cows. There is,
however, a separate itunga (wooden milk pail)... .’
DD) ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1932) Soga, pp. 210, 234, 324, 340, 371, 376, 385-393, 389, 398, 406-407
Xhosa: milk utensils
pe2lo Xhosa: milk-sack
‘A milk-sack is called “‘intsuba’’, and is probably from an old term for
a skin-bottle. The ordinary word in use for this domestic article is “‘imyaba’’.’
p. 324 | Xhosa: milk-sack
‘On the death of the head of any family the milk-sacks (im-vaba) are cut
open and destroyed as a sign of mourning. On the other hand, in the case of
the death of a member of the family, other than the head, the milk-sacks are
not cut or destroyed, but the milk is emptied out upon the ground.’
p. 340 Xhosa: milking-thong
‘The milking thong and milk-pail always go together. The one to tie the
cow’s legs, the other to receive the milk.’
pp. 371-376 Xhosa: cattle-racing
‘Besides hunting . . . another of the great tribal sports was cattle racing.
This sport occupied, in the estimation of the people, much the same position
as horse racing does in England. So much so was this, that several of the famous
races and the actors in them are, after at least seventy years, still held in remem-
brance. The distances covered by a cattle race were much greater than those
covered by horses in the standard races overseas.
The cattle-dipping regulations of the last two decades have practically
put a stop to this sport, though occasionally sporadic efforts are made even
now to revive it, but it is doomed to complete extinction in the near future. —
Mention may be made here of one or two instances of this sport... . The distance
to be covered was over twenty miles... .
pp. 385-393 Xhosa: cattle
Discussion.
p. 389 Xhosa, Bomvana: sacred herds
‘.. . a sacred herd of cattle in Bomvanaland. At one time such herds
existed among the Xosas also, in connection with religious worship.’
pp. 406-7 Xhosa: milk-pails
‘. . . ama-tunga (milking dishes) were formerly all made of soft wood,
specially the um-hlangwe, which was easily manipulated with the tools at the
people’s disposal.’
1932 Thompson pp. 192-193 Bomvana: sacred herd
‘Bolowana cattle are regarded by the Bomvanas as sacred animals and
their principal use is for sacrificial purposes for the tribe in times of trouble
such as war, calamity befalling the chiefs or their rule, and in times of drought
or other national troubles.’
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 36, 46, 65-71, 105, 157, 366-367 Mpondo: stock,
milk utensils
p. 36 , Mpondo: milk-sacks
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 253
p. 46 Mpondo: calabash
‘Calabashes are kept on the men’s side of the hut; only the individual
calabashes of grand-children are sometimes hung on the women’s side so that
the mothers may have access to them. After the death of a member of the
owner’s own clan, or related clans, milk is spilled out of all except the children’s
calabashes.’
pp. 65-71 Mpondo: animal husbandry, cattle-racing
‘To the cattle and goats kept by Pondo before contact with Europeans
have now been added horses, sheep, pigs, hens, ducks and geese. . . . Goats
are not milked, but they are also shut up at night and must be herded during
the summer... . The care of cattle, goats, sheep, and horses is the work of men,
the uwmlaza (ritual impurity) of women being regarded as dangerous to all
stock except pigs and poultry. .. . Boys and young men milk, but if no junior
is available the head of the wmzi may himself do the work... .
As part of the technique of stock-raising cattle are treated with various
medicines (amayeza). . . . The most prized cattle were the racing oxen which
were chosen for their speed and freshness in a race. . . . Cattle, however, are
not valued economically according to their points. In ikhazi (cattle given to a
bride’s group) a full-grown beast is a beast, and cannot count for more or less,
no matter what its quality. For a ritual killing the size and quality of a beast
is not of importance. Wealth is reckoned by quantity, not by quality... .
Cattle are of primary economic importance to the Pondo. All informants
are emphatic that formerly less land was cultivated, and that milk and meat
played a greater part in the diet of the people than they do to-day, yet even
to-day they are principal items in Pondo diet. . . . Formerly when an enemy
army invaded a district, or an uwmzi was heavily fined for witchcraft, the cala-
bashes were broken “‘to show that the uwmzi was dead’’.. . . Although the vast
majority of the killings are sacrificial, wealthy people do sometimes kill just
for meat. Meat and milk are prized foods and are considered much more
savoury than grain... .’
p. 105 Mpondo: eggs
‘A fringe of people on the coast get fish, and men eat a few eggs and birds.
Eggs are forbidden to women because it is believed that eating eggs would
make them lascivious.’
palo Mpondo: calabash
‘Each baby has its own special calabash, but sweet milk is never given,
except under European influence.’
pp. 366-367 Mpondo: cattle-racing
‘Formerly one of the chief excitements at an umjadu was cattle-racing. .. .
Races were dropped in western Pondoland at the death of Nqiliso and were
not resumed... . In eastern Pondoland they are still sometimes held... .’
(1937) Soga pp. 114-116, 130, 145 Xhosa: milking, utensils
254 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
pp. 114-115 Xhosa: milking
‘Kuma-Xosa umsebenzi womsengi ubungomkulu nozuke kunene endaleni.
Umfo ubebonwa ngokupumelela ekusengeni esengela inkosi engubani nenene
elingu-bani. .. . Be ziba ninzi inkomo emzini nakomkulu nga ngokuba umsengi
lo angabi mnye. . . . Se kupele nabasengi abazizigxina se kulibali nje lodwa.
Elowo sel’ezisengela. .. .”
[In the olden times the work of milking was very important amongst the
Xhosas. A person was highly esteemed for his success in milking for the one
chief or the other. . . . There were many cattle in the wmzi and at the chief’s place
so that there was not only one milker. . . . The milkers who stuck to their job
are no longer in existence, it is now only a tradition. Each one now milks his
own cow for himself... .]
pp. 115-116 Xhosa: procedure, utensils
‘Umsengi nesiko lake lokuncamla. Umsengi wasesi-Xoseni yena akusoze
umfumane nelanga elinye ngomnwe enokusenga ngezandla ezingahlanjwanga
(ngesitete ke) nokuhlanjwa zihlanjwa ngendlela etile nguye ngokwake xa aza
kusenga. Ngapandle kokuba kwa itunga eli lake asenga ngalo, nokuba lelemizi,
okanye luhlobo luni na libekwa ligcinwe nguye yedwa ngokwake endaweni
yake etile ayinyulileyo ekaya apa. ... Alinakupatwa lisetyenziswe mntu wumbi
itunga nentambo yake yokusenga (ukuze nje kuvele eli qalo lokuti, ““Ngumtya
netunga’’)... .Akukov’ ukusenga ma kaye kuta eselweni okanye emvabeni kwa
oko ngokwake, emana ukuhlukuhla akuggiba ukuwadibanisa amasi nomncono.
Ukutulula ikwa nguye; kuba akuko mntu wumbi unokupata amaselwa asekaya
apa ngapandle komsengi.’
[You will never, not even on one single day, find a Xhosa milker milking
with unwashed hands (according to tradition); also, washing of hands is done
by him in a certain manner before he goes to milk, apart from the fact that
even this milk-pail that he uses, whether it is the one made of rush or any other
kind of thing, is kept by him personally at a certain place that he himself has
selected in the home. . . . His milk-pail will neither be handled nor used by
anyone else, as also the riem he uses for milking (hence the saying ‘The riem and
the milking pail’). . . . Soon after the milking he must personally go to pour
the milk into the calabash (ise/wa) or leather milk-sack (imvaba) and after
mixing the milk and the remains of sour milk left in the milk-sack he shakes it.
It is he also who does the pouring out because nobody besides himself handles
the calabashes at this home. ]
p. 130 Xhosa: milk-sacks destroyed on
death of head of family
‘Imvaba zomnini-mzi zoqwengelwa izinja kuba ziyinqambi nambhla.
Ayaliwa ngokutsha amaselwa nemvaba kutungwe ezintsha kufunwa ukuqalwa
ngamasi amatsha.’
[The milk-sacks of the village-head will be torn up for the dogs, for they
are unclean today. The gourds are filled anew with sour milk, and new sacks
are sewn—these must be started with fresh sour milk.]
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THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 255
p. 145 Xhosa: butter
‘Abesenzelwa ukutanjiswa ngamanenekazi mhla ahombileyo. . . . Nana-
mhla kusenjalo kwelase-Mbo nakuma-Xosa a-Bomvu, kuma-Baca, ama-
Mpondo, nama-Mpondomise, nezitembu kubantu abasesemboleni ukunyi-
belana namafuta kwa nasezingutyeni. La mafuta ebengatyiwa nokutyiwa nje
nganamhla kwam-Lungu. Umtinto lo ubupuma apa ke. Nguwo lo namhla
kutiwa “‘yixibiya”. Ubutyiwa kodwa ngamakwenkwe nezinja ingento yabantu.
Namakwenkwe ebewungqunyushelelwa. Ukungqumshela kukuwugalela ubisi
olutsha ... suka afika ama-Mfengu xa kunje eyincitakalo wona. Ate akuyibona
le nto yala masi ema nenja, angenwa ngumona nje ngabantu, axelelwa ukuba
asinto ityiwa bantu. Suka wona awutanda ngokwawo avulelwa ke. Ite ke le
nto yasisondlo kwaba bantu, bapila.’
[This fat (butter) was made for the womenfolk to anoint themselves with
when dressed up. . . . It is still the custom in the eMbo country and among the
red Kafirs, the Bhaca, Mpondo, Mpondomise and the married women among
the people who still use the red clay, to apply this fat, even to clothing. This
fat was not eaten at all as is done today among the Europeans. Cream (for
consumption) then, had its origin here, and is the substance today called
ixibiya (buttermilk). It was, however, eaten by boys and dogs, but was not a
food for adults. It was also ngqumshela’d for the boys. Ngqumshela means to
add new milk to it. . . while this was still the position, the Fingoes arrived as
fugitives. When they saw the phenomenon of this sour milk beside a dog,
they were, humanly enough, seized with envy, but were told that it was not
eaten by human beings. But they chcse to treat it as food of their own accord
and were allowed their way. It then became an article of nourishment among
these people, and they survived. |
(1939) Duggan-Cronin p. 28 Xhosa: milk utensils
Nothing more.
1939) Rox p: 73 Cape tribes: calabash
‘The warm milk is poured straight from the milking into a calabash already
containing a little amasi. A common sight at midday at the kraals, whilst milking
is proceeding, is an array of calabashes waiting in the sun to be filled; amongst
these is the baby’s own small gourd, encased in a cord-carrying attachment
for the mother to take on her journeys. The amasi will be ready for use in about
two or three hours according to the weather, and the amount of amasi originally
there.
Amasi may be prepared in a stone jar, but this does not impart the same
flavour. It takes quite a time for a calabash to become “‘seasoned’’, but when
once in order it can be used for years. It should be washed out every two weeks
or once a month, but not too often. If whey separates it is drunk as intloya,
especially in hot weather to quench thirst whilst the hard curd is termed inggaka.
If the product is too sour it is mixed with fresh milk. To separate fat intentionally
ig wasteful. but it may be used if it separates accidentally ; cheese is unknown.’
256 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1945 Makalima chap. 5, pars. 5, 38, 51, 57, 60, 61, 65, 68, 69, 70, 72, 73;
chap. 8, par. 22 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: livestock, utensils
chap. 5 par. 38 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: training oxen
‘Ukuqeqeshwa kwenkomo—Inkomo xa kuko imijadu ziyaleqwa ngama-
doda azi bete. Ziya qeqeshwa kulonto zise ncinci inkabi. Ziyenziwa amaqegu
zikwelwe kanti nombona ututwa ngazo emasimini. Nempahla yonke iyatutwa
ngala magegu. Ziyaqeqeshwa ukuba zize edyokweni, umntu ebambe idyokwe.’
[Training of cattlke—when there is a festivity, cattle are raced by men who
beat them. Oxen are trained for this when still young. They are made pack-
oxen and are ridden, and maize is transported from the lands using them. All
goods are transported by these pack-oxen. They are trained to come under the
yoke whilst someone is holding it.]
chap. 5 par. 57 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: milking
‘Kusengelwa enkundleni. Inkomo iyabotshwa ngentambo yokusenga
(isipantewurl). .. .’
[The place for milking is in front of the cattle kraal. The legs of the cow
are fastened together by means of a riem (isipantewuri). . . .]
chap. 5 par. 61 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: milk-sack, calabash
‘Into ekugalelwa kuyo intusi—Ubisi belugalelwa ezimvabeni kudala.
Koko ngoku kusetyenziswa amaselwa, aziseko imvaba ezo. Ubisi luyatiwa
eselweni ngumsengi. Wona amakwenkwe anya izapolo kwalapo ebuhlanti.’
[Long ago, sweet milk was poured into leather sacks, but now calabashes
are used, those leather milk-sacks are nowhere to be found. The person who
milks pours the milk into the calabash. The boys suck the last drops from the
cow in the cattle kraal.]
chap. 5 par. 68 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: fowl’s eggs
‘Amaganda—amagqanda enkuku ayadliwa kodwa zona intombi aziwatyi
nabafazi abasebancinci kuba uyahlonipa, kwaye iqanda litandisa amadoda.’
[People eat fowl’s eggs, but girls and young married women do not, because
of hlonipha, for eggs excite the passions. ]
chap. 5 par. 69 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: fowl-houses
‘Izindlu zenkuku—Inkuku ziyakelwa izindlu zazo, zenziwa ngezinti
ezigxunyekwa pantsi. Upahla Iwenziwa ngenca lufulelwa, okanye kubekwe
ikala pezu kwezinye izinti zopahla. Kanti ke nesoyi ezi ziyalwe uza upahla
kwangolo hlobo.’
[Houses are built for fowls. They are made of sticks which are planted
in the ground. The roof is thatched with grass, sometimes aloes are placed on
some of the roof sticks. Similarly, sods are also used for roofing. |
chap. 5 par. 70 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: pigs
‘Ziko ezinto ezimlomo utsolo ekutiwa ngononko bongela olona hlobo ke
labantu abamnyama izizalwane zengulube.’
[There are animals here with pointed snouts which are called ‘nonko-
op rs
I IT
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 251
bongela’, the kind of animals the native people possessed, they belong to the
family group of pigs.]
chap. 8 par. 22 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: milk-calabashes
‘Amaselwa anobisi agcinwa endlwini yomninimzi, ahlale paya entla.’
[Calabashes containing milk are stored in the kraal-head’s hut; they are
kept in the innermost part, opposite the door.]
(1949) Duggan-Cronin p. 13 Mpondo, Mpondomise: cattle
Nothing more.
1949 Hammond-Tooke (1953) pp. 78, 82 Bhaca: cattle-race
p. 78
Nothing more.
pe o2
‘During the washing in the river the cattle, which have been previously
brought to the Great Place from the surrounding districts by their owners in
preparation for the great cattle race, are herded by boys near the river in readi-
ness for this event which takes place on the Thursday afternoon. After midday
the young men mount and drive the cattle at full speed from the river to the
capital, urging them on with blows and shouts. The race, which takes place
over a distance of two or three miles, causes great excitement, as the owner
of the beast which comes first will be presented by the chief with an inchaza
of beer. The cattle, gasping, hollow-flanked and utterly exhausted, are met by
the chief in front of the isibhaya... .
(1951) Bourquin p. 70 Xhosa: girth
‘i-nghalo, a thong by which the rider is secured from falling off a bullock
when training it.’
1949-1955 Hammond-Tooke (1955) p. 56 Bhaca: stock
‘Medicines are used to ensure the health of stock. Large herds are still
thesmdexvon wealtii. | 5 27
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke (1962) pp. 14, 21-24, 149
Bhaca: domestic animals
p. 14 Bhaca: value of cattle
‘For the Bhaca have a cattle cult. The herds grazing on the hills and
mountain tops bear witness to their pride in cattle and a man’s wealth is gauged,
not by land, or the magnificence of his kraal, but by the number of his stock.
Little value is placed on the quality of the cattle, it is the quantity that counts,
and cattle are the door to sexual satisfaction, social status and ancestor worship.’
pat Bhaca: domestic animals
‘Originally, before contact with the White man, the only domestic animals
of the Bhaca appear to have been cattle and goats, but today sheep, horses,
pigs and poultry are all kept.’
1p ZAll Bhaca: stable, pigsty, chicken-coop
‘Horses are kept in a separate enclosure and at least one homestead I visited
258 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
had a stone stable. Pigs and poultry are allowed to roam freely about the
homestead, but some people build small mud enclosures covered with wood or
reeds for the latter, to protect them from hawks.’ (His note: “The wickerwork
type of enclosure (inggoloba) found among the Thembu, is not common.’)
p. 22 Bhaca: women and cattle
‘.,. the care of cattle and other stock is the work of the men. Women are
dangerous to all stock except pigs and poultry . . . attitudes towards these
taboos are changing and many women to-day enter the kraal without a qualm.’
p23 Bhaca: importance of cattle
‘Bhaca love their cattle and they are the dominant interest in a man’s life.
Formerly they provided the only means of acquiring wealth in a society without
a cash economy and in which personal property was confined to a few items of
material culture such as clothing, weapons and utensils. They are the door to
sexual satisfaction through the /obola exchanges and quantity is generally more
important than quality, although a fat ox is much admired and cows are prized
because of their reproductive qualities. This interest in cattle is reflected in the
large number of names used for different types of cattle, based mainly on the
criterion of colour distribution and shape of the horns.’
p. 24 Bhaca: goats and other animals
‘Interest in cattle is extended to goats, which are also used as a means of
approach to the ancestral shades, for clothing and as ikhazi (bride-wealth).
Although they are not as prized as cattle, their importance looms large in
Bhaca eyes. They are particularly important in the rituals associated with
ancestor worship. ...
Horses are bred for riding and racing. .. . Great pride is taken in a good
horse, although it does not enjoy the ritual and social prestige of cattle, and
horses are often used as part of the bride-wealth, being counted equivalent to
a beast.’
p. 149 Bhaca: cattle-posts
‘The country not under cultivation is theoretically open for all to graze
their stock. Within a location the cattle may graze anywhere and there are no
special areas set aside for them. The cattle of each neighbourhood unit, how-
ever, tend to have their own grazing-grounds. At Lugangeni, cattle of the
Centule neighbourhood unit were not allowed to graze with those of Sirudlwini
nor with those of Hagwini. Fights often occur between the herdboys of the
various areas due to the infringement of grazing-rights.’
1955 Sinclair Mpondo: horse-racing
Nothing more.
1956-8 Hammond-Tooke (1958) pp. 42, 45, 46, 49
Xhosa (Ciskei): cattle-keeping, other stock, gifts at marriage
p. 42 Xhosa: importance of cattle
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 259
p. 45 Xhosa: cattle-keeping
‘Cattle are seldom sold and about 99% of the cattle slaughtered are killed
for ritual purposes... .’
p. 46 Xhosa: husbandry
‘Stock are herded during the day by small boys and all small stock and
most large stock are kraaled at night. Cows are milked once a day and calves
run with the dams during the day, but are separated at night for the milking
next morning. Approximately 5% of bulls are kept for breeding purposes, the
rest being castrated. Such culling as is done is confined to the Betterment
locations. Sheep and goats are kept for meat, milk and skins. The price for
goats—particularly white goats— is high (c. £5 each) as there is a steady demand
for them for ritual purposes. Wool and goatskins are sold to the traders. Of
equines, only mules and donkeys are used for draught purposes, but there are
very few of the former. Horses are almost exclusively used for riding and many
social occasions end with horse racing. Livestock are watered at rivers, dams,
bore-holes and springs but, although there are over a hundred permanent
watering points in the district, they are not sufficient because of bad distri-
bution. Over-grazing is an important problem but in the camped Betterment
areas the rooigras is returning.’
p. 49 Xhosa: gifts at marriage
‘Apart from the passing of the ikhazi or marriage cattle from the family
of the groom to that of the bride certain other gifts of cattle are made by the
bride’s father viz. the impothulo, ingakhwe and ubulunga beasts. The impothulo
beast accompanies the bridal party (uduli) to the groom’s home and is given to
“decorate” the bride and provide for the udu/i on its arrival. It is in the nature
of a contribution towards the marriage feast. The ingakhwe, either a cow or a
heifer in calf, is given by the father to supply the bride and her children with
milk, while the inkomo yobulunga is a sacred beast which stands in a special
relationship to the health and well-being of the wife. It is always a cow or a
heifer and remains the woman’s inalienable property. Its tail hairs are used
to make a necklace which is worn to ward off evil. (For further details see
J. van Tromp “Xhosa Law of Persons’ pp. 51-4.) Today, among most
Christians, furniture (usually a bedroom suite) is given by the bride’s father
in place of these cattle.’
TERMS
isicheme muzzle for calves to prevent them from sucking, D, general 343
isingxobho 1. thin membrane inside an egg; fig. a covering, sheath, as a holster
for a gun, D. 2. muzzle for calves, X 344
umtya 1. something to bind with, as a small band, thong, cord, D. 2. thong
to tie cow’s hind legs for milking; anything used similarly, X, general.
3. bow-string (X—Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656, ummuhtja ‘Bogensehne’) (a
widely distributed Bantu root, for ‘leather strap’) 345 (244, 407, 680, 858)
260 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
isisinga 1. loop or noose of a small thong with which one leg of young calves
or goats is fastened; trap, snare, D, general. 2. of sinew, X. 3. thong,
grass or monkey rope, Mp. 4. rope of sedge (imizi) to catch cattle to be
killed, Bo. 5. noose, in any form of trap (T—Makalima) 346 (219, 482)
umkhala 1. cord or thong drawn through the cartilage of the nostrils, or a
small stick fixed in the same way, to keep a calf from sucking, or to guide a
pack-ox in riding; hence, a bit, bridle, D, general. (This is an old term of
cattle people in southern Africa, denoting nose-strap for cattle, cf. Sotho
mogala, Venda muhala, Zulu umkhala. It is needed esp. to catch hornless
animals). 2. the modern sense of ‘bit, bridle’ is now the best known, X.
3. necklace, Bh. 4. beadwork strap under chin, T 347 (847, 1094)
igegu pack-ox, or ox used for riding, D 348 (1091)
ingaluka 1. pack saddle, D. 2. thong round belly of beast for rider to hold on
to, Bo Mp. 3. mostly unknown 349 (1092)
inggalo 1. thong by which rider is secured from falling off a bullock when
training it, D X Bh Mp. 2. nose-strap (synon. umkhala) passed through
nose of beast; bridle; beadwork strap round head and under chin, T
general 350 (1093)
igamesi 1. long thong for tying milk-sack on pack-ox, D X. 2. for tying other
things also (Mzamane). 3. plaited cord of sedge (imizi) Bo. 4. also girth
for horse, Xes Bh. 5. neck or waist ornament of sedge (imizi), T. 6. (or
igamisi) bangle made of eight strands of split twisted rush or grass, T 351
imviko 1. goad for bullocks, D Mp. 2. parrying-stick, X Mp. The latter is
the more likely original meaning, cf. -vika Zulu and Fgo ‘parry’ 352
uviko 1. pointed pole, D. pointed stick or goad (X—McLaren 1915). 2. goad,
Bo 353 (489)
umngcoyazana |. nice little stick carried when racing bullocks, D, unknown,
but one Hlu said only used by girl driving away ikhazi cattle to reject
suitor (Mzamane) 354
umkhombe, umkhumbi 1. wooden trough, hollowed out longitudinally on the
upper side of a log of wood, used for various purposes; manger; canoe,
boat, ship, D X Mp and others. 2. obsolete since beginning of nineteenth
century in sense of ‘boat, ship’, X and not confirmed now 355 (531, 1101)
imbenga 1. milking-vessel of rushes, D. 2. apparently a word now forgotten,
as nobody was found who knew it. Cf. Zulu imbenge 356
ithunga (-thunga sew) 1. plaited basket used as a milk pail, D T (Lichenstein
1811 1: 655). 2. any vessel used as milk-pail, whether wood, or pottery,
general 357
isitya (from -tya ‘eat’). 1. vessel for eating and drinking from; baskets, plate,
dish, basin, cup, etc., D, general. 2. sihtja milk-basket (X—Lichtenstein
1811 1: 655). 3. beer basket of palm leaf, Mp Xes. 4. food basket, Mp
Xes 358 (541, 548)
ighamthwa 1. (Hlu) milk-sack, D: 523. 2. store; private room of a chief,
D: 347. 3. not confirmed 359 (10)
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 261
isibozi 1. old skin bag for churning; a churn, D (X-Soga 1937) 2. calabash for
making butter by shaking (not bag, which was imvaba) according to very
old X man in Willowvale (regularly derived noun-agent from -bola ‘go bad’
or -boza ‘make go bad’ therefore ‘curdler’) 360
imvaba leather milk-sack with bottle-like neck, D, general 361
intsuba 1. skin of animal, fig. skin bag for curds (i.e. imvaba), D X (X—Holman,
X-Shaw). 2. hlonipha for imvaba, Bo. 3. another name for imvaba, con-
firmed by miscellaneous informants 362
indlwana yenkuku fowl-coop, D, general 363
umgongo (-gonga remain always at home) 1. nD. 2. fowl-nest in hut, Bh 364
ingoloba 1. nD. 2. fowl-coop, Xes only 365
indlu yenkuku fowl-house, T 366
DISCUSSION
The Cape Nguni are a pastoral people, and in early times were predomi-
nantly so. They have possessed cattle and dogs from time immemorial, and
probably goats as well. Some of the tribes maintain they had a small breed of
domestic fowl, and this is confirmed by the earliest authors. Some Xhosa at
least had a few sheep fairly early (see Almada p. 34), presumably obtained
from the Hottentots (see term 656) and later all the tribes had them from
European sources. Makalima and some eastern Mpondo think there was
formerly a small indigenous breed of pigs but this is not confirmed. Horses and
pigs (and cats) came from the European settlers at the Cape. Wild birds were
never caged.
Animal husbandry is the men’s domain, and, despite Paravicini’s isolated
statement that chasing stray cattle is women’s work, women have nothing to
do with any animals except pigs and poultry. The Mpondo consider women
definitely dangerous to all others.
CATTLE
Cattle have always been, and still are, by far the most important of the
domestic animals. In former times they provided the staple diet of milk, and
some meat; they provided the staple material for clothing, their horns were
made into utensils, they were the standard of wealth and the main item of the
bride price (Jobola); they were the only means of transport as riding- and pack
oxen (Pl. 36: 1—2, Pl. 37: 2); they provided the great sport of cattle-racing (see
especially Soga 1932: 371-376) either as an object in itself or as part of the
festivities at weddings or other feasts, and some herds were trained exclusively
for it. Above all they were associated with the ritual life of the tribe. Though
the flesh was eaten, cattle were seldom killed without some additional reason,
for example, as a sacrifice to the ancestors, to celebrate a feast or honour a
distinguished guest, or to provide a skin. The Bomvana had, and still have,
sacred herds set aside for ritual purposes and it is stated by Soga that the Xhosa
used to have such, but they do so no longer.
262 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Latterly, through overstocking, the cattle have given less milk and, in any
case, although milk and meat are still the favourite foods, a more varied diet is
available; cotton cloth and modern clothing have replaced skins, coined money
has ousted other forms of currency except for the payment of certain fees;
restriction of movement to combat East Coast fever has caused the decline or
cessation, in most areas, of cattle-racing; and horses or vehicles are available
for transport. Cattle are, however, now used in ploughing and for dragging
the sledges of garden produce, and still maintain a strong ritual and prestige
value. Cattle get their food entirely from grazing. None is grown for them.
They are herded by boys on the grazing land common to the group (PI. 36: 3),
and at night are confined to the kraal of their owner’s homestead. Herd-boys
control them by whistling through a double reed whistle, or one bought at the
store (Pl. 122: 4). The cattle are trained to obey the signals. In addition, the
boys carry thin rods, pointed at one end, which were also used as goads when
riding. Fleming describes these as about 1 cm thick and 180 cm long, but the
ordinary stick (intonga] that is always carried may be used as well, and is more
common today.
For closer control, thongs or plaited grass ropes or, according to the Hlubi
of Herschel, a plaited cord of the hair of the animal’s own tail, are used as
bridles or tethers and to tie the back or front legs of cows during milking
(Pl. 37: 1). The thong used for this latter purpose is kept with the milk-pail,
and not used for anything else. Until recently, when a bridle or a tether was
needed it was attached to the ends of a cylindrical piece of wood about 15 cm
by 3 cm, which was passed through the cartilage of the beast’s nose, between
the nostrils (Pl. 39: 4), and left permanently in position, stopped with a peg at
each end. Alternatively, the bridle itself might be passed through the nose and
fastened with a slip-knot, without being attached to the piece of wood.
According to informants in many places this practice has gone out, and the
alternative is to tie the thong round the horns. For riding, for which boys
started to train them as calves, another thong was passed round the belly of the
ox for the rider to hold on to, and no saddles were used. Thongs or ropes were
also used to tie milk-sacks or other burdens on to the oxen.
Calves were tethered by the foreleg, and to stop them sucking from their
mothers, might be fitted with a muzzle woven of thorns and sedge stems, or
have a sharp stick put through the cartilage of the nose.
PLATE 36
Cattle.
Xhosa riding an ox, c. 1850 (‘Caffre’) (Walker 1851, pl. 14).
Xhosa family on the move, c. 1805 (‘Kaffers on a march’, Daniell 1820).
Thembu cattle herdsman; Baziya, Umtata 1935 (photo W. T. H. Beukes) (TM 35/107).
Thembu men, showing what is worn under blankets; Umtata 1935 (photo W. T. H. Beukes)
(TM 35/195).
5. Bomvana milking-scene; Elliotdale 1935 (photo W. T. H. Beukes) (TM 35/142).
WN
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 263
264 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Cows are milked twice a day in front of the kraal (PI. 36: 5, Pl. 37: 1).
Great importance has always been attached to the milker. Formerly it was only
amongst common people that each man milked his own cows. At the homestead
of a man of rank the work was entrusted to a professional milker, whose
position was a very honourable one. Nowadays there appear to be no such
professional milkers. Amongst the Xhosa each man is said to milk his own cows.
But amongst Bomvana, eastern and western Mpondo, and Mpondomise one
man in each homestead does all the milking, collects the calabashes from the
huts, and returns them filled. In a Mpondomise homestead visited by the
authors he also gave its ration to the waiting cat. Some informants say this is
the same everywhere. This combines the duty of milker with that of keeper of
the milk containers, mentioned by many authors of the last century, a duty
which devolved on one man in each homestead, so that no one else, not even
a chief himself, might touch them.
The milk-pail (ithunga), used by Xhosa, Thembu, and Hlubi until the
beginning of this century, was a closely coiled basket made of sedge stems
(Pl. 37: 3-4). These are no longer used and store-bought buckets or cans have
taken their place. Bomvana, Mpondo, Bhaca and Xesibe used, and all but the
latter still used in 1948, a wooden pail, which was also known to the Xhosa
(PI. 38: 1-4). Several species of wood were used. Soga says a soft wood, especially
umhlangwe, was used by the Xhosa; other Xhosa informants mentioned umsenge
(Cussonia spicata, cabbage tree). The Bhaca also used a pot, as did the Zizi
a century ago (PI. 38: 5). In 1956 informants said that a wooden pail was
preferred by many even where metal buckets were available, because the latter
rust (W. D. Hammond-Tooke pers. comm. 1956).
Milk is not used fresh, except possibly by children and dogs. After milking
it is poured into the container in which it is to curdle into amasi, thick curds,
in which form it is eaten. Until quite recently, in well-to-do families throughout
the tribes, the container was a sack (imvaba) (Pl. 39: 1, 6) made of two rect-
angular pieces of raw ox- or goat-hide, with the hair removed and the fleshy
side outward, sewn together with thongs and having an opening at one corner
which was tied firmly with a thong. The size varied according to requirements,
but cannot often have been as great as that mentioned by Backhouse as 120 cm
PLATE 37
Cattle, milking, and milking-utensils.
1. Milking; note back legs tied and calf standing near, Mpondomise; Tsolo 1955.
2. Pack-ox; note bridle and girth, Xhosa c. 1850 (Amakora Man’) (Walker 1851, pl. 15).
3. Milk-basket, diameter 370 mm, Gonaqua Hottentot, 1776, obtained by Sparrman from
the Gonaqua, who traded such baskets from the Xhosa. (State Ethnographic Museum,
Stockholm 1799.2.8). For close-up of fabric see Shaw & Van Warmelo (1974, pl. 27: 1).
4. ‘Amakosa Milk Basket’, drawing attributed to Charles Bell, c. 1850 (Royal Scottish
Museum, Edinburgh 1914.67, now in Cape Archives).
|
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 265
rs
‘ate:
et
ca
Soci ees
Bat nis iietcick iain ok eee
tas
renee ee
pes
266 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
by 90 cm. In poor families a calabash, fitted with a stopper, was used instead
(Pl. 38: 6), and according to Kay the amasi from them did not taste as good as
that from the sacks. Nowadays milk-sacks are still used by abakhwetha, and
are made from the skin of the animal slaughtered at the beginning of the school,
but elsewhere they are rare, if found at all, and calabashes are in general use.
Store-bought stone-ware vessels may also be used, but according to Fox the
amasi from them does not taste as good as that from the calabashes. In some
cases a hole and stopper may Le put in the base of the calabash to let out the
whey, but this seems to be a matter of individual preference and not at all
common. The whey is usually poured off. Otherwise the container riay be shaken
from time to time to keep an even consistency. Some authors and informants
stated that the milk containers were never washed, others that they should not
be washed more than once every few weeks, as the sour milk left in helped to
curdle the new. This again seems to be a matter of individual preference. Fox
states that a new calabash takes a little time to season, but once seasoned it
lasts for years.
According to Fleming, in the large homesteads of the last century the
milk-sacks were kept in a special hut, but today, and presumably in small
homesteads formerly, each hut has its calabash, which is kept on the man’s side.
In all the tribes, babies have always had their own small calabashes,
surrounded by a strapping of thongs by which they can be carried on a journey
(Pl. 64: 3).
Both sacks and calabashes could be used as churns by hanging them up
and swinging them to and fro. The butter was not eaten, but used to anoint
the hair or the skin.
On the death of the head of the family the milk-sacks or calabashes were
destroyed. According to a Xhosa informant, that belonging to the head was
buried with him. For the death of any other member they were merely emptied
of their contents. This latter appears to be the same for all today.
(Cook (1931: 118, 123) gives an account of the customs connected with
milk among the Bomvana in the 1920s and it is probable that those of all tribes
were the same, or even more extensive, in former days. Hunter (1936) similarly
gives many instances of Mpondo prohibitions on drinking milk.)
PLATE 38
Milk-pails and utensils.
ithunga, 280 mm, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
ithunga, 335 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/391).
ithunga, 250 mm, Mpondo; Bizana 1901 (SAM-248).
ithunga, nO measurements, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1948.
ithunga, diameter 210 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
idliwa, for milk, 335 mm, Mpondo; Moyeni, Libode 1968.
Se eS
267
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
268 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
GOATS AND SHEEP
It has been said that goats are the cattle of the poor man. According to
Hunter the Mpondo in 1932 did not milk them, but informants in 1955 said
that they did, and the other tribes do. Their flesh is eaten, their skins are used,
they are used in barter and Jobola, and they are, more often than cattle, used as
a ritual sacrifice.
Sheep, on the other hand, have no ritual importance. They are kept purely
for food, their skins and, since the introduction of woolly sheep, their wool.
Some Xhosa informants said that they were milked too, and that the milk was
considered a delicacy. Wool and goat-skins are sold to traders.
Both sheep and goats are herded by small boys not yet old enough to herd
cattle. At night they are kept in their own kraals separate from the cattle, or
tied up in the huts.
OTHER DOMESTIC ANIMALS
Pigs
Pigs are kept solely for their meat (Pl. 40: 5-6). They have no other
importance and like fowls, may be looked after by women. A wooden trough
(umkhombe) is used for feeding them (PI. 52: 8).
Fowls
Fowls are kept for their flesh and eggs, and have no ritual importance.
In the daytime they roam at will, but at night are generally, but not invariably,
confined in a wicker fowl-coop (PI. 39: 2-3, 5; Pl. 40: 3). Often wicker nests
are placed in the huts to encourage them not to lay astray. (PI. 40: 1-2).
Horses
Horses are used primarily for ordinary riding, but in Pondoland and the
Ciskei horse-racing 1s very popular. Horses are ridden with bit and bridle, but
no stirrups, and only an ox or sheep skin, if anything, to serve as a saddle.
The Mpondo use them as a rare and highly prized part of /obola.
PLATE 39
Milk-utensils and fowl-coops.
imvaba, milk-sack, longest side 512 mm, ‘Kaffir’, c. 1886 (British Museum 86.11.25.8).
indlwana yenkukhu, fowl’s nest, Bomvana; Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948
indlwana yenkukhu, Bomvana; Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
umkhala, bridle or nose-strap, with peg through septum, Xhosa c. 1850 (Walker 1851,
pl. 15) (compare PI. 37: 2).
indlwana yenkukhu, fowl-coop, Mpondo; Mbotyi, Lusikisiki 1948.
imvaba, milk-sack, 723 mm, Thembu; no locality, no date (McGregor Museum 604(36)).
AONE
nr
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 269
270 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Dogs
Dogs have always been kept as hunters. The majority, and the only sort
seen today, are mongrels, of the sort that were used in rounding up the game
with the beaters. The Xhosa used to have a large greyhound type of special
hunting dog, which since hunting has died out is no longer seen. It is recorded
that these latter were specially cared for and had their own skin sleeping-mats
in their masters’ huts, but the majority of dogs fend for themselves and have
little attention paid to them. A kennel is built rarely (Pl. 40: 4), and for a bitch
and her litter only. Dogs do not wear collars.
TOOLS
SOURCES
1593 Lavanha (1597) p. 235 At Umtata R.: axe
‘Usad vasos de barro secos ao Sol, e de madeira lavrados com humas
machadinhas de ferro, as quaes sa6 como huma cunha metida em hum pad,
e com as mesmas corta6 o mato.’
(p. 294 ‘They use vessels of clay dried in the sun, and some of wood carved
with small iron axes, which are like wedges set in a piece of wood; with these
they also clear the thickets.’)
Wye Hallema (1932) p. 134 Xhosa: lancet
. ons... vonden, dat hij gelijk de Joden besneden was. Volgens zijne
beduidenis omtrend de groote der kinderen geschiedde dit op hun:ie 6 of 7 jaren
met een blank geslepen assegaaij, door den vader of een ander zonder
onderscheid.’
1776-7 Gordon (1776-95) Xhosa: awl
Sketch.
1797 Barrow (1806) p. 162 Xhosa: awl
‘Their bodkin is a piece of polished iron... .’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) pp. 53, 62, 151, 152 Xhosa: tools
[®y D2) Xhosa: adze
. voorts, met behulp van eene hand-bijl, waarvan de steel tot dit bepaald
PLATE 40
Fowl’s nest, dog-kennel and pigsty.
inkatha, coil of grass, used in huts as nest for fowls, Fingo; Dwessa, Willowvale 1960.
Fowl on nest against wall inside hut, Mpondo; Mpimbo, Ngqeleni 1958.
indlwana yenkukhu, fowl-coop, Xhosa; Willowvale 1948.
Plastered dog-kennel for bitch with pups, Mpondo; Mpimbo, Ngqeleni 1958.
Low barrier across threshold to keep pigs out of hut, Mpondo; Mgwenyana, Libode 1958.
Pigsty (thoko from Afrikaans hok), Mpondo; Mpimbo, Ngqeleni 1958.
DAARWN
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI D9 fa
Die ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
gebruik wordt afgenomen, zoo lang geschraapt, dat de huid . . . verdund
worde. ... =
p. 62 Xhosa: uses of awl
‘Aan dit hals-sieraad bij de Mannen hangt nog doorgaans op de borst een
kleine ijzeren Priem in eenen koker, dienende zoo wel ter vervaardiging van
kleederen en melk-korven, als ter uitrukkinge van eenen doorn, dien men in
den voet treedt, en tot andere einden meer.’
p. 151 Xhosa: hammer, tongs, chisel
‘Tot eenen Hamer dient een Riviersteen, of ook somtijds een stuk ijzer
welk de gedaante van eenen stompen kegel heeft, zonder steel. De Tang bestaat
uit een gedeeltelijk gespleten stuk taai Hout,
Eindelijk bedient men zich van eenen Beitel, om het koper of ijzer door
te slaan, en het geprikte aan de werpspiesen te vervaardigen, welk daaraan nu
en dan te zien is.’
pe to2 Xhosa: axe
‘De Bijl zelve heeft de gedaante van eenen breeden beitel; zij is 6 Duim
lang; de vlakke breedte aan het einde, alwaar de snede is, bedraagt omtrent
2 Duim, en neemt naar den anderen kant langzaam af. Tot den doorboorden
steel, waarin men deze bijl steekt, dient niet slechts een zeer taai, maar tevens
aan het doorboord einde bijzonder kwastig hout, ten einde bij het gebruik niet
te splijten.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) p. 463 Xhosa: hammer
Nothing more.
1819-29 Moodie (1835) p. 259 Xhosa: hammers
“We saw the smith make several assagays in a very short time, with stones
of different shapes for hammers.’
1824 Ross p. 212 Amangwane: tongs
‘The smiths use tongs. He knew the purpose of our tongs.’
1825-29 Kay (1833) p. 133 Xhosa: hammer, axe
‘In addition to this, the Umkandi makes a small description of hatchets,
which, although most inefficient in the estimation of a European, serve every
purpose for which the natives want them.’
(1829) Rose p. 178 Xhosa: awl
Nothing more.
1829 Boniface p. 34 Xhosa: axe
‘Arrivés au bord de la mer, nous ne fimes pas peu surpris de voir que la
troupe des Incendiaires s’était beaucoup accrue. Partout sur le plain, on voyait
des tas de bois brilans ou brilés; et des Sauvages occupés avec de petites haches
a briser tout ce qui leur tombait sous la main, pour en détacher les ferrures ou
le cuivre.’
(1833) Morgan p. 43 Xhosa: smith’s tools
‘The only tools are various kinds of hard stones, as hammers and anvils.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI D3
Flexible boughs of green wood for holding the hot iron—and bellows formed
of an entire buckskin. .. .’
1834b Bonatz p. 350 Thembu: awl
‘A small strap is frequently attached to the upper part of the kaross, from
which is suspended a leathern sheath, containing an iron needle about six
inches long.’
(1836) Martin p. 153 Thembu: awl
Nothing more (taken from Bonatz 1834b).
1836-44 Dohne (1844) pp. 9, 36, 37, 38 Xhosa: tools
pao Xhosa: axe
‘Mittelst emer Axt und durch Feuer machen sie dann oft einen kleinen
Wald so total nieder, dass man nach 2 Jahren nicht mehr sieht, was dagewesen.’
p. 36 Xhosa: hammer
Nothing more.
p: Sil Xhosa: axe, awl
‘Eine andere Arbeit der Eisenschmiede sind ihre Beile und Nadeln. Das
Beil, ebenfalls von blossem Eisen, ist etwa 4-6 Zoll lang, an der Schneide 2 und
am Ende 1-14 Zoll breit und ohne Oehr. Die Schneide, deren Seite etwa einen
reichlichen Viertezoll dick ist, ist langlichrund und von 2 Seiten kurz zuge-
schliffen; das Ende ist etwas dtinner und wird in einen Stiel von hartem Holz
eingeschlagen, so dass es durch den Stiel geht und auf der anderen Seite etwas
heraussteht. Diese Beile sind vermége ihrer Harte und Form so stark, dass sie
nie ausbrechen; auch die Gerber bedienen sich ihrer. Die Nadeln sind von
verschiedener Lange, selten 1 Fuss lang, und von der Dicke eines dicken Stroh-
halms. Die Spitze ist etwas kurz zugefeilt und das Ende bunt ausgezackt. Sie
brauchen dieselbe. zum Vorstechen beim N&ahen und zum Herausziehen der
Dornen aus den Fussen.’
p. 38 Xhosa: axe
‘Dann wird die Aasseite mit Beilen, nach Art des Schlichtens bei unseren
Gerbern, so lange geschabt, bis die Poren der Haare zum Vorschein kommen.’
(1853) Fleming p. 108 Cape tribes: axe, knife
‘Knives and hatchets are never used in fighting, and are not much employed
by them, save in cutting wood, or hunting.’
(1856) Fleming p. 204 Cape tribes: awl
‘Their snuff boxes, which are ingeniously made, and are of various forms
and devices, have always attached to them a picker, or long-pointed instrument,
with which they stir the snuff, when it becomes dry... .’
1863-66 Fritsch (1872) pp. 67, 71 Xhosa: tools
p. 67 Xhosa: knife, awl
‘Messer sind urspriinglich im eigentlichen Kafferlande nicht gebrauchlich
gewesen, indem die Klinge der Assegai auch bei friedlichen Verrichtungen als
schneidendes Instrument benutzt wurde; jetzt sind solche von europdischem
274 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Fabrikat ziemlich verbreitet. Der andre fiir den Haushalt nothige Apparat von
Werkzeugen und Gerdthen ist ebenso einfach wie die Waffen. Ein viel-
gebrauchtes Instrument in den Handen der Manner sind lange, eiserne Nadeln
oder besser Ahlen, welche besonders fiir die Fellarbeiten zum Vorbohren der
Liécher dienen und die haufig, in mannigfach verzierten Scheiden am Halse
getragen werden.’
paid Xhosa: hammer
Nothing more.
1845-89 Kropf (1889) pp. 107, 112, 113 Xhosa: axe, hammer, awl
Nothing more.
(1881) Nauhaus pp. 345-346, 347, pl. 9: 6 Cape tribes: tools
pp. 345-346 Cape tribes: branding-iron
‘An vielen war die Musterung markirt durch schwarze und weisse Streifen,
—andere Gefasse waren tief schwarz gefarbt. Die schwarzen Streifen und
ganze schwarze Farbung stellt der Kaffer her durch Bestreichung der betreffen-
den Stelle mit Fell [it is likely that Fe// is a misprint for Fett], tiber welche er
dann mit einem heissen Eisen so lange hin und her fahrt, bis er die gewtinschte
Bradune oder Schwarze erhalt.’
p. 347 Xhosa: adze
‘Fig. 6. Ein Daxel, 33 cm gross. Die eiserne Klinge, von der Form gewisser
Steinkeile, ist quer in das verdickte Ende des Holzschaftes gesteckt. Man benutzt
ihn zum Bearbeiten der Felle. Diese werden in senkrecht stehendem Rahmen
aufgespannt und die Kaffern schaben, resp. kratzen nun die innere Seite der
Haute mit dem Daxel, den sie dabei mit beiden Handen fihren.’
(1894) Ratzel 2 p. 17 ‘Kaffer’: awl
Figure.
(1896) Brownlee p. 347 Xhosa: axe
¢
. . a triangular piece of iron, from one to two pounds in weight, served
as an axe, and its equivalent in barter was an ox... .”
(1904) Kidd pp. 16-17 pl. 92, legend Mpondo: razor, thatching-needle
pp. 16-17 Mpondo: razor
‘In Pondoland the children have their hair cut in the most fantastic patterns,
reminding one of nothing so much as poodle dogs, the shaving of the hair being
done by means of a piece of broken glass or old hoop iron sharpened up for the
purpose.’
pl. 92, legend Mpondo: thatching-needle
‘A woman is standing inside the hut pulling through the wooden needle
which the woman on the roof pushes from above.’
(1917) Aitchison p. 18 Xhosa: knife
‘The assegai, or spear, often did service as a knife, although Native black-
smiths used to make a rough knife (called “‘isityetye’ by the Amaxosa), from
a small flat piece of iron, well sharpened and attached to a handle. This rude
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 275
instrument, besides the assegai, was in constant use. Nowadays knives can be
obtained from the local traders... .’
(1919) Aitchison p. 675 Xhosa: stone smoother
‘On the day after the feast, the integument [of a goat] was smeared over
with red clay, and after being pegged out to dry was carefully rubbed over with
a smooth stone.’
(1919) McLaren p. 441 Xhosa: chisel, smoother for pots
‘To pick or sharpen a stone is xola, and the pointed cold chisel with which
this is done is in-xola. . . . The potter, usually a female, took a lump of this,
and with her hands and a piece of wood laboriously moulded, bumba, the clay
into the shape desired... .’
1925 Thompson p. 495 Cape Nguni: knife
‘The operation [of removing the finger joint] is performed on all children
as a tribal mark. . . .A relative on the paternal side must perform the operation
with some sharp instrument, which is hidden and never used again.’
Hlubi: knife
‘The males have the terminal joint removed from either the little or middle
finger of the right hand, and the females have the terminal joint of the left
ring finger removed. The operation is done in infancy by the mother or grand-
mother with a sharp knife, which must then be broken and buried.’
(1928) Brownlee p. 181 Fingo: knife
‘The Surgeon, after cautious and diplomatic suggestion, showed me the
lancet with which the operation [circumcision] was to be performed. It was
the blade of an assegai, the shaft of which had been replaced by a wooden
handle. The blade was razor sharp and was carefully wrapped in a bandage
and carried in a leathern sheath. I was told that this instrument had been
preserved from ancient times and used from year to year as occasion required.
Its well-worn shape and the reverent manner in which it was handled went to
confirm the statement that it, along with the office of surgeon, had been handed
down from father to son for many generations.’
(1932) Soga pp. 405-406 Xhosa: axe
Nothing more.
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 73, 100 Mpondo: axe smoother
p../3 Mpondo: axe
‘Formerly when the country was much more wooded, fields were probably
frequently made in bush land, and clearing with the primitive axes made by
Pondo smiths must have been very heavy work. Now European-made axes
are used.’
p. 100 Mpondo: pot smoother
‘The sides are made by building ring upon ring. The potteress shapes the
walls as she builds. The whole is smoothed with a wetted chip of calabash, and
the pot set to dry in a hut.’
276 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1934) Anon. p. 150 Xhosa: stone for sharpening
Photograph: sharpening hoe with stone.
1945 Makalima chap. 9, pars. 14, 17, 34, 37, 42, 44
Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: tools
par. 14 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: hammer, whetstone, chisel
‘Isando siyenziwa ngelitye le nyangane elilukuni. . . . Amatye okulola
amazembe kuketwa ilitye elinkum-nkum, ingabi eliti xa kulolwayo linkumke.
. . . Izigandulo zenziwa ngelitye lenyangane elingqukuva.’
[A hammer is made of granite which is a very hard stone... . Stones for
sharpening axes. Friable stones were picked out, not hard ones like granite.
It was a stone which when used for sharpening, crumbled into pieces... .
Izigandulo, burring stones for sharpening grindstones were made from lumps
of granite.
par If, Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: axe, knife
‘Izinto ezenziwe ngomti zenziwa ngokugingqwa ngezembe nangemela
kugudiswe kwangemela kuba kaloku izinto ezinje nge pleyini zokugudisa zazi
ngeko kudala.’
[Things made of wood are carved from the tree with an axe and knife.
The knife is also used to smooth them because in the olden times there were
no planes. |
par. 34 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: axe, spear
Nothing more.
par. 37 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: hammer
‘Intsimbi iti yaku bashushu ikandwe ngenye intsimbi nokuba kunge litye
ide ibe sicwecwe ibe ngumkonto.’
[When the iron is hot it is beaten with another iron or with a stone until
it is flat and made into an assegai.]
par. 42 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: knife, awl
‘Umxaka—Umxaka xa wenziwayo uyalolwa ngezitshetshe zokuxhola,
ekutiwa zintshengeca. .. . Umvambo—wenziwa apa esiswini ngezilanda.’
[The ivory arm-ring . . . is carved with knives specially made for that
purpose. They are sharp edged stones. . . . Tattooing is done on the stomach
with a needle. ]
par. 44 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: knife
‘Ukusetyenzwa komti—Xa kusetyenzwa umti uyaxholwa ngentshengeca.
Amabhunguza, nenduku, namacepe omti enziwa kwangezintshengeca.’
[A tree (wood) is worked with sharp-edged stones. Knobkerries, sticks, and
wooden spoons are also carved with sharp-edged stones. ]
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke (1962) pp. 76, 271 Fingo, Xesibe, Bhaca: knife
p. 76 Bhaca: knife
‘Practically all Bhaca children have the operation of face-incision (chaza)
performed on them, a custom shared with the neighbouring Xesibe and some
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI aig
groups of Mfengu. . . . Cuts are usually made on the cheeks lengthwise with a
sharpened piece of iron called igcaguba, usually by an old woman of the kraal.’
p. 271 Bhaca: knife as lancet
‘These preliminaries over, the invanga takes a sharpened iron (igcakuba)
and makes nicks on the scalp, hair ridge, base of throat...’ [of each member
of umti in case of lightning].
(1966) Jansen p. 74 Xhosa: knife
The ingqithi custom . . . in which the last portion of one of the fingers is
amputated ... appears to be a very old custom among Xhosa-speaking peoples.
... Originally, like circumcision, it was performed with an assegai (umkhonto),
but at present an ordinary knife bought in a shop is used.’
1971 Gitywa p. 141 Xhosa: axes, awls
‘The weapon smith also manufactured simple axes, amazembe or isixengxe
and awls, izilanda, from iron.’
TERMS
ingxabela (-xabela hack to pieces) axe or other large cutting instrument, D Bo Bh
367
isixengxe 1. small axe, D. 2. for cutting meat, X. 3. men’s axe, Xes. 4. with
narrow blade, Bh. 5. not known, Mp. 6. modern weapon clandestinely
made on the mines 368 (253, 400)
isixhaxha 1. axe-helve, D. 2. part of handle inside the metal, X Mp 369
izembe piece of iron, 2 to 3 ins broad at edge, running to a point which was
put through a handle; axe, D, general. Derives from the common Bantu
root -lembe ‘hoe, axe’, cf. Sotho selépé ‘axe’, Venda dzembe pl. malembe
‘hoe’, Tsonga lembe ‘year, i.e. hoeing season’ 370 (401)
umphini handle, haft, of axe or hoe, D, general 371
isikhandelo 1. anvil D. 2. stone on which to pound medicine Mp. 3. burring
stone to give tooth to grinding-stone Xes. 4. unknown X Bo (from -khanda
forge, lit. ‘something to forge on’) 372 (135)
isibazelo (from -baza ‘sharpen to a point’, but the original Bantu meaning is
‘carve’). 1. block or anvil on which one sharpens points, D. 2. wooden
block on which to steady wooden objects being carved, Xes Hlu 373 (154)
inyatyhoba (cl. 9) awl, D, general 374 (180, 248)
igampu 1. awl, D. 2. not confirmed 375
isilanda 1. needle 4 to 6 cm, eyeless, for making holes for sinew thread, removing
thorns, loosening tobacco in pipe, D, general. 2. (wooden) needle for
making hats, Mpm, Mp, or aloe thorn or iron, Mpm. 3. fish-hook bought
in store, X 376 (181, 251, 494)
inkxola (-xhola chisel out or off; carve roughly; pick a millstone, i.e. burr
grindstone to sharpen it), chisel, gouge, D (X—McLaren 1915) but hardly
known 378 (138, 269)
278 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
isixholo chisel, gouge (from -xhola) but, like inkxola, not much used 379
(139, 270)
ingqgandulo (-qandula peck, dress stone for grinding) hard stone or iron bar
used for trimming the grinding-stone, D, general 380 (271)
isigandulo 1. nD. 2. burring stone to sharpen grindstone, Bo X 381
intlabo any instrument for piercing with, chisel, awl, D (from -hlaba ‘stab,
pierce’, but not confirmed as being a word that is used) 382
impehla 1. boring insect D. 2. also male fire-stick Mp. 3. auger, gimlet, drill,
Bo Mp (modern, from verb -phehla) 383
isando hammer, see term 136 (Shaw & Van Warmelo 1974: 121) isando 384
(136)
igwane 1. nD. 2. stick with hook for pulling things down, Mp. 3. hook sus-
pended from rafter, for hanging things from, Mp 385 (85)
igwegwe 1. anything to hook with, hook or crook, D Mp T. 2. fish-hook,
hooked stick but not hook on trek chain, T 386
isigwegwe 1. anything to hook with, hook or crook, D. 2. unknown except
one Mp who said ‘bow legs’ 387
ugwegwe 1.nD. 2. hook to pull down dead wood out of tree, X. 3. not generally
known 388
inyembe 1. small arrow of the Korannas; whistle; barbed hook, D. 2. barbed
spear, Xes Bh. 3. navy-blue bead (X—McLaren 1923: 21). 4. unknown to
most people 389 (404, 780, 1055)
ibhoso large knife, carving or bowie knife, D (with misprint b for bh) (X—
McLaren 1915), general west of Mthatha River and ibhozo east of it.
Not derived from a verb, as the form of the word suggests, and origin not
clear 390
ibhozo 1.nD. 2. large knife, Mp Mpm Xes 391
imela (an old word, cl. 9, probably derived, though in an unusual manner,
from Afrikaans mes) knife, general, still used by some old heathen
people, but isitshetshe now commonly used instead. 392 (922)
intshengece (pron. intjengece) 1. sharp-pointed stone, flint for cutting with,
D X Mp Xes. 2. sharp-edged (not pointed) knife or sword, X Bo. 3. sharp
stone for gouging out wooden utensils, (T-Makalima) 393 (155, 268)
isibazo (from -baza ‘sharpen to a point’, actually a widely-distributed Bantu
verb denoting to ‘carve’). 1. nD. 2. chisel, Xes Bh. 3. adze, Hlu 394
(140)
isitshetshe knife, D, general, by extension also ‘razor’ 395 (928)
umbeso 1. nD. 2. knife, Xes. 3. hlonipha of women for isitshetshe ‘knife’ Mp
(from Afrikaans ‘mes’) 396
umbese 1. hoop; grass bracelet made and worn by children, D. 2. child’s grass
bracelet (X—McLaren 1915). 3. knife, Mp Bh T and misc. others, most of
whom also use isitshetshe. 4. hlonipha for ‘knife’ used by women and aba-
khwetha X (from Afrikaans ‘mes’) 397 (876)
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 279
utulo 1. lowermost layer of thatch on a house, D; thatch X. 2. thatching needle,
X Bo Mp Xes Bh 398 (54)
isigangatho stone for making a floor even and smooth, D X Mp, but not
general 399
DISCUSSION
The tools used by Cape Nguni craftsmen were not complicated, but there
are a few that are made to a certain design for a specific purpose. For the most
part they have been described with the crafts for which they were used, but for
convenience they are listed together here. Those that were made were made by
men.
ADZE/AXE
The commonly used generic term izembe referred to one tool which could
be used variously (Pl. 41: 7). The iron blade was wedge-shaped, 4 to 8 cm wide
at the cutting edge and 10 to 15 cm long (PI. 41: 2). Its point was put through
a hole in the centre of the haft head, to protrude at the back. It could be inserted
in the same plane for use as an axe, or, in a different haft, at right-angles for
use as an adze. The wooden haft was short, according to Nauhaus (1881)
33 cm, with a fairly heavy head and a narrow central part flanging slightly at
the grip.
Izembe was used as an axe for cutting down trees, and for cutting up the
wood to required size. As an adze it was used for shaping and carving wooden
objects, and for scraping skins. For the latter use the blade was sometimes
taken out of the haft.
This tool was still used as late as 1971 by the few remaining skin-workers,
but for all its other purposes, a stronger store-bought axe and a knife are used.
Axe handles of the European pattern may be made for axe-heads bought at
the store.
A smaller, narrow-bladed axe (isixengxe) was known and, according to
Xhosa informants, was used for cutting meat. The term isixengxe is also used
for the illegal modern weapon made on the mines (see p. 320).
ANVIL
The anvil (isikhandelo) used by smiths was a large flat pebble or small
boulder chosen for its suitable shape and not artificially shaped. According to
Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca informants, isikhandelo was a stone on which to
pound medicines or anything else. The word means literally ‘something on which
to place an object in order to hit it’.
According to Xesibe informants the word isikhandelo is now used for the
stone or, as is often now the case, the pointed iron crow-bar, with which the
surface of a grinding-stone is prepared and roughened.
A wooden block (isibazelo) may also be called an anvil. Points might be
sharpened on it, or, according to Xesibe informants, objects might be steadied
280 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
on it while being carved, or, according to Mpondo, it was the base on which
wire was rolled when wire bangles were made.
AWL
Inyatyhoba is a substantial iron point with the butt inserted in a heavy
wooden handle, in the same plane (PI. 41: 1). It was used for making the holes
for the thread in sewing skins, or in basketwork, or for any heavy piercing work.
Isilanda is a thin iron point which sometimes ends in a small knob at the
butt, and sometimes has the butt inserted in a light wood or reed handle (Pl. 41:
3-4, 9). The point was almost always inserted in a wooden, reed, or leather
sheath, by which it was attached to a cord and hung round a man’s neck or
attached to his cloak, or hung on his upper arm. The awl itself and the sheath
sometimes had incised decoration. The length of the point was on the average
15 cm but they have been seen up to 30 cm. This awl was also used for sewing
skins or baskets, or for removing thorns from the feet, or loosening tobacco
in the pipe or snuff in the snuff-box, or for tattooing the skin.
Both types of awl are still used today. They are now often made from the
spoke of an umbrella. According to Thembu and Mpondomise informants,
isilanda may also be a wooden point or a thorn, or a wooden or iron needle,
and be used by boys when making basketwork hats.
Xhosa use the term isilanda for the modern fish-hook.
Bhaca named the awl with which holes are made in the rind of a calabash
to mend it, isungulo, which is the Zulu word.
CHISEL
Alberti stated that a chisel, presumably inkxola, or intlabo, was used for
cutting metal and for incising the tangs of spear-heads. There is no other
mention of that type of chisel, nor was one seen, but Hlubi informants claimed
to know it and McLaren gives the name inxola to a chisel for shaping stone.
A stone burrer (inggandulo) with which the surface of the lower grinding-
stone was roughened by pecking, is still, however, used, though it has in most
places been superseded by an iron bar.
PLATE 41
Tools.
inyatyhoba, 139 mm, Xhosa; Willowvale 1948.
Adze blade, 80 mm, found in cave at Cala (Alb. no no.).
isilanda, wooden handle 38 mm, Xhosa; Willowvale 1948.
isilanda, 200 mm, Xhosa; Victoria East 1937 (FH 9).
utulo, 531 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1944 CEL 1003).
utulo, 531 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1944 CEL 1002).
izembe, 330 mm, ‘Daxel der Kaffern’, c. 1880 (Nauhaus 1881, pl. 9(6)).
ulutulo, 760 mm, Xhosa; Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
isilanda, 160 mm, Xhosa (Alb. E470).
SETAC STE IICA AU Reo SJ re
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THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
es i
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Sei -sceihaehaiiniaanaarti
282 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
A store-bought chisel was trimmed and roughened for use by a Mpondo
wood-carver visited in 1969.
DRILL
The use of the term impehla or impehlana (a boring insect) for a drill is not
reflected in the literature, and although modern Bomvana and Mpondo inform-
ants claimed to know it, the only drill generally seen is the store-bought variety,
which is called ibola. |
GOUGE
_ This tool (inkujana, Xes; isibazo, Xes, Bh) which was used for hollowing
out wooden utensils, was apparently known only to Xesibe and Bhaca.
HAMMER
The hammer (isando) is mentioned only in connection with smithing,
and was usually a suitably shaped hard stone, though a piece of iron might
also be used. There was no shaped tool.
HOOK
This is not a made tool, but any hooked object (igwegwe) suitable, for
example, for hooking down an inaccessible branch, or for suspending from
the hut roof to hang things on.
KNIFE
Despite the number of terms translated in the dictionary as ‘knife’, it is
generally stated in the literature that the Cape Nguni had no knives until they
obtained them from European sources. The true knife in the sense of a single
or double edged metal blade hafted in a short wooden handle, was certainly
lacking in an indigenous form. Such a knife, like the word imela, still sometimes
used for it, probably came from the Dutch mes. All the functions of a knife
could be performed by a spear-blade, its shaft replaced by a short wooden
handle. Such knives were used for ritual as well as general purposes. Ritual
knives might either be kept exclusively for the purpose, as for circumcision,
or be destroyed after use, as in the case of removal of the finger joint.
Isitshetshe is the term now commonly used for the store-bought knife,
and it and the other terms probably have the general meaning of a cutting
instrument. Some are now applied specifically to the larger knives obtainable
from stores for cutting bush, and other heavy work.
One term that is specifically used for a cutting instrument of stone is
intshengece, though Xhosa informants knew the word only as meaning some-
thing sharp, not necessarily stone. Thembu informants knew it as a stone that
was used to prepare the grinding-stone, or to carve ivory arm-bands or wooden
objects. Some Xesibe informants knew the term as meaning any suitable sharp
stone for cutting soft roots of trees, for example the root of umsenge (Cussonia
spicata). It is not possible to say whether the term originally referred, as
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 283
apparently now, to a sharp-edged stone flake, or to a shaped stone tool. If it
was the latter there is now no memory of it. In this survey the only stone flake
seen that was used as a tool (PI. 59: 4) was used in the 1940s by a midwife to
sever the umbilical cord. Other midwives are said to have used a sharp sliver
of cane (ubengu) for this purpose.
A modern knife, according to Tyrrell, is worn by a Bhaca girl as a symbol
of virginity.
NEEDLE
The needle (utulo) is a flat piece of wood or bone, pointed at one end and
having a large eye at the other to take the thatching-rope. It is used for sewing
the bundles of thatch on to the roof-frame. According to Kidd, one woman ~
stands inside the hut and another is on the roof and the needle is passed back
and forth between them. Information generally seems to be that modern thatch
is sewn, while old-style thatch was tied, but Kidd’s photograph is of old-style
thatch. At all events, the needle is evidently a newer item, possibly introduced
by the Fingo (PI. 41: 5-6, 8).
SMOOTHER
The smearing of floors with a mixture of clay and dung, and the smoothing
of them thereafter with a stone (isigangatho) to get a hard surface is general
practice.
There is also a smoother for pottery, which may be a small stone, or a
piece of calabash rind, or wood.
TONGS
According to Alberti, a piece of tough and pliable wood was split to make
a pair of tongs for the smith. Morgan states that the wood was green. There is
no name for it and it does not appear to be known now. According to Ross
the immigrant tribes knew iron tongs (?udlawu, term 137), and an example of
‘Kaffir tongs’, collected in 1868, is in the British Museum.
MISCELLANEOUS _
A horn with the point flattened on one side is used to roll wire round a
core, when making wire bangles.
WHETSTONE
Several authors report that a friable stone was used for sharpening iron
blades. This practice is still known. There seems to be no name for a whetstone
as such. A friable stone was in general use for cleaning and softening skins.
SPECIALIZED TOOL-KITS
Present-day workers have specific tool kits, partly of bought tools and
partly made. A Thembu of Mganduli, in 1935, used a home-made iron knife
for cutting, a store-bought file and a home-made wooden form for shaping,
and a stone anvil to work on when making bangles of metal wire wound round
a hair coil (TM 35/348). Another had pliers, cutters and a horn tool.
284 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
A Mpondo pipe-maker, visited near Ngqeleni in 1969, had, in addition to
store-bought tools, two drills (ibola) which he had made himself, and two
applecorer-shaped tools (isixholo), one made by himself and one bought from
someone else. Another had a store-bought saw, axe, and knife, and a home-
made gouge (isixholo) and chisel.
WEAPONS
SOURCES
GENERAL
1686 “Stavenisse’ (Godée Molsbergen 1922) p. 94 Xhosa: shield, spear
‘Dragen schild en assegaij waarmede sij hunne vijanden de Makenanen
(note: Abatwa—Bantoewoord voor Boesmans) die pijl en boogh gebruiken en
b)
hun groten afbreuk doen, wederstaan...’.
1686 ‘Stavenisse’ (in Bird 1888) p. 42 Xhosa: shield, spear
Same in English translation.
1686 ‘Stavenisse’ (in Sutherland 1845) p. 307 Xhosa: shield, spear
Same in English translation.
1752 Beutler pp. 307-308 Xhosa: spear, club, shield
‘Haare geweeren bestaan uyt assagayen waarvan agt of thien in een bondel
sijn te samen gevoegd mitsgaders in een klijn kirrij, sijnde een stuk taay hout
met een knoop aan de eene eijnde waarmeede se handig weeten om te gaan en
de vogelen in de vlugt dood te gooyen; behalven dat gebruyken se nog in den
oorlog teegens de Bosjesmans een schild van het vel eenes os gemaakt, waar-
meede sy de pylen haarer vyanden die daar teegens stuyten afweeren.’
1776 Hallema (1932) p. 133 Xhosa: spears, shield
‘.. . der pijlen van de Bosjesmans, . . . en tegen wien ze slegt gewapend
zijn, als gebruikende alleen assegaaijen of werpspiesen van circa 5 voet lang,
van ligt hout, aan ’t vooreind voorzien van eene ijzere spies, een pink dik of
plat geslepen met eenen scherpen punt, of als eene ronde elst, scherp gekarteld
of ook wel vierkant-gekartelde hoeken; (des te kunstiger, daar zij eenen steen
tot aanbeeld en eenen steen tot hamer hebben:) waarom zij dan ook schilden
met zich voeren....’ .
1776-7 Gordon (1776-95) Xhosa: shield, spears, club
Sketches.
1782 Dalrymple (1785) p. 25 Mpondo: club, spear
[they] ‘had reddish sticks, seemingly dyed, with a wodden [sic] knob at
the end, and lances... .’
1782 Hubberly pp. 68, 71, 74, 105, 110
Mpondo, Xhosa, Gqunukhwebe: spears, shields
Nothing more.
SRR RT
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 285
1791-7 De Jong (1802) 1 p. 191 ‘Caffre’: spear, bow, arrow
[Speaking of the ‘Caffres’ of whom he saw a group at Stellenbosch and
whom he distinguishes from Bushmen and Hottentots.] ‘Hunne wapenen zijn
meest de assagaai, een spies, die zij met zeer veel juistheid en snelheid weten
te werpen, voorts pyl en boog, die op grooter afstand dient, en een zwaarder
assagaai of piek, wanneer zij handgemeen zijn.’
1796 Stout (c. 1810) p. 18 Thembu: spear, club
Nothing more.
1797 Barrow (1806) 1 p. 415 Xhosa: spears
‘... his party was surprized among the thickets by a large party of Kaffers,
who attacked them hand to hand with the iron part of their Hassagais, the
wooden shaft being previously broken off.’
1800 Van der Kemp (1804) p. 444 Xhosa: sticks, spears, clubs
‘Men always, but women never, walk with a stick five feet long in their
hands, and two or three assegais and a club.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) p. 77 and pl., p. 187 Xhosa: weapons
ps 77 Xhosa: presentation of weapons
[Speaking of closing ceremony of the initiation school.] ‘Na dezen
gehoudenen maaltijd, worden de Jongelingen door hunne Vaders en Oomen
met Werpspiesen en Knodsen begiftigd, waarbij hun door dezelven, ook bij
monde van ’s Vorsten Beambten, onder het oog wordt gebragt, dat “‘zij zich
voortaan als Mannen zullen hebben te gedragen:” dat men “hun daarom de
wapenen in handen geeft, opdat zij het Opperhoofd, aan wien zij trouw en
gehoorzaamheid zijn verschuldigd, behoorliyk zouden beschermen enz.”’’
p. 187 Xhosa: offensive and defensive weapons
Nothing more.
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) 1 pp. 355, 395, pl. 455
Xhosa: spear, club, shield, poison
jos 38D Xhosa: weapons, no poison
‘Ihre Waffen, Hassegayen und Knotenstock (Kirri): bei einigen Schilder.
Vergiftung der Waffen von allen verabscheut.’
pp: 355, 455 Xhosa: weapons
Nothing more.
1806-15 Carmichael (1831) p. 288 Xhosa: spear, club, fencing-stick
‘Every Caffre carries in his hand a bundle, consisting of five or six Assa-
gays, a Kiri, and a long taper stick, of hardwood, which serves to kindle their
fire, and decide their private quarrels.’
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 369 : Xhosa: weapons
Nothing more.
c. 1824-5 Smith p. 387 Xhosa: spears, clubs
Nothing more.
286 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1815-37 Shaw (1840) p. 61 Xhosa: spear, club, shield
Nothing more.
1829 Shaw p. 198 Xhosa: spear, sticks
Nothing more.
1829 Holman (1834) 2 p. 267 Xhosa: shield, spear, club, stick
Nothing more.
(1832) Anon p. 151 Xhosa: spear, club, shield
Nothing more.
(1833) Morgan pp. 36-37 Xhosa: spear, shield, property of chief
‘The assagai or javelin is the property of the chief, and cannot be parted
with except with his express consent, not even when it is made entirely at their
own expense; so also is the shield and war feathers... .’
18346 Bonatz p. 351 Thembu: spear, club, shield
‘If they engage in any thing, it is in the chace. For this, they arm them-
selves with assagays (light missile darts), and with kirris (sticks with or without
knobs), which they cast at their game. They only make use of a shield when
they go on the lion or tiger-hunt, or into the field of battle.’
1834-5 Godlonton (1835-6) pp. 133, 141 Cape Nguni: weapons
p. 133 Xhosa: spears, stones
‘The enemy throwed down assegais and immense stones upon their
assailants, and that with such effect as to repulse them... .”
p. 141 Fingo: shields, spears
Nothing more.
(1836) Martin p. 157 Thembu: spear, club, shield
Nothing more. (Taken from Bonatz 1834b.)
1837 Dohne p. 62 Xhosa: spear, club
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw (1860) p. 413 Xhosa: weapons in hut
‘The master’s shield and bundle of assagays or javelins will be found near
the part of the hut where he usually sleeps, so as to be at hand, should he be
disturbed by robbers or wild animals during the night.’
c. 1850 C.B. (? Charles Bell) sketches ‘Kafir’: shield, spear
18515 Bell 2 p. 42 Thembu: rock-throwing
Nothing more.
1843-1882 Stow (1905) pp. 206-207 Xhosa: spears, shield
‘The respective methods of fighting of the Kaffirs and Bushmen differed
considerably. The Kaffirs used assagais, which they could not employ with
any certain effect at a greater distance than twenty or thirty paces. Of these
weapons they did not carry into the field more than three or four, so that they
were soon disarmed in case their antagonists were bold and nimble enough to
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 287
pick up these weapons as soon as the Kaffirs had hurled them. They used a
shield of ox hide large enough to cover their bodies completely, on shrinking
themselves into a smaller compass. When they were in actual engagement they
shifted their bodies continually from one side to the other, so that they could
not easily be hit, taking care all the time to keep their assagais in readiness to
throw at any unguarded part of their antagonists.’
1864 Stanford (1858-89) 1 p. 21 Thembu: weapons
‘Some of the footmen carried shields and assegais.’
1866-7 Wangemann (1868) p. 281 figure ‘Kaffir’: weapons
Nothing more.
(1927) Poto Ndamase pp. 118-119 Mpondo: weapons
Nothing more. 2
(1945) Makalima chap. 9, pars. 12, 14, 33, 34, 35 Xhosa, Thembu: weapons
pars. 12, 14, 33, 34 Xhosa, Thembu: guns, spears, sticks, arrows
Nothing more.
par. 35 Xhosa, Thembu: handling of spears
‘Izixobo kufuneka zixonywe entla, zingatsitywa ngabantu ababhingileyo.
Akufuneki izikali zipatwe ngelicala libukali. Asipatwa isikali ngapandle koba
kuyiwa elutshabeni nase nghina naxa ke kuhlatywa umkosi.’
[Weapons must be hung up in the rear part of the hut opposite the door,
women must not step over them. Weapons should not be handled by the blade.
Weapons are not taken outside unless people are going out to meet their enemies
or to a tribal hunt or if the alarm has been raised. ] ;
AXES
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) 1 pl. 3 Xhosa: axe
Figure.
(1829) Rose p. 53 Cape tribes: axes
“War hatchets are sometimes to be seen, the weapon of distant hordes,
the handles of which are formed from the straight horn of the rhinosceros.’
1945 Makalima chap. 9 par. 34 Xhosa, Thembu: axes
“‘Umsebenzi wengqanda, nengcola, nentshuntshe, nedlaka, udini kwane
zembe zonke zizixobo zemfazwe. Pofu izembe lona likwasebenza nokucanda
kanti umkonto okwahlaba nehagu.’
[The ... spear... and the axe are all war weapons. But the axe is also
used for chopping and the assegai is also used for slaughtering a pig.]
1949 Hammond-Tooke (1953) p. 84 Bhaca: axe
*,.. the young men seize the bull . . . and throw it. The chief takes an axe
and with it gashes the chest of the prostrate beast... .’.
288 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
BOWS AND ARROWS
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 70-71 Xhosa: not used
‘Die Kaffern fiihren keine Pfeile und Bogen, wie die nérdlich wohnenden
wilden und rauberischen Busch Hottentotten....’
1792 Best pp. 75-76 Xhosa: used against Bushmen
‘The Kaffers, the black folk who live near the Cape of Good Hope, are
tall, well-made and strongly built, with short woolly hair and protruding lips.
The Government maintains many of them, armed with bows and arrows, to
keep the so-called Bushmen away from their properties.’
1796-1801 Renshaw (1804) p. 23 ‘Kaffree’: poisoned darts
‘An officer of the 81st regiment of foot, 21 privates and a drummer unfortu-
nately fell in with a large body of Kaffrees, armed with poisoned darts, and,
overpowered by numbers, were every soul slain.’
(1802) De Jong 1 p. 191 ‘Caffre’: bows and arrows used
‘Hunne wapenen zijn meest de assegaai . . . voorts pyl en boog die op
grooter afstand dient... .’
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) p. 224
South African tribes: bows and arrows, discussion
‘Unter den hier beschriebenen Stammen der A-Bantu sind es die Herero
allein, welche Pfeil und Bogen wirklich regelmdssig benutzen. Man sieht solche
Waffen nur zuweilen, wie erwahnt, in den Handen der Be-chuana, und sehr
selten in den Handen eines Zulu oder Xosa, welche eine entschiedene Abneigung
oder besser Verachtung gegen dieselben an den Tag legen, als lediglich ftr
unkriegerische, gering geschatze Stamme, wie fiir Buschmdnner passend.’
(1919) McLaren p. 445 Xhosa: bows and arrows, discussion
‘The bow, isa-peta, and arrow, u-tolo, were well known from conflict with
the Bushmen, but seem among the Xosas to have been used only by children.
Boys fitted their arrows with a tip, igcwilika, of barbed ironwood or sneeze-
wood, or of metal. They used them mainly for shooting mice.’
(1932) Maingard p. 713 Cape tribes: bows and arrows: discussion
Nothing more.
1945 Makalima chap. 9 par. 14
Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: bows and arrows, description
‘Izapeta zentolo, zenziwe ngo zungu, umti otambileyo nozingati. Isapeta_
yinto eluluti nje, olusuke lwagotywa laza lagcinwa ngomtya ukuba lungoluki.
. . . Intolo zazisetyenziswa kudala, zisenziwa nge ngobiso, ngomti ka gqonci
wehlati. Lendawo isisikali ke yona yenziwa ngoluti lomtati, oluloliweyo.’
[The bows to shoot arrows were made of a soft flexible stick (uzungu,
uzingati). The bow is just a stick which is bent and kept under tension by a
thong. . . . Arrows were used in the old days, and bows made of Underbush
(uggonci) wood from the forests. The sharp end of the arrow was made of
pointed sneezewood.] |
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 289
1953 Anon. p. 9 Mpondo: bows and arrows
‘The bow and arrow was never part of the hunting equipment of the
primitive Bantu, as far as is known. Yet in an isolated part of the Eastern Cape
... there are young Pondo tribesmen who hunt with nothing else, and this is
not an innovation. The art of making and handling bows and arrows has been
handed down from father to son through generations. .. . These Pondo hunters
are found in the forests below Lusikisiki. . . . The bows they use are similar
to those of the Bushmen, but much bigger, and the arrows are carried in hide
quivers and are tipped with finely shaped, razor-sharp splinters of bone. The
hunters themselves are very shy and do not often show themselves to the few
Europeans who venture into the forests.’
CLUBS AND STICKS a
1752 Beutler p. 307 Xhosa: description of club
Quoted above, p. 284.
1782 Carter p. 23 Mpondo: knobbed sticks
¢
. all they got from the plunderers in return, were blows with their
lances, or with knobbed sticks, about three feet long, which they generally
carried with them.’
1782 Dalrymple (1785) pp. 23, 25 Mpondo: knobbed sticks
(o 23)
“They are sometimes out for 3 or 4 days from their hutts, they feed their
Dogs with what they catch, not eating it themselves, and only bringing home
a little on their knob sticks.’
joo 2D
[They] ‘had reddish sticks, seemingly dyed, with a wodden [sic] knob at
thevend.<..’. :
1782 Hubberly p. 117 Gqunukhwebe: fencing
“We often had dancing and cudgelling, which parties I sometimes joined.
One time there being visitors, they prevailed on me to play with them but not
being accustomed to their mode of the game in holding the stick by each end,
he hit me some hard blows over the head, etc., which made the spectators
shout.’
_1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 71, 72 Xhosa: description of clubs, sticks
jos WA
*. .. einem kurzen, fingerdikken [sic], hélzernen Stock mit einem daran
geschnittenen runden Knopf. Er ist héchstens 2 Fuss lang und heisst gewohn-
lich Knopf Kiri zum Unterschied des andern langen Stocks, der schlegt weg
Kiri (Stock) genennt wird.’
Te UZ
‘Die Knopf Kiri dienen ihnen zum Schlagen und zum Werffen [sic]. Ein
guter Schlag mit dem Knopf dieser Waffen—in dem die ganze Schwere ruht—
290 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
auf dem Kopf eines Menschen oder Thiers, tédtet sicher. Auch gebrauchen sie
solche nebst den langen Kiri beijm Hiiten ihres Viehs und wenn sie es weiter
treiben. Sie werfen nehmlich gew6hnlich mit erstern das seitwarts lauffende
[sic] Vieh.’
1797 Barrow (1806) 1 p. 154 Xhosa: description of clubs
‘.,. the keerie . . . is a stick about two feet and a half long, with a round
knob at the end about two inches in diameter, and very weighty, being the root
of some shrub.’
1803 Paravicini di Capelli p. 139 Xhosa: description and use of clubs
‘De kirry, een ander wapen eenige overeenkomst met een knods hebbende,
is een ronde stok een vinger dik en drie voeten lang, aan welks eene eynde een
ronde bal gegroeyd en verder door konst gesneden is. Zy gebruyken dit als
men man tegen man stryd, en brengen zich met deze knods vreeslyke slagen toe;
handig weten zy vogels en klein wild met deze kirry dood te werpen.’
1803 Howen, three paintings Xhosa: clubs
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) p. 188 Xhosa: description of club
‘De Strijdknods is een Stok, doorgaans 24 Voet lang en 10 Lijnen dik.
Aan het eene einde is een gestreepte Uitwas, bijkans van eene vuist dikte. Bij
mangel van zoodanige knodsen uit de gewone houtsoorten worden zij door
kunst vervaardigd. Met eene verwonderlijke behendigheid weten sich de Kaffers
in het tweegevecht van dit wapen te bedienen, daar zij den vijand daarmede
geduchte slagen toebrengen en de zijnen kunstmatig leeren afwenden.’
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) 1 pp. 355, 456, 460 Xhosa: clubs
[> SDD) Xhosa: mention
Nothing more.
p. 456 Xhosa: in hunt and agriculture
¢
. . Sle treffen damit in ziemlicher Entfernung. Auf der Jagd gebrauchen
Sie daher den Kirri eben so viel wie die Hassagay. Uebrigens dient er ihnen
auch als Ackergerath zum Auflockern der Erde.’
p. 460 Xhosa: in fighting
*....1ns Handgemenge, wo die Hassagayen nicht mehr gebraucht werden,
sondern wo der Kirri endlich das Gefecht entscheidet.’
1806-15 Carmichael (1831) p. 288 Xhosa: club and fencing-stick
‘The Kiri is a sort of walking-stick, about three feet long, with a large
knob at the end. By a particular art in throwing it, they can kill a hare, antelope,
or other small animal, at thirty yards’ distance. Every Caffre carries... Assagays,
a Kiri, and a long taper stick, of hardwood, which serves to kindle their fire,
and decide their private quarrels.’
1821-4 Thompson (1827) 2 p. 361 Xhosa: club
Nothing more.
c. 1824-5 Smith p. 387 Xhosa: club
Nothing more.
<P emperanr
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 291
1820-31 Steedman (1835) p. 39 Xhosa: stick at smelling out
Quoting conversation with Shaw: ‘The wise woman having arrived at
Pato’s kraal, at least seven hundred men and women assembled, and forming
themselves into a large circle, the former commenced preparatory ceremonies
by striking on the shafts of their lances with their intonga, or fencing sticks.
This was done in regular time. ...’
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 130, 173, 189, 269 Xhosa: clubs, sticks
pp. 130, 269 Xhosa: mention
Nothing more.
p. 173 Xhosa: club at smelling out
Nothing more.
p. 189 Xhosa: sticks at a wedding
‘All had long staves in their hands; these were held in a perpendicular
position, giving to the whole body, when moving up and down, a very singular
appearance.’
(1829) Shaw p. 198 Xhosa: fencing-sticks
Nothing more.
1829 Holman (1834) 2 p. 267 Xhosa: club, stick
Nothing more.
(1832) Anon. p. 162 Xhosa: iron club
“His [Gaika’s] cheeks and lips were painted red; and he held in his hand
an iron kiri . . . one of his captains announced that it was the king.’
1835 Alexander (1837) 1 pp. 388, 394, 395 Xhosa: club, sticks
p. 388 Xhosa: club
‘Tied up with the assegai is commonly a short stout stick with a large
knobbed head, called by the Kaffirs themselves indookoo, and by us keerie.’
p. 394 Xhosa: fencing-sticks
‘The Kaffir amusements are various. One of these is fencing with long
staves, having a bundle of assegais in the left hand, and a kaross on the left
arm, on which to receive their antagonist’s blows. I found them also capital
single-stick players.’
p. 395 Xhosa: club in hunting
*... and knocking down hare and partridges with their keeries, or clubs,
at which the little herd-boys are very expert.’
1834-44 Dohne (1844) p. 25 Xhosa: women carrying sticks
: . ein Geschrei erhoben, das den Frauen ein Zeichen und eine
Aufforderung ist, den Mannern nachzugehen, wobei sie sich der Stécke als
Waffen bedienen. Ebenso tewaffnet gehen die Weiber umher, wenn ihre Manner
mit dem Inkosi auf einem Raubzuge abwesend sind.’
1820-56 Shaw (1860) pp. 359, 461, 462 Xhosa: clubs, sticks
Nothing more.
292 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1851-2 King (1853) pp. 170-171 Xhosa: club
‘Game they often kill with the knob-kerrie, a short club, two or three
feet long, generally made out of an olive stock, or shaped out of rhinoceros’
horn, which they throw with wonderful force and accuracy and can knock
down a man as well as kill a hare or buck, at twenty or thirty yards, with the
greatest certainty.’
(1853) Fleming pp. 98, 102-103 Cape tribes: club, description and use
p. 98 Cape tribes: number carried
‘Their assagais and knob-keeries they carry in a bundle in the left hand.
Of the former, they usually (in time of war) have seven—of the latter they
always have two.’
p. 102-103 Cape tribes: description
‘The ““Knob-keerie’’ above-mentioned deserves a little notice. It is merely
a stick, about four feet in length, and an inch in diameter, terminated at one
end by a knob or round ball. These are usually made from young trees of the
wild olive (Olea Verrucosa, or O. Ferruginea) the bend at the root being formed
into the knob. They are also made sometimes of the Assagai Wood (Curtisia
Ferruginea), the Kaffrarian Pear (Pyrus Africana), and various other native
trees. They make use of them, principally, in killing game, or in defending
themselves against reptiles. . . . They use this stick in this way with great pre-
cision, seldom failing to strike what they throw at, and frequently killing a very
small bird or animal, at the distance of twenty, thirty, and even thirty-five
WEN. 5 6
(1856) Fleming, pp. 207-208 Cape tribes: club with lead in head
‘They also carry with them a “knob-kerrie”’, . . . terminated at one end
by a knob or round ball. These are sometimes scooped out and the hole is
tilled) wathy lead.
1863-66 Fritsch (1872) p. 66 Xhosa: club, rhino-horn club
*.. . seltener findet man im eigentlichen Kafferlande Kiris aus dem Horn
des Rinozerosses, welches Thier in diesen Gegenden beinahe schon ganzlich
ausgerottet ist... .’
1866-7 Wangemann (1868) pp. 281 (fig.), 628-629 ‘Kaffer’: clubs, sticks
Noth ng more.
1877-8 Norbury (1880) p. 8 Xhosa: club
Nothing more.
(1887) Matthiae p. 11 ‘Kafhir’: club
Nothing more.
(1904) Kidd pl. 11 Mpondo: club
His pl. 11.
(1914) Schweiger p. 64 Xhosa, Fingo: stick
‘Sie werden hernach mit ihren neuen weissen Decken bekleidet und erhalten
einen Stab (umngqay) als Zeichen ihrer Mannbarkeit.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 293
(1919) McLaren p. 445 Xhosa: sticks, clubs
*.. . the general name was in-duku. The induku was usually a stick with
a knob, isi-kanda, of moderate size, which could be used either for throwing
at game or a foe, or in hand-to-hand conflict. The gripping end of the knob-
kerrie, um-xolo, was often notched in a fine lozenge pattern, so as to give a
good hold.
Among the knob-kerries were the i-bunguza or i-gqudu, a kerrie with a large
head and short handle for throwing at foes or game; the i-ggeba, a kerrie for
cracking skulls; the injikijane, a kerrie designed to pierce the skull when thrown.
The isa-gweba, lit. the settler of disputes, was a short fighting stick, with or
without a knob....
Beautiful walking-sticks, um-simelelo, were made out of Kaffir ironwood,
um-simbiti, of which the heart-wood is dark red, turning to a glossy black.
These were usually decorated with ornamental patterns, notches, grooves,
rings, spirals, or with carvings of animals, such as snakes, lizards, baboons,
human heads, etc.
Dancing sticks were decorated by being covered up with beadwork in a
variety of patterns and colours.’
(1927) Poto Ndamase pp. 119, 121 Mpondo: clubs, sticks
je LL) Mpondo: always carried
Nothing more.
Os IZ Mpondo: walking-sticks
‘Intonga yokusimelela. Endaweni yemikonto namaquku ebepatwa nga-
pambili, ngoku kusetyenziswa intonga zokusimelela zomsimbiti nezitengwa
evenkileni.’
[Instead of assegais and knobkerries which used to be carried formerly,
people now use walking sticks of umsimbiti wood and others bought in the
stores. |
1928 Anon. p. 41 Xhosa: sticks, clubs
‘One saw on the table the sticks and the bunguzas that the young men
had employed to break one another’s heads. The sticks were made of hard
wood; the bunguzas were ugly looking instruments, shaped at the top in the
form of a ball, three inches or so in diameter, on a stick eighteen inches long.
They resembled drum sticks which drummers employ for beating large drums;
only they were roughly made of hard wood and had no artistic device on them.
... There are two kinds of these weapons, the one an imitation of a large drum-
stick, the other the same with a knife nine inches long embedded in the knob.
The second is a fearsome-looking weapon and is used by herd boys to bring
down birds that fly low, or game that rises from the ground. It is also employed
and has been employed to kill an enemy or to make a faction or location fight
somewhat interesting.’
(1932) Soga pp. 170, 312, 313 Xhosa: sticks, clubs
294 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 170 Xhosa: sticks on visit to diviner
‘A company of men or women, or a mixed company of both may often
be seen marching along in single file, carrying long sticks (imi-nqayi) in their
hands. The serious attitude of the party, the formation in which they walk, the
significant imi-ngayi indicate that they are on their way to a diviner (igqira).’
pp. 312-313 Xhosa: sticks, clubs
‘As weapons of offence the boys carry several sticks; these are in-duku—
a knobbed stick, an um-ngayi—a long pointed stick without a knob (Eleo-
dendron velutinum), for use in single combat. This stick 1s pointed at the striking
end so as to cut into the flesh on striking. Besides these is carried a bunguza—
a short cudgel with a large round and fluted head. This is the most dangerous
weapon of the armament. It is used at close quarters to disable an opponent,
and is occasionally thrown with violence against an enemy who is beyond the
reach of the ordinary fighting sticks. Should the bunguza hit fairly the person
aimed at, it will either kill or disable him. When the fighting crowd, which
from the nature of its weapons cannot fight in a compact body, separates itself
into a series of duels, the principal fighting weapons used are the uwmnqayi and
the induku. The former is not thrown but kept in hand throughout the fight
for striking with. It is used along with another but shorter stick, the induku.
The latter is carried in the left hand by the middle, a certain length projecting
above and below the hand, and used for parrying. Both portions above and
below the hand are made use of. As a protection to the hand, the cotton blanket
is wound round both the parrying hand and the centre of the stick held by the
hand, otherwise a blow on the hand would disable the fighter. . .’.
(1932) Brunotti pp. 126-127 Xhosa: fencing-sticks
Nothing more.
1932a Godfrey p. 24 Xhosa: stick
‘The Umsimbiti Walking-stick: Among the farewell gifts bestowed upon
Inspector Ferguson on the occasion of his retiring on pension at the end of
1931 was a beautifully carved walking-stick, cut from the umsimbiti tree,
Millettia caffra Meisn. East of the Kei, where this tree occurs as a coastal
species, such ornamental sticks are in great demand. They figure conspicuously
at these times when the native women are attending their women’s meetings
and conferences, and on such occasions they serve almost as a badge of member-
ship. Rev. D. B. Davies informs me that the carrying of an umsimbiti walking-
stick on a journey performs for its bearer the same function as the casting of a
pebble on the isivivane (or wayside heap of stones found still in certain localities)
with an ejaculatory prayer for success in one’s undertaking. The umsimbiti
walking-stick serves as a walking-prayer, the fortunate carrier of such a stick
is bound to be blessed.’
1932 Hunter (1936) p. 410 Mpondo: boys’ sticks
‘Small boys begin to carry sticks at about five years, and from that age
are constantly fighting one another with sticks.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 295
(1937) Soga p. 45 Xhosa: sticks
‘Kuba ubuko umnqayi iyintongana yamatamsanga nenzuzo apata yona
umntu ekuhamba-hambeni pakati kohlanga. Ze kuti xa kusemdudweni
bapate imingayi bonke. Xa sukuba kusiyiwa kwendiswa, indoda ibipata
umnqayi wayo. Nokubana baya kuvumisa ibikwa ngumnqayi intonga epatwayo.
Kuba induku le yona yintonga yasenquna xa kuzingelwa inyamakazi kupela.
Isigweba, intongana emfutshane, ibiyeyokugibisela nokugalela intaka. Xa
sukuba kusiyiwa emagqireni ibiba yimingayana emnyamana nemihlana epi-
tweyo, ingemingayi mikulu.’
(‘There was the wmnqayi the long pointed stick, which was a little stick
of good luck and gain, which a man carried when he went to and fro amongst
the people. And then, at marriage festivities all the men carried imingayi.
When a man took his daughter away to be married, he carried his umnqayi.
When the men went to consult a witch doctor, it was the wmngayi also which
they carried. The induku knob stick was carried only in hunting parties when
the men went out to hunt game. The isigweba short stick, was for throwing at
and hitting birds. When the men went out to consult doctors, it was the little
black fine imingayi that they carried, not the big ones.’ |
1945 Makalima chap. 9 pars. 12, 14 Xhosa: clubs, sticks, woods used
par. 12
Nothing more.
par. 14
‘Intonga namabhunguza zizona zinto ke bezisenziwa kakulu ezi kwa
Xosa, zibe nanamhlanje zisenziwa. Intonga ngumnqayi eye ote tswi, ze lona
ibhunguza libe negqudu kwelacala lingapaya.... Amabhunguza namagqudu
enziwa ngomsimbiti nomtati, nogqonci, nomnonono nomngqayi.... Intonga
yenziwa ngemingayil, nayo yonke eminye imiti enje ngo gqonci, umnquma,
umbovana, umtentsema, umlungu-mabele, umzane, uzwati, usitshane, isito-
boti, neminye ke. Ezinye ziya qoqwa zibe ntle kunene.’
[Sticks and knobkerries are things which the Xhosas particularly used to
make and still do. Sticks are made from Eleodendron yelutinum (umnqayi)
wood. It is a straight long stick whereas the knobkerrie (ibhunguza) is a short
stick with a big knob on the one end. . . . Knobkerries and short sticks with
knobs are made of Kaffir ironwood (umsimbithi), sneezewood (umthathi),
underbush (ugqgonci), roodebesje (umnonono) and umnqayi. .. .
Sticks are made from the forest tree (wmngayi) and such other trees as
the underbush (iggonci), wild olive tree (umnquma), the thorny climbing plant
umbovana, the Cape plane or redwood (umtentsema), knobwood (umlungu-
mabele), the white ironwood (umzane), the fire-stick (uzwati), Kaffirboom
(usitshane), the species of Cryptocarya, isitoboti and others. Some of them are
filed away and they become very fine indeed.]
(1964) Louw pp. 98-99 Cape tribes: clubs
296 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 98 Mpondo: clubs
‘Ibhunguza knobkerrie with plain head... Jgqola. .Igqudu... Iwisa....
All these four names for knobkerries are interchangeable. The custom of having
different names for the same thing is called ukuhlonipha. .. .’
a. 22 General: clubs
Nothing more.
KNIVES
(1853) Fleming p. 108 Cape tribes: knives not used as weapons
‘Knives and hatchets are never used in fighting, and are not much employed
by them, save in cutting wood, or hunting.’
QUIVERS
1851 Baines (1842-53) 2 p. 250 Fingo: spear quiver
*... a party of mounted Fingoes, whose assagais, stuck in a quiver over the
left shoulder and rising several feet above their heads, gave them the appear-
ance of lancers and betokened the open character of the country from which
they came.’
18516 Bell p. 40 Xhosa, Thembu, Fingo: quivers
“The mounted men carry their assegais stuck in a sheath on their backs,
the shafts standing up high above their heads.’
1845-89 Kropf (1889) p. 118 Xhosa: quiver
*,. . auf dem Ruicken den langen ledernen KéGcher fiir die Spiesse, deren
es lange Wurf- und kurze Stoss-spiesse giebt, die mit der rechten Hand gefiihrt
werden... .
1877-8 Norbury (1880) p. 47 Xhosa: quiver
“When the Amaxosa are at war, a considerable proportion of the men,
perhaps a third, carry some fire-arm, of which one sees the most extraordinary
variety, from the old flint-lock brass-mounted musket to the present Snider
rifle, and every one carries a bundle of assegais, the blades of which are encased
in a kind of quiver of bullock’s hide.’
(1919) McLaren p. 448 Xhosa: quiver
Nothing more.
(1932) Soga p. 78 _ Xhosa: quiver
“The complete bundle of assegais carried by a warrior or hunter is called
isi-rwege. The quiver for holding these is wmpongolo.’
1949 Hammond-Tooke (1953) p. 78 Bhaca: spear quivers
*...men arrive from out-lying areas. They come on horseback, and on
foot....All carry sticks or spears, those on horseback carrying them in a
skin scabbard behind the saddle... .’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 297
SHIELDS
1752 Beutler p. 308 Xhosa: shield
Quoted above, p. 284
1776 Hallema (1932) p. 133 Xhosa: description and use of shield
‘... waarom zij dan ook schilden met zich voeren, die met den eenen hand
op den grond voor zich gehouden, hen op de hurken zittende tegen de pijlen
dekt. Deze schilden zijn van beestenvellen, en als een in de lengte doorgesneden
cylinder gemaakt omtrend 4 voeten hoog.’
1776 Swellengrebel p. 13 Xhosa: shield
Nothing more.
1776-7 Gordon (1776-95) Xhosa: shield
Figure. .
1782 Carter p. 18 Mpondo: shield of elephant hide
‘But coming the next day to a very large village, they found there the
three natives just mentioned, who had collected together three or four hundred
of their country-men; who were all armed with lances, and targets made of
the hides of elephants.’
1782 Dalrymple (1785) p. 24 Mpondo: shields
Nothing more (just hide, not elephant hide).
1782 Hubberly p. 74 Mpondo: shields
‘Those natives that had not got targets went off to a village just by and
brought them. They being made of strong hides, about four feet long and two
broad, shielded them completely, so that the stones we threw had not the least
effect on them, they very seldom missing us... .’
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 71, 72
Xhosa: shield, description and use
p: 71 Xhosa: description of shield
‘Sie bedienen sich so denn auch noch eines grossen Schildes als schirmende
Waffen, den sie in der linken Hand fiihren. Er ist von unterschiedlicher Lange
und Breite, aber allzeit oval, und besteht aus einem getrockneten Ochsenfell,
wovon die haarigte Seite auswarts dem Feind entgegen gehalten wird. Diess
starre harte Fell ist seiner Lange nach in der Mitte an einem langen Stock
wozu sie 6fters ihren langen Kiri nehmen mit Riemchen fest gebunden; sie
greiffen [sic] den Stock so denn in der Mitte und fiihren auf diese Weise den
Schild in der Hand. Bissweilen stekken sie auch ihre Assagais in die—noch am
Schildstock besonders angebrachten Riemchen und schieben ihre Feldschu
[sic] gleichfalls daran....
Dasjenige Schildfell, so ich von einem ihrer Fiirsten erhandelte ist 5 Fuss
lang und 24 Fuss breit, und ist aus einer weissen Kuhhaut verfertiget [sic].’
p12 Xhosa: use of shield
‘Thres Schildes bedienen sie sich bei ihren Ziigen oder bei Veranderung
298 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ihrer Kraale; bei ihren grossen Jagden und im Krieg. Sie wissen damit fliegende
Lanzen durch Behendigkeit und Kiinstlich [sic] schiefe Haltung derselben
treflich [sic] aus zu lencken.’
1797 Barrow (1806) p. 154 Xhosa: shield
‘In battle they receive the point of the hassagai upon an oval shield about
four feet in depth, made from the hide of a bullock.’
1800 Van der Kemp (1804) p. 441 Xhosa, Mbo: shape of shields, hunting
“When the men go to war, or to hunt lions, they use shields of an oblong
square form, two of which are cut out of one ox-hide; whereas the Imbo use
circular ones, of which only one can be made out of a hide.’
1803 Janssens p. 157 Xhosa: making shields
‘Op zyde van de hutten waren drie mans beezig leedere schilden te bereyden,
zy snyen derzelve overal rond, en slaan met een ronde steen een lange tijd op
het leder, dat op de grond legd, om het schild de concaviteit te bezorgen; zy
scheenen hierin zeer handig en yverig.’
1803 Howen, three paintings Xhosa: shields, clubs
1803 Paravicini di Capelli pp. 103, 139 ‘Kaffer’: shields
p. 103
Nothing more.
p. 139
*... hunne schilden... ; zy dragen dit schutzel aan de linke arm, zynde er aan
de binnen zyde van het schild houvasten door de welke zy den arm steken.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) pp. 158, 188, pl. Xhosa: shields
Pa los Xhosa: shield in hunting
‘Men werpt alsdan eene menigte spiesen, zoodanig dat het dier vergramt
en op den eenen of anderen Jager toespringt. Deze valt terstond op den grond
neder, doch bedekt zich met zijn schild. Op dit oogenblik snellen anderen toe
en doorsteken het dier.’
p. 188 Xhosa: description of shield
‘Het schild wordt van eene Ossenhuid bereid. Nadat dezelve uitgespannen
en alzoo gedroogd is, wordt zij met eenen ronden gladden steen, uit het midden
naar de kanten, zoo zeer gebeukt en uitgerekt, dat zij eene langwerpige vlak
holle gedaante ontvangt. Daarna snijdt men dezelve langwerpig rond, zoodanig
dat zulk een Schild 44 Voet hoogte en de, ter bedekkinge van het lijf nood-
zakelijke, breedte erlangt. Eindelijk, wordt een stok van middelmatige dikte
aan de holle zijde van het Schild, in de lengte, met riemen zoodanig vast
gemaakt, dat hij, aan beide einden, eenige Duimen lang uitsteekt, ten einde
daarop te kunnen steunen en tevens in het midden ter bescherminge vast te
houden. Ieder weerbaar Man is verpligt, zich zelf een Schild aan te schaffen;
doch tevens hetzelve aan het Opperhoofd der Horde af te leveren, die dezelve
allen in eene daartoe afzonderlijk bestemde hut, tot op het tijdstip van noodig
gebruik, doet bewaren.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 299
(See also Alberti 18106: 27 (pl.), 76-77, 89 (English edition).)
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) 1 pp. 355-356, 395, 419, 455-456, pl. 3
Xhosa: use and description of shields
pp. 355-356 Xhosa: description of shield
‘Besondre Abwechselung gewinnt es auch noch durch den Gebrauch der
Vertheidigungswaffen. Diese bestehen in einem grossen Schilde aus einer
geharteten und rund geschnittenen Ochsenhaut, die an der innern Seite durch
ein hélzernes Kreuz aus einander gesperrt und daran gehandhabt wird, und
aus einem kurzen Knuppel von Hassagayenholz, der so geschnitten ist, dass
ein Theil der dicken Wurzel dieses Stammes den Knopf der Keule bildet.’
pp. 395, 419, 455 Xhosa: use of shields
Nothing more.
1810 Read (1813) p. 304 ; Xhosa: shield in hunting
Nothing more.
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 367 - Xhosa: shield
‘Nothing is more disgraceful among the Caffres than for a man to lose
or throw away his shield. One of our Hottentots when in Caffraria, observed
a Caffre who was as clever as any of them, yet never allowed to associate with
them, and often wondered what could be the reason of his disgrace—the Caffre
told him it was because he had once thrown away his shield to save his life.’
1821-4 Thompson (1827) 2 p. 364 Xhosa: shield in lion hunt
Nothing more.
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 258, 387 Xhosa: uses of shields
p. 258 ‘Kaffir’: shields at wedding
*.. . the bride being in the middle. Behind again are two old women and on
the side opposite the young people and between them and the kraal, walk the
men with their shields carrying along side of them lengthways instead of perpen-
dicular and close in contact so as to prevent a view being obtained of the
procession. As the shields are not generally deep enough it becomes necessary
for the youngsters to bend forward in order to effect a more complete
concealment.’
p. 387 Xhosa: shield as sunshade
“When the weather is very warm and chief men at a distance from properly
adapted trees make shades of shield which are held over them by their people.’
1820-31 Steedman (1835) p. 58 Xhosa: shields at chief’s village
Nothing more.
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 65, 287 Xhosa, Thembu: making, use
p. 65 Xhosa: shields, making and description
*... Pato’s hamlet. ... Here there were a number of naked warriors, chiefly
9
young men, busily employed in making shields... .’.
300 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 287 Thembu: shield in medical practice
‘On this occasion there were only two men present, one of whom was
employed as a kind of drummer, beating with a small stick upon an exceedingly
large shield.’
1829 Bain p. 103, note 54 Mpondo: shield
‘The Kaross of the Amapondo which, by the way, he hardly ever wears,
though composed of the same materials as that of the Caffre is much smaller.
His arms are nearly similar but his shield, for every day use, is only a strip of
cow hide about 3 feet long by 9 inches broad.’
1829 Holman (1834) 2 p. 267 Xhosa: shield
Nothing more.
(1832) Anon. p. 151 Xhosa: shield
Nothing more.
(1833) Morgan pp. 37, 46 Xhosa: shield belongs to chief
pod.
‘.. 80 also is the shield and the war feathers; these latter articles are
kept in the possession of the chief, and are a symbol of his authority over
them. They are trusted to the warrior only during the time of service, and are
restored by him when the war is over. . . . On their left arm they carry a large
oval shield made of the dry undressed hide of an ox; it is about five feet high
and three feet wide... .’
p. 46 Xhosa: shield at marriage
*... the dancers. Here they stand concealing their bodies with their shields,
which are placed upright by each other, thus preventing the spectators from
observing what is done behind them.’
1834 Godlonton (1835-6) p. 141 Fingo: shields
‘.. . 47 Fingoes in their complete war equipments. . . . When they came
through the drift they held their shields over their heads, so as to cover and
protect the whole person from anything thrown down upon them while crossing
Hite
1834 Gardiner (1836) p. 13 Mpondo: shield as shade
‘On my return, the following day, I found Faku sitting in great state
under the shade of shields held up to protect his head from the sun.’
1835 Alexander (1837) 1 pp. 388-389, 390, 2 p. 110 Xhosa, Fingo: shields
1 p. 388-389 Xhosa: description of shield
‘The oval shield, intonka, which completes the equipment of a Kaffr
warrior, is of hide of all colours, five feet in height, and is bound to a stick a
little longer. This shield covers the warrior in fighting with men and lions;
when set on edge, it shelters him at his fire from the wind; and is a roof under
which he sleeps with his comrade, closely together, in the field. To frighten their
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 301
antagonists, the Kaffirs spring about, shaking their light shields, and beating
them with their knees... .’
p. 390 Xhosa: shield useless against bullets
*... and as the shield is no protection against a bullet, the Amakosa, in
fighting with our people, generally disencumbered themselves of that ineffectual
defence.’
2 p. 110 Fingo: shields
Nothing more.
(1836) Mart n p. 157 Thembu: use of shield
Nothing more.
1836 Butler (1841) p. 7 Xhosa: height of shield
Figure.
820-56 Shaw (1860) p. 388 Xhosa: shield
Nothing more.
1842-7 Ward (1848) pp. 249-250, 251 Fingo: shields
p. 249 Fingo: sleep under shield
‘At dawn, he rose to reconnoitre, and, looking below, beheld, as he
imagined, an immense herd of cattle. As the sun advanced, lighting up the
valley, a solitary figure stepped out from the supposed herd, and, springing on
an ant-heap, waved an assegai, and probably spoke, though nothing could be
heard. Each shield of bullock’s hide then gave up its armed warrior, who had
been sleeping beneath its shelter... .’
pe 251 Fingo: shield as drum
‘The Fingoes bear enormous shields . . . sometimes beating time on them
aseOmparaiGutiin . . .*
1842-7 Ward (1851) p. 100 Fingo: large shield as drum
No hing more.
c. 1850 Pons Fingo: shield
Figure.
1848-52 Baines 17(10) ?Fingo: shields
Figure.
1851 Baines, painting Mpondo: shield
‘Camp of Ist & 2nd Division at Butterworth’.
1851-2 King p. 63 Fingo: shield as drum
‘. . . their deep voices, accompanied by regular tapping on a shield of
@xinid en
1852 Baines 1842-53) 2 pp. 288, 290 Mpondo:, Hlubi shields
p. 288 Mpondo: shields
‘. . . they had the satisfaction of seeing several hundred white shields of
the Amapondo in dangerous proximity to the fugitive herds.’
302 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 290, note 25 Hlubi: shields
‘And their shields, each formed of the entire hide of an ox, the colour
of the hair and the various devices marking the tribe or division to which the
owner belonged, were extended on a staff adorned with black ostrich plumes,
or, for more convenience of carriage, detached and rolled round it. Three or
four of them, supported by each other, formed a convenient hut under which
the owners stretched themselves upon the ground and awaited the next demand
upon their energy. They belonged to a sub-tribe of the Amapondo called
Amaghubi, and the name of their chief was Ooloodidi.’ (His editor’s note:
‘The name of the tribe is Amahlubi and of the chief Ludidi.’)
(1853) Fleming p. 108 Cape tribe: shield abandoned
‘They have now quite abandoned the use of shields (made of oxhide),
and seldom, if ever, in warfare carry more than a blanket, and a bundle of about
seven assagais.’
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) p. 66 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1845-89 Kropf (1889) pp. 114, 117 Xhosa: shields
p. 114 Xhosa: making of shield
‘Die Schuhmacher sind auch zugleich Anfertiger der Schilde aus
Ochsentella a =::
joey Xhosa: boys with shields
‘Schon von klein auf beginnen die Knaben, mit Schild und Kaiittel bewaff-
net, gegeneinander zu “a4ampfen....’
1843-1882 Stow (1905) pp. 234, 235 Cape Neguni: shields
p. 234 Xhosa: shields
‘The great shields adopted by the foremost Kaffirs proved impervious to
the tiny reed shafts of the Bushmen... .’
pe 235 Xhosa, Thembu, Mpondo: shields
‘We shall consider. . . . The pastoral and more warlike Coast Kaffirs, the
Ama Xosa and other frontier tribes, armed with javelins or assagais and immense
shields cut from an entire ox hide... . The Abatembu and Amampondo tribes,
with assagais, clubs and oval shields. .. . The Amazulu, Matabili and Natal
tribes, with large oval shields... .’
1872 Weitz (1873) p. 187 Mpondo: shields
(saw the Pondo army pass by) ‘the infantry carrying shields of
Ove MG, 5 5 5%
c. 1888 Bodley (1891) p. 238 Mpondo: shield
‘At last he consented to a compromise. The warriors were not to wield their
assegais and shields, but only their clubs.’
(1927) Poto Ndamase p. 119 Mpondo: shields
‘Izihlangu bezigcinwa kweyezo indlu ekutiwa yintanga. Lendlu ibinga-
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 303
baswa kuba abantu bebefuna zihlale zizihle izihlangu zabo, kuba bezisenziwa
ngezikumba ezimhlope.’
[The shields were kept in a separate hut called intanga. No fire was made
in this hut because people wanted their shields to remain clean as they were
made of white skins. ]
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 101, 407, pl. 25 Mpondo: shields
p. 101 Mpondo: description
‘Shields were made of untanned hide. Each man tanned and sewed with
sinew his own dress and that of his sisters and daughters, but a specialist was
called in to cut a skirt or a shield.’
p. 407 Mpondo: size
‘Each man had an oval shield, about four feet by two, made of ox-hide.’
pl. 25b Mpondo: shield
(1945) Tylden p. 33-35 General: use of shields
(Os oie)
Tylden, quoting Moodie (1888 2: 408) who quoted unpublished papers of
Fynn (1826) states of the Zulu, ‘on the march, when no fighting was expected,
the shield was rolled up and carried on the man’s back’.
p- 35
‘The Xosas, Fingoes . . . soon discarded the shield when they obtained
muskets and later rifles, and sketches and pictures of the Kaffir wars from 1845
onwards show that the shield was only used by men who had no firearms.’
SPEARS
1554 Perestrello p. 157 Bashee R.: wooden and iron spears
‘Na tarde deste mesmo dia apparacéra6 sobre hum cabeco, que perto
de nos estava, obra de cem Cafres com muitos paos tostados nas maés, que
estas saO as suas principaes armas, e algumas azagayas com ferros.’
(p. 225 ‘On the afternoon of the same day there appeared upon a headland
close to us about a hundred Kaffirs with many wooden pikes with their points
hardened in the fire in their hands, for these are their principal arms, and some
assegais with iron points. . . .’)
1593 Lavanha (1597) p. 235 Umtata R.: spears
‘E na guerra servem-se de Azagayas....’
(p. 294 ‘In war they make use of assegais. . . .’)
1679 Schreyer p. 62 Hottentot (for comparison): spear
‘A throwing spear is 7 or 8 feet long, in front as thick as a thumb, at the
rear end quite thin. Into the thick end they stick an iron, half a foot long and
four fingers wide, which at thirty paces they can throw right through a man.’
1752 Beutler pp. 307, 308, 310 Xhosa: spears
304 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
peor Xhosa: number carried
‘Haare geweeren bestaan uyt assagayen waarvan agt of thien in een bondel
sijn te samen gevoegd... .’
p. 308 Xhosa: aim
*.. . deese assagaayen kunnen se boogsgewijs op 60 a 70 treeden van haar
werpen en dat met sulk een kragt dat men werk heeft om naderhand de assagaay
met beyde de handen uyt de grond te trekken, dog se werpen deselve so gewis
niet als de Hottentotten met haare boogen pylen schieten.’
p. 310 Xhosa: use at circumcision
‘... de jongetjes worden . . . besneeden, hetwelk word verrigt door een oud
en verstandig man, met een breede en scherpe assagay.’
1776 Gordon (1776-95) Xhosa: spears
Figures.
1776 Hallema (1932) p. 133 Xhosa: description
‘Deze ijzere spies is aan de houten schaft vast verbonden door eene band
van basten peesen, vooral wilde.’
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 48 Xhosa: spears
Nothing more.
1782 Carter pp. 18, 72 Mpondo, Xhosa: spears
p. 18 Mpondo: spears
Nothing more.
(Os 12 Xhosa: spear practice
6
. . arranged in two lines on opposite sides of the lawn, one of the men
rolled, with all his strength, from the top of the descent, a wooden ball; and
so expert were they, that in its passage they would lodge their lances at it.’
1782 Dalrymple (1785) p. 25 Mpondo: spears precious
‘Afterwards the natives brought sweet potatoes to exchange for the lance
staffs and sticks they had thrown at our people.’
1782 Hubberly p. 74 Mpondo: spears
‘Being either not willing to destroy us or loose the iron off their lances,
they took from them the shafts which being pointed and hard, they levelled
amongst us, and wounded several, one of which entering the ear of Mr Newman
he instantly fell down and was stunned by it.’
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 69, 70, 71, 72 Xhosa: use and description
p. 69 Xhosa: always carried
‘Kein Kaffer geht selbst in die Hiitte seines Vatters, ohne in seiner Rechten
einige Assagais (in ihrer Sprache, n’kont’ ho) zu tragen. Diese Lanzen verfertigen
sie selbsten.’
p. 70 Xhosa: description of four sorts
‘Die Lanzen der Kaffern sind gewohnlich 5-6 Schuh lang, und mit Steinen
sehr kiinstlich geschmiedet. Es gibt vielerlei Arten derselben, wovon ich aber
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 305
nur 4 verschiedene Gattungen gesehen habe. Die eine Art, welche auch die
gemeinsten zu seijn scheint, besteht in einem eisernen Spiess, der in der Mitte
einen Zoll biss 5 Linién breit, -spizig—an beiden Seiten gescharfft—under der
Lange nach auf der einen Seite tief, und auf der andern erhaben geslagen ist.
Die Lange der eigentlichen Lanze oder des schneidenten Theils ist 5—6 Zoll.
Sie verlangert sich denn in einem polirten 12-14 Zoll langen eisernen Stab, der
ganz cylindrisch und durchgehends | Linie dick seijn mag. An dessen Ende ist
er auf eine gewisse geschikte Weisse in eine ohngefehr gleich dikken hélzernen
Queiie oder sehr spitzig auslauffenden Stab von etwa 44 Fuss Linge, ein-
gebrannt. An dieser Stelle ist er dan mit einer Sehne oder einem Riemchen fest
umwunden. Eine andere Art ist die, dass die eigentliche Lanze bei 8-12 Zoll
lang und am Ende ihrer Flache mittelst einer kleinen zugespizten Verlangerung
in den hdlzernen Stab so eingefiigt ist, dass beinahe die schneidende Flache
unmittelbar auf dem Queiie aufsizt. Ubringens ist bei allen in der Form der
eigentlichen Lanzen kein merklicher Unterschied.
Die dritte Art ist die kiinstlichste, schénste aber auch zugleich die gefahr-
lichste. Die eigentliche Lanze ist zwar den iibrigen gleich, nur ist der eiserne
cylindrische Staab der eersten Art, bei dieser vierekkigt geschmiedet und hat
an den vier Ekken viele scharfe, abwirts stehende wiederhaken, die alle ganz
regelmassig eigehauen sind. Diese Gattung wird unter die theuersten gerechnet,
weil ihnen ihre verfertigung am meisten Mihe kostet.
Die vierde Art hat gar keine schneidende Lanze sondern statt derselben
stekt ein eiserner cylindrischer Staab, der wie eine Nadel zugespizt ist, in den
hdlzernen Queiie. Sie k6nnen also blos damit stechen, aber nicht schneiden.’
pe 7 Xhosa: aim and range
Nothing more.
pa Xhosa: uses
‘Diese Waffen sind in jedem Sinn ihre Mordgewehre. Sie morden 6fters
ihre Gefangenen, ihre Zaubrer und ihre Feinde langsam damit; sie todten damit
Elephanten, Lowen, und wilde Biiffel; sie schlachten damit ihre Ochsen und
Kiihe, kurz sie gebrauchen sie tiberall um zu tédten und zu zertrennen. Sie
vertreten auf dieser Art die Stelle der Messer, wovon aber die 3te Art wegen
ihren Wiederhaken, ausgenommen ist.’
1796 Stout (1810) pp. 12, 18 Thembu: spears
(Oe Thembu :spears
Nothing more.
p. 18 Thembu: spears poisoned
‘This is a spear of about four feet six inches in length, made of an elastic
wood and pointed with iron, which the natives contrive to poison so effectually
that if it wounds either man or beast, death is the inevitable consequence.’
1797 Barrow (1806) 1 p. 154 Xhosa: throwing and aim
‘Such an instrument is called by the Hottentots a hassagai, but the Kaffir
name is omkontoo. In throwing this spear they grasp it with the palm of the
306 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
hand and raising the arm above the head, and giving the shaft a quivering
motion to find the proper point of equilibrium, it is delivered with the fore-
finger and the thumb. At the distance of fifty or sixty paces they can throw at
a mark with a tolerable degree of exactness; but beyond that distance they have
no kind of certainty.’
1796-1801 Renshaw (1804) p. 19 ‘Kaffer’: accuracy
Nothing more.
1803 Paravicini di Capelli pp. 87, 139 Xhosa: spears
p. 87 Xhosa: accuracy
‘Eenige toonden ons het werpen met hassagayen, maar het kwam ons voor
dat zy of de kunst willen vertergen of minder juist met dit wapen treffen kunnen
als wy verwagten; wy verbeelden ons dat men eene aankoomende hassagaay
met een hout zeer goed zoude kunnen afslaan; hunne verste afstand was zestig
treden en dan zeer ongewis.’
p. 139 Xhosa: spears
Nothing more.
1803 Van Reenen p. 197 Xhosa: spears
‘Their weapons consist solely of assegais, of which each Kafir carries from
ten to twelve, and which they cannot throw further than fifty paces.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) pp. 75, 113, 158, 182, 186-187
Xhosa: use and description
jos WS Xhosa: circumcision
‘De besnijding zelve geschiedt met de punt eener kleine en zeer scherpe
werpspies, welker steel intusschen, gemakshalve, slechts omtrent 1 Voet lang is.
Na het verrigtte, steekt men het mesjen, welk alleen tot dit oogmerk dient, in
den grond in het water, tot dat alle besnedene volkomen hersteld zijn, waarna
die bezitter zulks tot verder gebruik wederom tot zich neemt.’
joo LUIS) Xhosa: reaping
‘De Géierstairen [sic], rijp geworden zijnde, worden met werpspiesen
afgemaaid, op eenen hoop verzameld en met droog gras en doornen bedekt.’
p. 158 Xhosa: lion hunt
Nothing more.
(Oe. lls Xhosa: spears as reward and currency
*... voor dezen rechterlijken bijstand eene evenredige boete aan het Opper-
hoofd voldoen, waarvan de Beampte al mede voor zijne moeite beloond
wordt, en of zelf een rund, of wanneer deze niet worden afgegeven, ééne of
meerdere Werpspiesen ontvangt.’ (His note: ‘Reeds te voren is aangemerkKt,
dat die Werpspiesen niet alleenlijk tot wapenen dienen, maar nog daarenboven
het gebrek aan geld vervullen.’)
pp. 186-187 Xhosa: description and range
‘...het overige gedeelte vormt den Steel of het Hecht, zijnde zulks,
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 307
nabij het Lemmer 8, en bij langzaam afloopende verdunning aan het beneden-
einde 2 Lijnen dik....
Kling en Hecht worden vereenigd, door het agterste puntige gedeelte der
eerste met gesmolten harst in het laatste te voegen, en daar ter plaatse, alwaar
de inlassching geschiedt, met een peeskoord te omwinden.
Ene Werpspies, beitelsgewijze naar de kunst gerigt, draagt gewoonlijk
70 tot 80 schreden ver... .’
je. desi) Xhosa: fighting tactics
‘Gevaarlijkst, echter, is dit wapen in de hand des onverschrokkenen,
die zich daarvan bedient om te doorsteken, en tot dat einde op de volgende
wijze te werk gaat. De zoodanige, namelijk, houdt zijnen Bundel doorgaans
van 10 tot 12 Werpspiesen in de Linkerhand, werpt de eene na de andere op
zijnen vijand, loopt intusschen op denzelven los, en neemt alsdan, zoodra hij
nabij denzelven is, eene of andere van den grond op, waarmede hij hem
doorsteekt.’
(See also Alberti 18105: 40, 57, 76, 87, 88-89 (English edition).)
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) 1 pp. 426, 448, 455, 456
Xhosa: use and description
p. 426 Xhosa: circumcision
Nothing more.
p. 448 Xhosa: reaping
Nothing more.
p. 455 Xhosa: wood for spear-shaft
‘Der Schaft wird aus den schlanken Stéammen der Curtisia faginea ver-
fertigt und hat in der Nahe der Spitze etwa die Dicke eines Fingers, nach
unten aber lauft er zur Dicke eines Federkiels aus.’
p. 456 Xhosa: currency
‘Noch muss ich erwdhnen, dass die Hassagayen bei ihnen zugleich die
Stelle des Geldes vertreten und der gemeinste Handelsartikel sind, mit dem
sie alle tibrige Giiter bezahlen oder nach welchem sie deren Werth zu schatzen
und zu benennen pflegen.’
1806-15 Carmichael (1831) pp. 288, 289 Xhosa: spears
p. 288 Xhosa: description, manufacture, use
Nothing more.
p. 289 Xhosa: spear as knife
‘.. . they broil their beefsteak and carve it with the Assagay, holding one
end in the left hand, and the other between their teeth.’
1821-4 Thompson (1827) 2 p. 361 Xhosa: spear in hunting
Nothing more.
1819-29 Moodie (1835) pp. 248, 259-260 Xhosa: manufacture
p. 248
Nothing more.
308 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
pp. 259-60
‘... the assagays are fashioned in a variety of ways, according to the uses
to which they are applied. Most of them were made without shanks, to be used
in war, or for killing small animals; others were formed with long shanks,
for killing elephants or buffaloes, and some were barbed and notched in a very
curious manner.’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 47, 250, 350, 388, 427 Xhosa: use and description
p. 47 Xhosa: throwing the spear
‘The assegay is the only manufactured weapon they employ in their war
and that they generally throw at a distance of 50 or 60 yards. They sometimes
break the handle short and (stick) with it. .. . They have also some with a barb
at each side behind which they use more in hunting than in war, because they
do not fall from the animal.... They sometimes throw it above the hand at
other times under it which sometimes is regulated by their situation but more
generally by fashion or by the proficiency of the thrower in one way or the other.’
p. 250 Xhosa: declaration of war
‘When any offence is considered as sufficient between the kaffirs to lead
to war the aggrieved nation’s captain sends a hassegay to the chief of the
oppressor and if he receives it and returns another that is a declaration of war,
if however he will not receive it but sends back the man then it is an open
confession of his refusing the contest from fear.’
p. 350 Xhosa: circumcision
‘The instrument with which the operation is performed is a small hassegay,
very sharp and fixed in a wooden handle about six inches long reserved entirely
for the purpose.’
p. 388 Xhosa: different sorts
‘Spear their chief weapon and have several different forms some jagged
others edge even. What kill oxen with large about fourteen inches long in all
about # inch wide. . . . Have one quadrangular use in making baskets karosses
leather bottles pouches and used like a stiletto. . . . (Iron) set in a wooden haft
or handle about three and a half or four feet long bound round with thin cord
or grass matting or leather sheath... .’
p. 427 Xhosa: butt of shaft
‘Many of the kaffirs have the extremity of the handle of one or two spears
furnished with an iron thimble three or four inches in length and with the free
apex ending in moderately sharp points used to assist them in digging for small
roots etc. out of the ground.’
1820-31 Steedman (1835) pp. 24, 59 Xhosa: elephant hunt, war dance
Nothing more.
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 76, 133, 350-351, 353 Xhosa, Mpondo: uses
Xhosa: wooden spears in circumcision school
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 309
p. 76
‘Sham fights were amongst their principal amusements; and in these,
shields, with wooden spears, were used.’
p. 133 Xhosa: manufacture
Nothing more.
pp. 350-1 Mpondo: used as harpoon
‘Some of the clans kill them [hippopotamus] by means of poisoned darts,
which are their best substitute for fire-arms; for of the latter they are wholly
destitute. These are eighteen or twenty inches long, pointed with sharp pieces
of iron, loosely fixed into strong handles, six or seven feet in length. The latter,
of course, give force to the darts, and immediately drop off the moment they
have entered, leaving the barbs with all the poison about them, to work their
way into the inside of the animal.’
pe 353 : Mpondo: broad blade
Nothing more.
(1829) Rose p. 53 Xhosa: description of spear called izaka
Nothing more.
1829 Holman (1834) 2 pp. 267, 350-351 Mpondo: description
Nothing more.
(1833) Morgan pp. 36-37 Xhosa: property of chief
Quoted above, p. 286.
1835 Alexander (1837) 1 pp. 388, 389, 395 Cape Neguni: description
p. 388 Xhosa: description of four sorts
‘The natural arms of the South African Kaffirs are assegais (umkonta) or
javelins. These are tied up with two thongs in a bundle of seven or eight together,
with a walking staff to keep them straight. The shafts of the Amakosa assegais
are slender, five feet long, and taper off to the butt; in order that they may
quiver in the air, and in passing through the object at which they are thrown.
The blades are of various shapes. The common one (ingo/a) is shaped like a
laurel leaf, with a smooth round neck; which is let into the wood of the shaft,
and neatly tied round with wetted thong. The elephant assegai (intshuntsha)
has a blade eighteen inches long; the inganda is shaped like a long spike, and
used both as a projectile, or for making holes in sewing the kaross or milk-
skins; and the izaka, or man-killer, has a jagged neck, and inflicts a most
dangerous wound. Common assegai wounds are not difficult of cure; not so
that of the izaka, which is only used in the most deadly and vindictive strife.’
Ds ako) Xhosa, Thembu, Mpondo: break shaft for stabbing
“When they wish to stab at close quarters, they break off the blade from
the shaft. Some of the Amatembie and Amaponda javelins of this kind are
barbed like a harpoon... .’
395 Xhosa: hunting
Nothing more.
310 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1820-56 Shaw (1860) p. 369 Xhosa: in place of table-knife
‘In like manner, it was curious to see how they managed to eat without
knives, forks, plates, or dishes. The headman of the circle, taking up one of
the long slips of flesh described above, and putting part of it with his left hand
into his mouth, cut off, with a large javelin which he held in his right hand, as
large a morsel as was agreeable to himself, or at least convenient for him to
masticate. He then passed the remainder of it to the person next him; who
having performed the same pleasant operation passed it on in turn to his
neighbour, and so on round the circle.’
1837 Dohne p. 62 Xhosa: description
Nothing more.
1838-40 Walker (in Backhouse & Taylor 1862) p. 364
Mpondo, Amagwane, Xhosa, Thembu: spears
‘The Amapondo and Fitcani do not carry a bundle of assegais to hurl at
the foe as do the Amakosa and Amatembu, but use one or two only, of shorter
length, and adapted for close combat.’
1836-44 Dohne (1844) pp. 36-37 Xhosa: description of eight sorts
‘Es giebt deren acht Sorten: 1. die Intshuntshe, vom Stock bis zur Spitze
etwa 14 Zoll lang und 1 Zoll oder etwas dariiber breit; 2. /sigixa, 10 Zoll
lang, mit einem 3 Zoll langen, runden Halse hinter der Schneide; 3. die Jrwana,
8 Zoll lang und ohne Hals; 4. die Jsaka, mit einer 6 Zoll langen Schneide und
6 Zoll langem, viereckigem Halse, der ringsum kleine Zahne oder Widerhakchen
hat; 5. die Inkondschane, mit 3 Zoll langer Schneide und 2 Haken (wie ein
Pfeil); 6. die Ingola, mit 5 Zoll langer Schneide und 8 Zoll langem Halse;
7. die Igoga, mit 4 Zoll langer Schneide und 6 Zoll langem bunt ausgezacktem
Halse; 8. die Ingqando, 10 Zoll lang, tiberall vierkantig, wie ein grosser Pfriemen,
mit 3 Zoll langem Halse. Sie werden an einen 5 Fuss langen, diinnen Stock,
von der Dicke eines Ladestocks, befestigt. Der Stock wird zu dem Ende oben
gespalten, und das 14 Zoll lange, vor dem Halse stehende glatte Ende wird,
wie bei uns die Messer, in die Spalte eingeschoben und mit einem feinen Riemen,
der vom Harnwusch des Ochsen gemacht wird, fest umwickelt. (Je nachdem
Einer geschickt ist, wirft er 60-100 Schritt weit mit demselben; selten aber
trifft er wirklich das Ziel. . . .)’
(1845) Sutherland pp. 101-102 Xhosa: shaft discarded for stabbing
Nothing more (taken from Barrow 1806).
1842-7 Ward (1848) pp. 124, 175 Xhosa: sorts of spear
p. 124 Xhosa: imported from England
‘Even assegais made in England have been sent out here, but the Kaffirs
object to our manufacture of iron, as being too malleable preferring that
prepared at their own primitive forges.’
palss Xhosa: stabbing spear
‘... hands ready to seize the short destructive assegais at their feet (note,
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 311
these are used when compelled to close with the enemy) the warrior of the
Amatola (Gaika)... .’
1842 Baines (1842-53) 1 p. 51, 52-53 General: description and use
peo General: evaluation of spear as weapon
Nothing more.
pp. 52-53 ‘Kafir’: spears carried
‘The number of assagais carried by a Kafir seldom exceeds six or eight
and of these some are mere angular pointed spikes; others are formed with
small oval blades, generally of six or eight inches in length by one in breadth,
hollowed on one side only of the central rib so that the plane surface on one
side [of] the weapon is opposite the concavity on the other, and connected with
the shaft by a shank about a quarter or three-eighths of an inch in thickness
and from six to ten or more inches in length, and one with a blade of about
fifteen inches in length, and altogether of heavier make, is usually reserved to
be broken short should it be required for use in closer conflict. The head of the
assagai is attached to the shaft by the insertion of the tang while still hot into
the thick end of the latter, which is then neatly bound with sinews, and over
these is sometimes drawn four or five inches of the skin of a calf’s tail which,
contracting as it dries, perfectly secures the fastening from the possibility of
accident.’
Dp: 53 Xhosa: bundle of spears
‘Several turns of a riem, or leather thong, wound spirally round and
permanently attached to a rod of equal length with the assagai, receives the
smaller end of the shaft, and the bundle is secured by the grasp of the hand, or,
when not in use, by a small fastening near the blades. The only name I have
heard applied to this rod is “‘assagaique’’; but the word assagai is seldom or
never used among the Kafirs, a separate name, description of its use, being
applied to every variety of the weapon they carry, and indeed is supposed to be
altogether foreign to their language.’
1851 Baines (1842-53) 2 pp. 223, 290 Cape Nguni: spears
pe223 Xhosa: spear
‘The Kafirs now charged, yelling with anticipated triumph, and wrestled
hand to hand with the overburdened and wearied soldiers, whose unwieldy
weapons were but ill fitted to defend them against the broken-shafted assagai
of the naked and athletic savage.’
p. 290 Hlubi, Mpondo: spears
‘Their assagais were larger and broader in the blade than those of the
Kafirs. Some were barbed like a harpoon, others had jagged or bearded shafts,
the points of which, sometimes arranged in four rows along the angles, turned
each a different way.’
1851 Bell (18515) 2 p. 48 ‘Kafir’: spear
‘The Kafir immediately threw his assegai which went through the sentry’s
312 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
leg at the calf, and to pull it out afterwards the weapon had to be pulled right
through.’
1851-2 King (1853) pp. 90, 171 Xhosa: use and description
p. 90 Xhosa: spear tactics
Nothing more.
p. 171 Xhosa: description
C4
. . each one in war-time carries a bundle of seven, loosely tied together
by a long thong or rheim of hide attached to a long “‘charm stick’’. One of
these is large and heavy, for stabbing, with a broad blade or iron head a foot
or eighteen inches long, and a shaft much shorter and stouter than the rest,
which are used for throwing... .’
(1853) Fleming pp. 98, 107 Cape tribes: description
Nothing more.
(1856) Fleming pp. 207, 208-9, 215 Cape tribes: description
pp. 207, 208-9 Cape tribes: use
Nothing more.
(se ZS Cape tribes: to enable women to enter kraal
‘...1f married, to bring her husband with her, or nearest male relative,
if not, to the gate of the enclosure. He then lays his assegai on the ground, the
point being inside the entrance, and the woman walks in on the handle of the
weapon. This is considered as a passport of entrance, and saves her from
punishment... .’
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) pp. 62-63 Xhosa: spear
Nothing more.
1845-89 Kropf (1889) pp. 99, 112-113 Xhosa: use, manufacture
jo. GY Xhosa: slaughtering
‘Beim Schlachten eines Rindes wird ihm in freien Laufe . . . mit einem
Spiess ein Schlitz in der Magengegend beigebracht... .’
pp. 112-113 Xhosa: manufacture, varieties
Nothing more.
1877-8 Norbury (1880) pp. 47, 49-50 Xhosa: spears
p. 47 Xhosa: six sorts of spears
C4
. each weapon possesses a distinct name; there are six at least, called
’Gnola, ’Gnana, ’Gnanda, Izaka, Iskilta, and Isigexla; they manufacture them
from old horse-shoes, files or any old metal, and they keep them very sharp
by rubbing them against stones.’
pp. 49-50 Xhosa: boys practice
‘The Kaffirs are warlike from their earliest years; even the young children
practice throwing the assegai, by rolling a large bulb along the ground, and
hurling sharply-pointed sticks at it when in motion; this is a favourite pastime
with the boys when tending the cattle.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 313
1880 Hastings (1879 sic) p. 480 Thembu: short spears
‘Even women came with their short spears in order to lend a hand at the
killing’ [of the missionaries].
(1888) Moodie p. 275 Xhosa: stabbing with shaft broken short
Nothing more.
(1907) Sim p. 231 Transkei: wood for shaft
‘Curtisia faginea (Assegai; Dutch—assegai-hout; Kafir— Umgxina). It takes
its English and Dutch names from its supposed use as handles for assegais,
but it does not seem to be now used for that purpose.’
(1919) McLaren pp. 442, 444 Xhosa: description of different sorts
p. 442
Gives the same varieties with the following points not noted by others:
. irwana . . . used also as a cutting instrument e.g. in circumcising boys’
*,.. in-konjane ... specially used in hunting.’ ‘A stabbing spear, i-ncula...’.
‘A dancing assegai, i-goga, with a blade 4 in. long, and a neck of 6 in., richly
ornamented with notching.’
p. 444
“The shaft, wlu-ti, of an assegai . . . was rendered pliant by holding it over
a fire, tshisa, and manipulating it with the hands, and was carefully balanced
for use.’
¢
(1928) Brownlee p. 181 Fingo: circumcision
‘The Surgeon, after cautious and diplomatic suggestion, showed me the
lancet with which the operation was to be performed. It was the blade of an
assegai, the shaft of which had been replaced by a wooden handle.’ (See p. 275).
(1929) Nauhaus p. 3 Xhosa: circumcision
Nothing more.
(1931) Cook pp. 55, 81, 113 Bomvana: ritual use
pe) Bomvana: circumcision
‘He uses a short, flat assegai called irwana. Usually a new assegai is used
for each school. It is left in the hut (itonto) when the latter is burnt at the con-
cluding ceremonies. What assegai is used and what happens to it seems to
depend, nowadays at least, on the operator himself.’
p. 81 Bomvana: at ceremony for woman to drink sour milk
‘If, however, the husband has not got a beast available he himself places
a dish of thick milk on the floor in front of the woman. Next to this is placed
his fighting spear (itshimtsha) [sic]. He then takes the assegai and puts it away
while the woman takes the dish and consumes the contents without more
ado. She could not touch this spear before the ceremony as only those who
have the right to drink milk at the kraal may touch the man’s spears.’
p. 113 Bomvyana: ritual killing
[At a sacrifice.] ‘An assegai which has a short handle and a long, broad
314 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
blade, is used to cut the beast. This is known as the Umkonto wokuhlaba (the
spear for stabbing). It is reserved solely for this purpose and is handed down
from father to son, the Great Son being the heir. It is kept in the Great House.
A man can bring a case against a guardian who refuses to deliver this spear
on his attaining his majority. After it has been used it is not wiped, but is thrust
into the old manure in the cattle-kraal.’
(1932) Soga pp. 78-79 Xhosa: description of types
‘The complete bundle of assegais carried by a warrior or hunter is called
isi-rwege. The quiver for holding these is umpongolo.
1. Isi-Nkempe. A stabbing assegai, for use at close quarters. It has a broad blade
attached to a short handle or haft. It is also called u-dini.
2. I-Jozi.A stabbing assegai, with a blade as broad but longer than the isi-nkempe.
3. I-Rwana. A small-bladed weapon for throwing either in war or hunting. It
is also used as the surgical instrument in circumcision.
4. In-Tshuntshe. Typical throwing assegai with a longish blade but narrow.
5. Isi-Gixi. Also carrying a long blade but with a short stem.
6. J-Rwantsa. A short blade with a long rectilineal stem, the latter serrated along
the whole course of its four edges.
7. I-Zaka. The blade, somewhat long, is barbed towards the base.
8. I-Ngcola. Having a very short blade and a long stem.
9. IngQanda. This is a four-sided instrument. A piece of iron about a quarter
of an inch thick; instead of being round is rectilinear. At one end it is filed
away to a point. It sometimes has nicks cut in the edges to give it a better hold
on piercing an object. Besides being used for war and hunting it is also used
as an awl to pierce holes in hides which have to be sewn. From its shape and
solidity when it strikes a bone it generally smashes or pierces it. On account also
of its shape it offers less resistance to the air in its flight than does the flat-
headed type.
10. I-Rwantsi. This is like the rwentsa above mentioned except that the stem
or iron haft which also is four square has no serrations but while hot, in the
process of formation, is given one or two twists by the blacksmith so that the
stem is fluted.’
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 96, 248, 407 Mpondo: use
p. 96 Mpondo: fishing spears
‘Gathering shell-fish is the work of women, and they may take any other
fish they come across in the pools, but spearing is properly the work of men.
Pronged spears are use for fishing, and men go in parties at night with torches
of sneezewood.’
p. 248 Mpondo: ritual killing
‘In every umzi there is a spear specially used for ritual killings.’
p. 407 Mpondo: number carried
‘Each man carried a bundle of light long-handled spears for throwing and
a short-handled long-bladed spear for stabbing. One man might have perhaps
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 315
fifteen throwing spears, and when these were exhausted those thrown by the
enemy were picked up and returned.’
1945 Makalima chap. 9 pars. 12, 14, 33, 34 Xhosa: list and description
pars. 12, 33, 34 Xhosa, Thembu: spears listed
Nothing more.
par. 14 Xhosa, Thembu: description of spear called inkonjane
‘Inkonjane luhlobo lomkonto oti intsimbi le yenziwe ibe nencam ezininzi.
Lento yenzelwa ukuze umkonto lo ungapumi lula xa uhlabe into nokuba
ngumtu.’
[The spear with a barbed head is a kind of assegai whose blade has many
points. This is done so that the assegai should not come out easily if a thing or
a person is stabbed. |
1949 Hammond-Tooke (1953) p. 84 Bhaca: sacrificial bull killed
*...abull...is immediately seized by the young men and thrown to the
ground: . . . Today the beast is promptly despatched with a spear: formerly
a sharp spear was taken and one of the forelegs cut off at the knee joint... .
At a further sign... the young men again seize the bull... throw it. The chief
takes an axe and with it gashes the chest of the prostrate beast. .. .’
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke (1962) p. 84 Bhaca: ritual spear
[At end of intonjane initiation] “The goat is thereupon returned to the
stock-kraal and stabbed by the father with the special spear kept in all kraals
for ritual killings.’
TERMS
isixengxe, 1. small axe, D. 2. for cutting meat, X. 3. men’s axe, Xes. 4. with
narrow blade, Bh. 5. not known, Mp. 6. modern weapon clandestinely
made on the mines 400 (253, 368)
izembe piece of iron, 5—7,5 cm broad at edge, running to a point which was put
through a handle; axe, D, general. Derives from the common Bantu root
-lembe ‘hoe, axe’, cf. Sotho selépé ‘axe’, Venda dzembe pl. malembe ‘hoe’,
Tsonga /embe ‘year, i.e. hoeing season’ 401 (370).
igcwilika 1. sharp tip of an arrow, which may be a piece of tin from a tin dish
or a needle-pointed piece of hard wood, D 518. 2. Unknown, probably
erroneous for icwilika ‘steel for striking fire’, general 402
ingobiso (from -gobisa cause to bend) 1. nD. 2. bow, western Mp. 3. bent
stick supporting stone of fall trap (wmgibe), and bent stick holding up
stone cover of trap built like small hut, Mp 403
inyembe 1. small arrow of the Korannas; whistle; barbed hook, D. 2. barbed
Spear, Xes Bh. 3. navy-blue bead (X—McLaren 1923: 21). 4. unknown to
most people 404 (389, 780, 1055)
utolo 1. arrow, headed with barbed ironwood, sneezewood, or tin, D X T Mp.
2. bow and arrow, Bo. 3. bow used by boys, X (cf. Smith c. 1824-5 yatula
bow) 405
316 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
umtolo 1.nD. 2. arrow, Xes Bh (Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656 ‘Bushman bow’) 406
umtya 1. something to bind with, as a small band, thong, cord, D. 2. thong
to tie cow’s hind legs for milking; anything used similarly, X, general.
3. bow-string, (Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656 ummuhtja ‘Bogensehne’) (a widely
distributed Bantu root, for ‘leather strap’) 407 (244, 345, 680, 858)
isaphetha (old meaning of verb is ‘bend’) 1. bow for shooting arrows, D T
but mostly not known. 2. any dry twisted cord, therefore bow-string,
Xes. 3. bird snare of cow tail noose (T—-Makalima) 408 (479)
isiphetha 1. bow for shooting arrows, D X-—Cisk. 2. sipeeta ‘bosjesmans-
bogen’ (X-Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656). 3. any dry twisted cord, therefore
bowstring, Xes. 4. not confirmed 409 (472)
ibhunguza 1. cudgel with large head and short handle for throwing at game,
D X Bo T Hlu. 2. short heavily-knobbed stick; club, cudgel, knobkerrie
(X—McLaren 1915) 3. with fluted head (X-Soga) 410
iggebha (-ggebha smash, break skull or window with stick) 1. knobkerrie,
club, D, (X—-McLaren 1915). 2. not confirmed 411
iggola stick with big knob; club, D Hlu (Griqualand East) only 412
igqudu 1. short stick with big knob, D X Mp and all of Griqualand East; club,
knobkerrie (X—McLaren 1915). 2. stick with small knob, Mp Xes Bh 413
impondla (-phondla take the outside off; sharpen pole) 1. nD. 2. sharp-pointed
stick, Mp, but neither verb nor noun known to other good Mp informants
414
induku knobbed stick or club for throwing at game or for fighting, D general
415
injikijane (-jikija pierce hole in hard wood with blunt instrument) 1. short,
large knobbed stick, D. 2. not confirmed 416
intonga stick used as a weapon of assault or defence, D, general 417
igakatha (and igakathi Mp) 1. nD. 2. short-handled cudgel with large head,
for throwing at game, Mp Xes Bh 418a ‘
iguku 1.nD. 2. club (Mp—Poto Ndamase p. 121), Xes, T. 3. = ibhunguza, Bo
4185
isigweba, isagweba 1. short stick which need not have a knob, D. 2. club for
throwing, (Hlu) (X-Soga 1937). 3. club with knob off-centre, for throwing,
X Bo Mp Bh 419
isiggiqgi 1. nD. 2. short thick stick without knob, Bo Xes T Bh 420
isigxabo (-gxaba throw wooden spear) 1. sharp, pointed stick, used by boys
in fighting with each other, thrown like a spear, D. 2. not confirmed
Transkei 421
ugxabo 1. same as isigxabo, D. 2. not confirmed 422
isiqwayi 1. little stick carried in the hand, D. 2. short, thick ugly stick, (Mza-
mane) X Bo Mp. 3. club, Bo. 4. long stick, (T—-Makalima). 5. without
a head, Xes Bh 423
iwisa 1. (Em) short stick with knob at end for felling a man. 2. club, D Xes
(from -wisa make to fall). Actually a Zulu word 424
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 317
udalo 1. end of a stick, D. 2. sharpened point of stick, and such stick itself,
used as stabbing weapon, general 425
udondolo long walking-staff to support the infirm, D, general except Bo 426
ugqwangxe stick or induku of black ironwood, D, general except Bo 427
ujojo thin, long stick carried in the hand, D X Bo only 428
umgweba 1. small, short stick with an oblong knob, for boys to throw with,
D, general except Bh. 2. throwing-club with knob off-centre, Mp 429
umkhuba strong stick or staff, D X only 430
umngqayi 1. Elaeodendron velutinum, a forest tree furnishing the long, pointed
stick without a knob, used as weapon in single conflict, and. . . in dancing;
2. the stick itself, D X Bo Mp Xes 431 (159)
umkrolo 1. long stick with notched edge and carved handle, (X—McLaren 1915).
2. long stick for defence, general. This word is derived from -krola ‘carve
finely’; it is not, as in D, umrolo ‘long stick of olive, usually carried bound
up with bundle of assegais, for first defence’, from -rola ‘draw out’, though
the meaning is more or less as under 1 432
umsimelelo long stick to lean upon for support in walking, staff, D, general
433
umvingi 1. club, D. 2. isivinkgi thick stick or cudgel, X. 3. isivinkci, umvinkci
short stick without a head, Bo 434
umvingikazi long thick stick, D Mp 435
ungcaba 1. nD. 2. stick with notched head, i.e. with long V-shaped channels,
Mp. 3. long stick with small knob, of men and women, Mp 436
ugogo 1. strong crooked stick, D. 2. not confirmed 437
isigodlo 1. the horn of an animal when severed from the head (used as a powder
flask or trumpet), D Mp T general. 2. also used as part of hemp pipe,
X Mp. 3. bowl of hemp pipe (Bo—Beukes). 4. whole hemp pipe (U.C.T.)
Mp. 5. also medicine flask, X 438 (262, 981, 1057)
ikhohlombe 1. case or sheath in which assegais are carried, D Xes Bh 439
inkohlomba, inkohlombe 1. nD. 2. quiver for spears, Mp. (Mp—Poto Ndamase)
440
uluthi, uthi (pl. izinti) 1. rod, stick, wattle, lath, switch, D. 2. spear shaft (X-
McLaren 1915) Xes Bh 441 (39, 457)
umkrwege. 1. quiver for assegais, D. 2. bundle of spears and/or sticks, X Bo.
3. stick with small knob, Bh 442
uphongolo less usual for umphongolo, but found in many areas widely separated
443 (508)
umphongolo 1. quiver for arrows or lances; (figuratively) cask, box, case,
chest, barrel D. 2. manger or trough, Mp T. 3. milk-pail, Mp Xes 444
(509, 532)
isikhatha 1. sheath, D. 2. not confirmed 445
ikhaka shield, D X Bo T only 446
ikhawu 1. small shield, = ingweletshetshe small shield, used to cover the face
in hunting, D. 2. shield, any size, Mp Xes Bh. 3. shield of any size, oblong;
318 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
known to X who, however, say it is a Zulu word, and known to T who,
however, say their real word is ikhaka. 4. shield also used to beat upon
like a drum, Bh (Kirby) 447 (1044)
iggoko 1. nD. 2. small shield for boys, made of face hide, Xes 448
ingweletshetshe 1. small shield used to cover the face in hunting, D. See ikhawu.
2. not confirmed but other meanings found: aggressive combative person,
X, person of high rank, brave, T 449
umncongo 1. (Em) a shield, D. 2. unknown to numerous informants of various
tribes 450
ujilo (-jila interweave bushes in hedge or fence, etc.) 1. fence made of wattles,
woven on stakes about one foot apart; right half of an ox’s or bull’s skin,
formed into a shield, D. 2. ‘fence’ confirmed by some X and Bo only,
otherwise not confirmed. 3. ‘shield’ not confirmed 451 (18)
amagabelo 1. nD, not Cape Nguni. 2. thongs across the shield at back to hold
stick, Bh 452
isihlangu 1. sandal cut out of the thick part of a skin; shoe or boot, D general.
2. jetangwo = shoe (X-—Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656). 3. formerly a large shield,
now a shoe, Xes, cf. Zulu isihlangu war-shield; sandal. Both meanings for
this root also found in other South African languages 453 (717)
umkhonto, spear, assegai, D, general 454
intsilathi 1. nD. 2. wet tail skin drawn over shaft, Mp, derived from umsila
‘tail’ and root -thi ‘stick’ 455 (230)
ixokama 1. joint where blade of assegai is joined to shaft, D; junction of
blade and shaft (X—McLaren 1915). 2. hole in the shaft, X. 3. neck of spear,
Xes. 4. rack for weapons, Bo 456
uluthi, uthi (pl. izinti) 1. rod, stick, wattle, lath, switch, D. 2. spear-shaft
(X—McLaren 1915) Xes Bh 457 (39, 441)
umsuka (No. 1) part of assegai inserted into shaft, D, general 458
umsunto 1. nD. 2. sinew for binding top of shaft, Mp 459
utywino 1.nD. 2. sinew binding round top of shaft, Bo 460 (296)
ingcola spear with short blade and long round neck for throwing, D, general,
the most common for all purposes 461
intshuntshe (pron. intjuntje, but cf. intsuntshe) 1. assegai with a long blade, D.
2. long narrow blade with no neck; heavy spear used for slaughtering and
hunting the larger game, X T Bo Mp Xes Bh general. 3. sharp-pointed
instrument, as bradawl or spear, X Bo panel of teachers 462
ingganda small, thin, four-sided assegai, used for boring holes in sewing a
milk-sack, etc.; used also in hunting and in urging bullocks in racing, D,
general except Fgo, but whilst often square in section with round neck,
often also round throughout, tapering to a point 463
ikrwana 1. small spear for circumcising, D. 2. small sharp spear, (X—-McLaren
1915). Both meanings fairly generally confirmed. Also used for war and
hunting. For circumcision, blade is removed from haft and put in short
handle 464
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 319
izaka barbed assegai, D, general 465
isinkempe 1. short assegai for stabbing; also used for cutting meat, D Bo.
2. with broad blade, X. 3. sort of matchet of hoop iron, Bo Bh. 4. knife
with short iron shank ‘made of iron from axe’, Xes 466
inkonjane swallow; swallow-tail mark (of ownership) in ear of domestic animal;
spear with barbed head, D and miscellaneous informants Langa, the only
ones who could describe this arrow-headed spear. All other informants
either did not know it, or knew it as a kind of spear without being able to
describe it. Often described without a name in early accounts 467
ikhamandela |. fetter, chain for a captive, D Mp Xes. 2. old word for handcuff,
general 468
DISCUSSION
GENERAL
From the time of the earliest descriptions until the introduction of fire-arms,
the weapons used by the Cape Nguni tribes were the same. There are some
indications that they may have varied in style from tribe to tribe, but there
is not enough evidence to show to what extent or, indeed, to confirm the fact.
The weapons used both in war and in hunting were spears, clubs, sticks and
shields, and the comparatively vast vocabulary may be taken as an indication
of their importance in the minds of the people. A man never walked abroad
without two or three spears, a club, and a stick. In war and sometimes in
hunting he added a shield and an increased number of spears. In the middle
of the nineteenth century, after the introduction of horses, mounted men
carried their spears in a quiver slung over one shoulder. During the nineteenth
century fire-arms were obtained from the Colony and in the later wars were
used almost exclusively.
In the earlier accounts there is often mention of wooden spears, or sharply
pointed sticks thrown like spears. It is probable that the greater accessibility
of iron in the nineteenth century made these less common.
According to Stout, the survivors of the Hercules found the spears poisoned,
and Kay records the use of poison on harpoons, but there is no further con-
firmation of this (nor of the use of harpoons), and, in fact, Lichtenstein expressly
states that poison was never used.
Xhosa boys received their first spears and clubs as a gift from their male
relatives at the end of the initiation ceremonies. According to Morgan, the
spears, even if obtained at the individual’s own expense, were, with the shields
and war feathers, considered to be the property of the chief, and not to be
parted with without his consent. There is no confirmation of this, and Morgan
does not record what happened when spears were lost in fighting.
Some of the western Xhosa were in close contact with Hottentots as well
as Bushmen, but, though Xhosa terms exist, there is no reliable evidence that
bows and arrows were used other than by young boys. Similarly, by contact
320 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
with the Sotho to the north, a few axes were introduced. But neither bow and
arrow nor axe belonged to the Cape Nguni culture.
Godlonton mentions an instance where stones were rolled down on the
British storming a hill, but this is hardly a regular weapon.
Weapons were and are still kept at the back of the hut, on the men’s side.
They were leant against the wall or put on top of it, or stuck in the roof so that
women should not step over them, and they should be ready to hand in an
emergency. But while weapons belong essentially to men, instances of women
wielding them do occur.
Latterly the only weapon that might be used or carried outside the home-
stead was a stick with a small knob, and in some areas even the knob was
forbidden.
AXES
The axe (izembe) among the Cape Nguni was normally a tool, not a weapon.
It is evident, however, that a few battle-axes came into the country from the
north. Rose mentions them as ‘the weapons of distant hordes’, and as having
rhinoceros horn hafts. A few have been preserved in museums, but with
wooden hafts only, and some form of crescentic blade (PI. 42: 1-2). A smaller
axe (izixenxe) was said to be used for cutting meat, and this name has been
given latterly to a weapon that is being made or brought back by men who
have been on the mines, for use in faction fights. It is either an ordinary store-
bought axe-head, reduced a little in size, or a wedge-shaped blade turned
round at the narrow end to form a ring for the haft, with a wooden haft inserted.
These weapons are forbidden by law and liable to confiscation (Fig. 15).
Fig. 15. Axe made on the mines; length of iron
head 71 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1948
(SAM-6668).
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 321
BOWS AND ARROWS
Bows and arrows were not indigenous Cape Nguni weapons of war. The
two notices of their use as such refer to isolated western groups who were
in closer contact with Bushmen and Hottentots, and may have adopted the
weapon from them, particularly as in one case the arrows were poisoned.
A note by Best (1792) that ‘the Kaffers’ near the Cape of Good Hope were
armed by the Government with bows and arrows is perhaps a further indication
that they did not have such weapons of their own. Other authors were evidently
describing boys’ weapons which were and still are fairly commonly used in
hunting birds and other small creatures. Xhosa, Thembu and western Mpondo
informants in 1955 said that they were no longer seen, but eastern Mpondo
and Xesibe still knew them. However, the 1953 newspaper report of their use
by Mpondo hunters was not specifically confirmed. According to a Xesibe
informant poisoned arrows were at one time used for hunting game, but this
is not confirmed.
The bows are made of a flexible stick; Makalima mentions uzungu, uzingati
(both unknown), and uggonci (underbrush, Trichocladus ellipticus). Arrows
are made of pointed sticks, headed with a tin, wire or hardwood point, or a
barbed iron head.
CLUBS AND STICKS
The club or knobbed stick (Pls 42-43) was not only one of the two most
important weapons but was so generally carried as almost to be a part of
dress. From the age of about five years boys begin to carry a stick (intonga)
when away from the homestead. When they reach manhood they usually carry
one or more knobbed sticks or, formerly, a club for special occasions. Special
sticks (imingayi) are among the presents each youth receives after initiation.
There seems to have been a considerable variety of these clubs and sticks and,
since it is difficult to separate them according to the presence or absence of a
knob, they are grouped together here more or less according to function. It
does not now seem possible to fix names to types of club or stick to the same
extent as is possible for spears. Hamilton-Welsh (Louw 1964) suggests that
some names for clubs are interchangeable and are due to hAlonipha (i.e. the
practice of respectful avoidance) rather than differences in type.
The heavier weapon (induku, ibhunguza), the real club (Pl. 42: 3), with a
large head, 6 to 10 cm diameter, and a short shaft up to about 60 cm long, was
aiways carried with the spears in war, and used in close combat, with the
shield for parrying. It was also used in hunting, when it was thrown very dex-
terously at small game. Practically all the early authors remark on the skill
with which birds and small animals were hit in movement at a distance of
18 to 27 m, a skill which is maintained today.
Lighter and longer clubs, knobbed sticks (Pl. 42: 4-9) and plain, roughly
cut sticks were and still are carried on more ordinary occasions and particularly
by boys and youths. They were used for herding, hunting birds and small
322 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
mammals, carrying goods over one shoulder (Pl. 44: 1), and for most of the
purposes of a walking-stick. In addition boys often sharpened the butt of the
haft for use as a digging-stick (Pl. 47: 1).
Women do not normally carry sticks except on special occasions or for
support in old age, but Déhne records that they did so during faction fights,
or when the men were away on raids.
One of the favourite sports of young men and boys is a fight either between
two individuals or two groups, with a stick (intonga) (Pl. 43: 10-12) held in
the fighting hand, and another, or sometimes a knobbed stick or small club,
or even a bundle of spears, held in the other hand with which to parry, and
having a cloak or blanket wrapped around it and the hand that holds it. In
the early days a shield was sometimes used for parrying. Similarly, a long
straight stick (umkrolo) was carried by warriors in their bundle of spears, for
use as a first defence when attacked. Carmichael describes it as being tapered
for use also as a fire-stick.
Sticks were always carried by men when dancing (PI. 44: 2). When the
dancers were fully armed, as for example at a smelling out, the stick was beaten
against the spear shafts to mark the rhythm. When the stick alone was carried
it was held perpendicularly and moved up and down. Sometimes sticks were
specially covered with beadwork for dancing.
A special finely made stick (umnqayi) was carried as a sort of dress stick
by men on all special and ceremonial occasions, and by men and women when
going to consult a diviner. Chiefs and important people had them made longer
and a little heavier and usually finely decorated with conventional or animal
designs. Gaika is said to have had, as well, an iron ‘kiri’. Elderly and infirm
people used long sticks of this type as a support (udondolo or umsimelelo)
(Pl. 43: 7-8). They are nowadays much seen at women’s meetings. According
to Godfrey, when made of umsimbithi (Milletia spp.) they act as a talisman for
good luck, ‘a walking prayer’.
Clubs and sticks were made by men, and a number of woods were used
according to the variety of club or stick. For clubs and the finer sticks, the
hard fine-grained woods were chosen, iron-wood (Olea spp.) wild olive (Olea
PLATE 42
Battle-axes and clubs.
Axe, 854 mm, South Sotho type; Peddie, no date (KM Z124).
Axe, 881 mm, said to be Xhosa; no locality, no date (KM no no.).
induku, 700 mm, Mpondo; Bizana 1935 (TM 35/445).
Head of isagweba, 960 mm, Xhosa; Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
ibhunguza, 891 mm, Xhosa?; Alice 1944 (FH 411).
Club, c. 910 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1948.
igakathi, 900 mm, Mpondo, no locality, 1932 (UCT 32/34.)
ibhunguza, 870 mm, Hlubi; Mt Fletcher 1942 (FH 124).
igqudu, 860 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
See a aS
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 323
eee : : . scocoaaniee
ea eee
Be ghee ™ ng ils
Seen
—_ a +
* nae
324 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
verrucosa), stinkwood (Ocotea bullata), assegai-wood (Curtisia faginea), for
example. (See Shaw & Van Warmelo 1974: 140 ff.) Usually a young sapling
was uprooted so that the stem could form the haft and the thicker root-wood
the knob. According to Fleming, writing in the middle nineteenth century,
the knob was sometimes hollowed out and filled with lead, but there is no
confirmation of this. The heads of some clubs have fluted knobs (Pl. 42: 6-7),
but, except for Soga’s assertion that this was the ibhunguza, a dangerous fighting
weapon, there is no indication that the fluting had any significance. The reddish
‘seemingly dyed’ clubs mentioned by the survivors of the Grosvenor, would
almost certainly have been made of the uwmthentsema (Ochna arborea, rooihout,
Cape plane) or umqwashube (Cunonia capensis, rooi-els, red els) trees, which
have red heart-wood. The end of the haft had, and still has, a band of incised
cross-hatching (umxholo) to give a firmer grip (Pl. 42: 8). The tool used for
making a club would be an adze and a spear-blade, or, latterly, a store-bought
knife. Occasionally clubs were made of rhinoceros horn, but by the middle of
the last century the beast was becoming extinct in that area.
Today the clubs and sticks are used for the more peaceable of the occupa-
tions mentioned above, but the heavy fighting-weapon is forbidden, and only
appears illegally, in a lighter form, but made formidable by the addition of
hob-nails (PI. 42: 5) or, as an anonymous writer in the Blythswood Revue records,
a knife blade, 23 cm long, embedded in the knob. Most of the lighter types
of club have been modified into a fairly long knobbed stick, and the criterion
of its legality is that the knob be able to go into the owner’s mouth. (In Flagstaff
in 1955 it was said that sticks might now have no knob at all.) These are called
induku in the west, and igakatha in Pondoland and Griqualand East. Sticks
may now be bought in stores which buy them from specialist makers.
The lighter knobbed stick, often crooked, with a small knob that is some-
times off-centre, is called isagweba, umgweba (Pl. 42: 4).
PLATE 43 |
Clubs and sticks.
induku, 860 mm, Thembu; Mqanduli 1935 (TM 35/328).
Club, 788 mm, Mpondo; Flagstaff 1955 (SAM-—7391).
Club, 810 mm; locality unknown, before 1902 (SAM-—263).
Club, 975 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1948 (SAM-—6674).
Club, 1045 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1948 (SAM-6675).
Club, 1067 mm, Mpondo; Flagstaff 1955 (SAM-7396).
umsimelelo, held by Xhosa woman; Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
umsimelelo, 1280 mm, Xhosa; Ntselamanzi, Alice 1942 (FH 132).
intonga, 1175 mm, Mpondo; Pondoland 1880 (SAM-6954).
10. intonga, 1287 mm, Thembu, c. 1880 (SAM-6932).
11. intonga, 1412 mm, Thembu; Bluebush (locality not traced) c. 1880 (SAM-6951).
12. Stick, 1 000 mm; King William’s Town or Kaffraria (KM no no.).
13. Stick, 910 mm; King William’s Town or Kaffraria, no date (KM no no.).
14. Stick, 1150 mm; Pondoland c. 1880 (SAM-6955).
SEG) os NAS Sd Soa
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 325
FE ia wat ei EN LEMME DML + 20
= a4 ye oe aii ht ist AL: i) ib iti tly?
326 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
The straight stick without a knob (Pl. 43: 11) is intonga. It used to be
run through the back of the shield.
KNIVES (see Tools p. 282)
There is no record of knives ever having been used as weapons by the
Cape Nguni.
POWDER-FLASKS
The first fire-arms that were introduced during the nineteenth century
were muzzle-loading guns, for which it was necessary to carry powder. An
ox-horn was used as a flask, fitted with a wooden base at the large opening
and a wooden or horn stopper at the small opening. A thong or cord was
attached for suspension (PI. 44: 5).
SPEAR QUIVERS
There is very little mention of spear quivers in the literature, and what
there is is of late date, after 1850, as are the actual specimens that survive.
The fact that the earlier authors, some of whom left very detailed accounts of
weapons, make no mention of a spear quiver, suggests that at least this use of
the item was adopted fairly late. In three of the seven records the people con-
cerned were mounted and were Fingo and Bhaca, and in a fourth a Xhosa
carried a fire-arm, in both of which situations there is a need to free the hand
that would otherwise have carried the spears. Yet the terms exist, and, from the
tribes mentioned in the literature, museum specimens and information from
informants, quivers appear to have been used throughout the area. All the Cape
Nguni must have encountered Bushmen using a quiver for their arrows so that
the item itself must have been known from early times.
The quivers (ikhohlombe) (P1. 44: 3-4) were cylinders of untanned ox-hide,
sewn down one side and round the end, or sometimes having a round of hide
fitted in as a base. According to the descriptions they were furnished with a
strap, by which they were hung down the back over the shoulder, or by the
Bhaca, fastened behind the saddle to hold spears on the march. The two
examples photographed were respectively 68 x 10 cm and 30 x 8 cm. Accord-
ing to a Hlubi informant the size was about 50 x 10 cm.
PLATE 44
Sticks, quivers and powder-horn.
intonga, used to carry a load, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
Sticks, knobbed and pointed, carried in the dance, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
Quiver, 308 mm, ‘Kaffirland’, ?c. 1854 (British Museum 54.12.21.8).
ikhohlombe, 660 mm, Mpondo; Qawukeni, Lusikisiki 1948.
Powder-horn, 362 mm, Xhosa (Ngqika), no locality, 1915 (PEM 329).
bor EN
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 327
328 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
SHIELDS
The chief defensive weapon was the shield (ikhaka, isihlangu) which was
held in the left hand to deflect the opposing spears, or poisoned arrows if the
enemy were Bushmen. In this latter case a man crouched down behind his
shield so as to be completely covered on the enemy side. Boys began quite
young to learn to fight with sticks and small shields. Shields were carried on
lion and leopard hunts, and it was the practice for one of the hunters to fling
himself on the ground under his shield, so that while the animal was occupied
with him, the other hunters could attack it.
The shield could serve as a protection against the weather, and it is reported
that if the Xhosa or Fingo army slept out, the men lay close together each
covered by his shield. If there was no other shade available, people in the com-
pany of a chief would hold up one or more shields to shade him from the
sun.
In ceremonial and dancing, particularly at weddings, the warriors carried
shields, and sometimes used them as a screen, as in the bridal procession. They
often beat them like drums, particularly when a diviner was being consulted.
It is recorded that in the early days shields were kept at the chief’s home-
stead, in a separate hut, and were ‘a symbol of his authority over them . .
trusted to the warrior only during the time of service, and are restored by him
when the war is over’. Whether or not this applied only to war shields and a
man had another shield for dress purposes is not apparent, except that according
to Bain a Mpondo had a smaller shield ‘for every day use’. This is not mentioned
for other tribes, and from the descriptions it seems unlikely that it existed in the
west. But it may well have done so in the east, and the war shield only may have
been kept at the chief’s place. According to Campbell it was complete disgrace
for a man to lose his shield or throw it away to save his life.
The shields were made of raw ox-hide (The survivors of the Grosvenor
describe them as being made of elephant hide, but there is no confirmation of
this, even in another account of the same journey.) The few pictorial records
that survive show enough different features to suggest that size, shape, and
style of threading may have been characteristic of different tribal or military
groups, but the early authors had little to say about this. Xhosa shields are
frequently described as being large enough to conceal the body when squatting
PLATE 45
Shields.
1. ikhawu, shield, staff 1170 mm, hide 945 mm, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/395).
2. Retainer of chief, with shield (photo A. Dugmore, photographic artist, Queenstown,
1876-1879).
ikhawu, shield of diviner, 460 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
Shield, presumably Xhosa, c. 1805 (Daniell 1820, part of frontispiece).
ikhawu, shield, staff 1270 mm, hide 1080 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
Slim ce
329
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
SERVANT
330 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
or sitting, and the dimensions given in the earliest records are 120-152 cm
length, and 75-90 cm width—very large shields (PI. 90: 1). The Fingo are said
to have carried ‘enormous’ shields, which would indicate that they were larger
than the familiar Xhosa shields, and certainly Baines’s paintings of 1851-2
show them to be very large (Pl. 46). The same pictures show Mpondo shields
as the same size as the Fingo, but a recent description gives their size as
120 x 60 cm, and Bain’s description of the Mpondo shield ‘for every day use’
is about 90 cm long and 23 cm wide—an unfamiliar thing indeed. That the
shields of the west were generally larger than those of the east is indicated by
the dimensions given, despite Van der Kemp’s statement that the Xhosa could
get two out of one hide, whereas the ‘Imbo’ could get only one.
It would seem that the pointed oval shape (PI. 45: 1, 5) familiar to us as
the Nguni style, belonged to the eastern tribes and was brought to the west
by the Fingo, and that the original Xhosa shape was a blunter oval, (PI. 45: 4,
Pl. 47: 6), or as Van der Kemp called it, “oblong square form’ as depicted by
Paravicini di Capelli in 1803 and Rosel in 1811, in Alberti (1810) and Lichten-
stein (1811) respectively. The Xhosa, through their early acquaintance with
bullets, must have been the first to discard their shields, and it is probable
that by the middle of the nineteenth century the blunter type of shield was no
longer to be seen.
The only confirmed statement about the colour of the skins used for the
shields is that those of the Mpondo during the last century were white. This
may merely have meant having a white background, as white animals are rare,
and the modern Mpondo shield (PI. 45: 1) was not entirely white. According to
Alexander, the Xhosa shield was ‘of all colours’, and Baines suggests that the
colour and ‘various devices’ were an indication of ‘tribe or division’.
The hide was simply pegged out in the sun to dry before being cut, and
then pounded with round stones until concave on the inside, a process which
served also to toughen it. It was then cut to shape. The hair was left on and
turned to the front. A double stripe in check pattern was usually made down the
length of the shield by threading strips of hide, generally of contrasting colour,
through holes in the shield. In some cases long strips ran vertically, in others
short strips ran horizontally, but the effect at the front might or might not be
the same. To these strips were attached loops of thong through which a stout
stick was passed lengthwise down the centre of the back of the shield, and
slightly longer than it (Fig. 16). In the note to his painting Baines states that
the Mpondo shields (meaning the sticks running through the back) are ‘tipped
with black ostrich plumes’. Lichtenstein states that a cross-stick was also used
PLATE 46
Shields, Fingo and Mpondo; near Butterworth c. 1851, part of painting by T. Baines (AM 283).
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
332 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Fig. 16. Front and back views of shield, length 1065 mm, said to date from 1878, Cape Nguni
(KM Y883B).
PLATE 47
Shields and spear-shafts.
Point of stick, diameter 20 mm, Mpondo; Flagstaff 1955 (SAM-—7402).
Spear-shaft bound with thick sinew, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
Spear-shaft with skin drawn over when wet, length of binding 150 mm; Thembu; no
locality, c. 1880 (SAM-6946).
4. Shield of ‘Amakosa Warrior’ c. 1850 (drawing by Walker, AM 4443).
5. Spear-shaft bound with thin sinew, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
6. Shield of Xhosa chief Koba, near Fish River, c. 1777 (drawing by R. Gordon, Rijksmuseum,
Amsterdam).
7. Butts of spears, diameters at butt, from left to right, 5, 8, 4, 5, 6 mm, Thembu; no locality,
c. 1880 (SAM-6943 and others).
SoS hg
|
}
i
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
ee
334 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
by the Xhosa as shown in Rosel’s plate, but except for Fritsch, doubtless
repeating Lichtenstein’s information, there is no confirmation of this. Some-
times spears were stuck through too, and sandals tied to the loops (PI. 45: 4).
The stick was gripped at the centre and the shield could be manipulated or could
swivel if hit hard.
From the descriptions of skin-working it would seem that Xhosa shields
were made by specialists, who also made sanda!s and another rawhide com-
modities, but Janssens and Kay mention having seen a number of young men
seated together making shields, and Alberti definitely states that every man of
military age was obliged to make his own and give it into the keeping of the
chief, who kept them all in a special hut. It may be that specialization occurred
in later times, when shields were going out of general use. According to Hunter,
modern Mpondo always called in a specialist to cut a shield.
The ineffectuality of the shield against bullets, and the extinction of lions
and leopards against which it was used in hunting, started its decline. Alexander
states that by 1835 it had been discarded by the Xhosa in fights against Euro-
peans, and, according to Fleming who writes mostly about the Xhosa, no more
shields were to be seen by about 1852. But Baines’s paintings of 1851 and 1852
show all the Fingo and Mpondo warriors armed with shields (PI. 46), and Weitz
saw the Mpondo army carrying shields 20 years later. There is, however, very
little mention of the shield in the latter part of the nineteenth century, except
for a definite statement that in 1898 it was still customarily used in Pondoland.
Today shields are not likely to be seen outside eastern Transkei, and the
modern specimen, which is used purely in ceremonial and particularly by the
diviners, is a much smaller article, 46-108 cm in length, and 38-54 cm broad
(Pl 45: 355):
SPEARS
The spear (umkhonto) (Pl. 48) was the most important offensive weapon,
and had many other uses besides. The number usually carried by the western
tribes even in peace time was seven in a bundle (isirweqge), sometimes tied,
with one or two sticks or a club. In war more would be carried. According to
Walker, the Mpondo and immigrant tribes carried one or two stabbing spears
only, instead of a bundle of throwing spears, but according to Hunter, the
Mpondo carried a bundle of up to fifteen throwing spears and one for stabbing.
Nowadays none is carried at all, since it is forbidden to do so outside the
homestead. They are still made, however, and even bought ready-made in the
black market.
The early recorders, from 1554 until well into the nineteenth century,
wrote of wooden spears, or shafts, with the points hardened in the fire, as
being more in evidence than iron-headed spears. Others recorded that the
iron heads were removed and the shafts, only, thrown at them. This would be
accounted for by the shortage of iron discussed previously (Shaw &
Van Warmelo 1974: 122-3). Pointed sticks (Pl. 47: 1) were also, and in some
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 335
places still are, used instead of real spears as part of the boys’ initiation training
and sport. They are still used today by boys and youths in sham fights.
The iron-headed spear consisted of a tanged iron head set in a slender
wooden shaft about 120 to 150 cm long, about 2 to 2,5 cm in diameter at the
top, and tapering to the butt.
The tang of the head was square in section, tapering to a point and about
3,5 cm long (Fig. 17A).
Fig. 17. Diagrams of spear-head.
A. To show square tang. B. Ogee section.
The shaft was cut with an adze or spear-blade from stems of a tough
wood—Curtisia faginea, Brachylaena elliptica, Grewia occidentalis, and Ehretia
hottentotica were the most commonly used. According to Winkelman, the
old Xhosa spear shaft tapered to a point (PI. 47: 7). This was said to enable it
to quiver in flight when thrown with the special movement given to it by Xhosa
(see p. 338). In addition it was, according to McLaren, made pliant by heating it
over a fire and manipulating it. It is worth noting that Schreyer describes the
Hottentot spear-shaft as tapering to a point. This may indicate borrowing,
one way or the other.
According to Winkelman and some modern informants, the tang was
burnt into the top of the shaft. Other authors state that the top of the shaft
was split and hollowed out to receive the tang, which was then fixed in with
softened resin from the candlewood tree (Pterocelastrus tricuspidatus). In old
specimens examined, both methods appear to have been used. Each example
where the split had been used had had a piece of about one-third of the cir-
cumference removed, to allow hollowing, and then replaced. Thereafter, in
either case, the top of the shaft and the junction were bound tightly with a thin
fibre or grass cord, or wet ox sinew (PI. 47: 2, 5), or by having a short piece of
tail-skin of an ox drawn over while wet, and bound until dry (PI. 47: 3).
The major source of the iron used was probably, from quite early times,
scrap-iron (see Shaw & Van Warmelo 1974: 122-3). Thick wire and motor-car
springs are used today. The tools used by the smith were stones of different
336 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
shapes and sizes, and iron chisels (see Shaw & Van Warmelo 1974: 124-5),
and according to Dohne (1844) the smith received a cow for six or eight spear-
heads, though the more complicated ones were doubtless more expensive.
According to Ward (1848), by the middle of the nineteenth century some spear-
heads were being imported from England for sale to the people, but were not
popular because they were considered too malleable.
There was a great variety in the shape and size of the heads, each having
a different name, as will be seen from the accompanying figures. In all varieties,
with the exception of ingganda, which is a point, the blade is ogee in section
(Fig. 17B) which gives it a natural midrib, and the neck is commonly round
in section but sometimes square. Of them seven, but especially the first four
below, stand out as being most commonly used, both in the early days, as can
be judged by the descriptions of them, and from the types still known to most
if not all informants today. These are:
Ingcola—a short blade and long round neck, the most common form for all
purposes (PI. 48: 1).
Ingqanda—no blade but a point, sometimes square with a round neck, some-
times round throughout and showing no difference between point and neck;
used as an awl as well as a spear (PI. 48: 2, 11).
Izaka—a short blade with a square neck each of the four edges of which was
cut up into jagged teeth or tiny barbs, sometimes in alternate directions on
alternate edges. This was the most dangerous fighting spear, on account of the
severe wound inflicted. It would seem also to be the one referred to by Smith
as being preferred for hunting as it did not fall out of the animal (PI. 48: 8).
Intshuntshe—a long blade with no neck; a heavy spear used for slaughtering
and for hunting the larger game (PI. 48: 4,).
Ikrwana—a short blade with no neck. This is the type always used as the instru-
PLATE 48
Spears.
ingcola type, blade 140 mm, Thembu c. 1880 (SAM-6942).
ingganda type, blade 234 mm, Thembu c. 1880 (SAM-6937).
inkonjane type, blade 49 mm, no data (SAM-3177).
intshuntshe type, blade 345 mm, Thembu c. 1880 (SAM-6945).
inyembe type, blade 22 mm, Thembu c. 1880 (SAM-6939).
ikrwana, blade 215 mm, no data (SAM-2109).
irwantsi, blade c. 115 mm, no data (SAM-2586).
izaka, blade 158 mm, Thembu c. 1880 (SAM-6938).
ingcola, blade c. 150 mm, Mpondo; Qawukeni, Lusikisiki 1948.
10. ingcola, blade 238 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
11. ingganda, blade 222 mm, Mpondo; Mt Frere 1948.
12. intshuntshe, blade 215 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
13. izaka, blade 113 mm, Mpondo 1923 (UCT 23/169).
14. izaka, blade 159 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1948 (SAM-6665).
15. izaka, blade 136 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
NEC) SS ON AI a oN
337
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
338 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ment for circumcision, in which case it is fixed into a short wooden handle,
15-30 cm long (PI. 48: 6).
Inkonjane—‘the swallow-tail’ or arrowhead-shaped spear, is often described
without a name in early accounts, and is well known by name only to modern
informants (Pl. 48: 3).
Isinkempe—a short stabbing spear, also used for cutting meat; not mentioned
early, but known now, and often as a knife.
According to Smith, the butt of the shaft was sometimes fitted with a
‘three to four inch’ pointed iron ‘thimble’ for digging roots, but this is not
confirmed. Modern spears have a blunt butt to the shaft, only slightly less in
diameter than the top. The reason is possibly that spears are not thrown now-
adays, but used only for stabbing.
Among the western tribes spears were most commonly thrown, but Xhosa,
Bomvana and Mpondo, at least, are reported to have had, in addition to the
throwing spears, one for stabbing. Stabbing spears which were broad bladed
and heavier were, however, used by all at close quarters and in an emergency
the shaft of a throwing spear would be broken off to make a handier weapon
for stabbing. The Mpondo, in fact, and the immigrant tribes, are said to have
used stabbing spears more frequently than the others did.
The method of throwing, whereby the spear was made to vibrate in the hand
before throwing and thereby given a vibrating motion as it travelled, has been
described by many authors. The throw was generally overhand, but occasionally
a telling throw was delivered underhand, the more dangerous because
unexpected.
Opinions seem to have differed as to range, accuracy of aim, and
avoidability. Estimates of range vary from 45 to 90 m, and of accurate aim
from 18 to 70 m. The practising of aim through the pastime of rolling a ‘wooden
ball’ down a slope, for the assembled company to throw their spears at, was
observed among adults by the survivors of the Grosvenor, and among children
by Norbury (1880) who described it as a favourite pastime (See Games, the
rolling target game, Shaw & Van Warmelo, part 4, in preparation).
According to Alberti, a warrior threw spear after spear as he ran towards
his objective, finally snatching one up from the ground, if necessary, with
which to stab. Hunter stated that the Mpondo might also pick up and return
the spears of the enemy, and this must surely have been general practice.
In general the lighter-bladed spears were used in war, and the heavier for
hunting, but it is difficult nowadays to check the uses of each different type
(and undoubtedly they differed for a purpose) since the practices of war and
hunting large game have died out.
The spear is one of the most important items in Cape Nguni material
culture. It was primarily a weapon of war and hunting, but, in addition to the
two primary functions, there are a number of others that spears fulfilled, and
in which they took the place of the knife that is missing from Cape Nguni
material culture. A spear was used for executing criminals and slaughtering
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 339
stock. It is still used for ritual slaughtering of cattle. In the latter case, at least
among the Bomvana, Mpondo and Bhaca, the spear used was reserved specially
for the purpose, handed down from father to son and kept in the Great Hut.
Another special spear was the one kept for circumcision. This, too, was
set aside for the purpose. Among the Fingo, Brownlee saw one that had been
handed down with the office of operator from father to son for many generations.
Cook reports, however, that the Bomvana had a new spear for each school,
and that it might be burnt in the Khwetha hut at the end, according to the
feelings of the operator.
Spears were used for flaying and for cutting up meat before cooking, and
by individuals at meals, and for reaping the corn. The ingqanda was used as an
awl for piercing holes, and as a goad for cattle, particularly in racing.
In addition to these practical uses, spear-heads were an important item of
exchange and reward, second only to cattle. At the beginning of the nineteenth
century they were described as the most common article of barter, and attained
almost the status of currency.
There is a certain amount of ritual importance attached to spears, and
taboos regarding women touching them. They often feature in ceremonial,
particularly in the wedding ceremony. In the old days war was declared by
sending a spear to the enemy chief. If it was received and another sent in its
place, the declaration was accepted—if sent back the fight was refused.
There is no longer sufficient evidence to distinguish tribal differences in
style, which no doubt existed. According to Baines, Mpondo and Hlubi spears
were ‘larger and broader’ than those of the Xhosa, and according to Alexander
the stabbing spears of the Thembu and Mpondo were ‘barbed like a harpoon’.
But no identified specimens are available to substantiate this.
FETTER
Apart from the term (ikhamandela— 468), which is a new one to the language
from the Dutch Kommanderen, there is no further information about the use
of a fetter.
HUNTING
SOURCES
1593 Lavanha (1597) p. 235 Umtata R.: dogs
‘E na guerra servem-se de Azagayas, trazem cachorros capados da feicad
e tamanho dos nossos gozos grandes.’
(p. 294 ‘In war they make use of assegais, and they employ gelded dogs
in size and appearance like our large curs.’)
1647 Feyo (1650) p. 252
?Near Umzimvubu R., 12 days north-east of Infanta: traps
*. .. nos metemos por hum bosque, em que achamos armadillas, & covas
para elefantes... .’
340 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(p. 313 *. . . we entered a thick wood where we discovered snares and
pitfalls for elephants. . . .’)
1752 Beutler p. 303 Xhosa: hippo stake
‘. . . deese Caffers om de zeekoeyen te vangen gebruyken deese list, sy
setten midden in het pad waardoor die dieren gewoon sijn uyt het water op
het land te komen om te graasen schuyns diep in de grond een scherp puntige
olijfstok wat uyt de grond met de punt na de land kant steeckende, als dat dier
daarover met gemak aan land is gekomen dan maaken sy aan weerskanten
van het pad een yselijkk geschreeuw waarvan dat beest verschrikt wordende,
sig schielyjkk omkeert en na het water terug gekeert sonder ergens om te sien,
lopende dus met haar borst of buyk die laag neederhangen in die stok waarop
se vast blyven steeken en vervolgens sterven.’
1782 Carter p. 165, note Mpondo: elephant pit
‘Here Jan Andries Holtshausen had the misfortune to fall into a pit of
burnt stakes, by which he was terribly wounded in the palm of his left hand.
(His note: ‘A pit is dug, and large stakes are driven into the bottom that stand
upright, with their upper end sharpened to a point that is hardened by fire.
Branches of trees and grass are laid over the points so as to conceal them and
the pit; by which the elephant is taken unawares, and falls into the snare. In
this manner the natives kill that animal.’)
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 76-77 Xhosa: hunting-drives, lion hunt
‘Jagden. Die grossen Jagden ausser ihrem Lande sind von besonderer Art.
Springbokke, die jenseits der Coernoy (dem kleinen Sonntagsfluss) und dem
Buschmannsfluss, die grasreichen Hiigel, Thaler und Flachen zu tausenden
bedekken, und zu denen sich bissweilen auch noch Hirsche, Elenthiere etc.
gesellen, sind leichte Lieblingsgegenstande ihrer Jagden. Sie bilden—so erzahlten
theils die Bauren, theils Hottentotten—in einer grossen Ferne ringsum diese
gewaltige Heerden, einen Cordon, und riikken, jeder mit seinen Assogais und
Knopfkiris in den Handen, stets naher zusammen, so dass sie diese Thiere in
einen engern Raum zusammen drangen; sind sie dann nahe genug, alsdann
begint der allgemeine Angriff, sie stechen und werffen was sie erreichen k6nnen.
Das bange und schichterne Wild sucht seinen Verfolgern durch die Flucht zu
entrinnen; es durchbricht daher den feindlichen Cordon, und da wo ein einziger
Springbok hoch und schwebend durch die Luft springt, da springen die Tausende
auch. Oft sind denn auch die Kaffern auf solchen Jagden sehr gliicklich. Kleinres
Wild, als Jakhals oder Goldfiichse, kleine blaue Buschbéckgen und dergleichen
werfen und schlagen sie meist mit ihren Kiris todt, oder fangen sie lebendig.
Elephanten, wilde Biiffel, Lowen und dergleichen tédten sie allein, durch ihre
Assegais, wovon aber der Erfolg oft sehr misslich und gefahrlich ist; daher
sind dieses auch nur seltenre Jagden.
Die Art, wie sie in ihrem Lande die Lowen erlegen, ist fiirtretlich, und
macht dem National-Karakter Ehre. Ein Kaffer der die Spur eines LOwen
entdekt, folgt ihm nach; komt er ihm nahe, dann sind gewohnlich mehrere
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 34]
Kaffern beisammen, die ihm nur in der dringensten Gefahr beistehen. Wer ihn
zu erst entdekt, oder den Vorsaz hatte einen Léwen zu tédten, der hat dann
auch die Ehre seines Triumphs allein zu geniessen. Der Kaffer halt in seiner
Linken den ledernen Schild, in seiner Rechten die Lanze. Nun nidhert er sich
—ganz in der Stellung der ROmischen Gladiatoren, mit einer besondern musku-
lésen Bewegung des Kopfs und des Leibes, voll Ausdruck der grossen Begierde
nach dieser Ehre, der Ungewischeit des Siegs—des Muths und des Entsezens
dem vor ihm stehenden oder liegenden Lowen. Er streckt seine nervigten Arme
aus, springt seitwarts—kriimmt sich und lauscht—springt riickwarts. Der
Anblick seines Feindes entflammt noch mehr den Muth—er nidhert sich ihm,
klopft stark auf seinen Schild. Jezt macht er Bewegungen, als wenn er den Lowen
augenblicklick mit seinen Lanzen ermorden wolte. Er pfeifft dabei sehr hell
und stark—zischt mit den Zahnen—rufft—klopft wieder, biss endlich der
gereizte Lowe seinen Stolz in Wuth verwandelt, und den Verwegenen durch
elenen grossen Sprung zernichten will. In diesem Augenblick aber halt der
Kampfer, zur Erde sinkend, seinen harten, grossen Schild ihm vor; der Lowe
geschwacht durch die Weite seines Sprunges, greift nicht durch; diesen Augen-
blick sucht er zu benutzen, indem er dem LGwen einige Todesstiche bei zu
bringen sucht; die andern eilen herbei und bringen ihn vollends um. Nicht
alle beseelt dieser Helden Muth, und auch nicht alle besizen jene gewaltige
Muskelnkrafft, um dem miachtigen Anfall des Lowen zu wiederstehen, daher
ereignet sichs noch 6ftrer, dass sie wirklich schon in einiger Entfernung—eine
Menge von Assogais auf dem liegenden Feind fliegen lassen, und ihn dann bei
seiner weitern Annaherung noch vollends tédten.’
1797 Barrow (1806) p. 163 Xhosa: game pits
‘The elephant and the buffalo fell also in the woods by the Hassagai, but
more frequently by deep pits made in the ground across the paths that led to
their usual haunts. In this manner they sometimes took the hippopotamus;
but the usual gait of this animal, when not disturbed, is so cautious and slow
that he generally detected the snare that was laid for him, and avoided it. The
more certain method of destroying him was to watch at night behind a bush
close to his path; and, as he passed, to wound him in the tendons of the knee-
joint, by which he was immediately rendered lame and unable to escape from
the numerous Hassagais that afterwards assailed him.’
1800 Van der Kemp (1804) p. 405 Xhosa: game pit
‘A young Caffree woman. . . then ran through the river into the forest,
where she lost her way, and fell into a pit, in which sharp pointed poles were
placed in order to catch wild beasts.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) pp. 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158 Xhosa: hunting
p. 153 Xhosa: hunting-party
Nothing more.
p. 154 Xhosa: hunting-drives
Nothing more.
342 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Ps ls5 Xhosa: burning veld
‘Heeft zulk eene gedwongene Jagt op eene vlakte plaats gehad, met dor
gras bewassen, dat gewoonlijk zeer hoog is, alsdan steekt men zulks in brand,
om ten minste de klingen der verlorene werpspiesen weder te vinden.’
Palos Xhosa: snares in fences
‘De Gemsen van verschillende soort worden ook in strikken, en wel op
de volgende wijze, gevangen. Door eene met kreupelhout ligt bewassene streek
stelt men eenige lage hekken, meestal van doornen zamengesteld, die dikwerf
meer dan een uur in de lengte bedragen. In deze hekken worden op zekeren
afstand openingen gelaten, waarin men strikken of sprenkels zet. Het Wild,
dat rustig tiert, ver van over de hekken te springen, gaat langs dezelve henen
tot eene der openingen, waarin het zich zelf verwart.’
pp. 155-156 Xhosa: hippo stake, game pit, leopard trap
‘Bij den nacht, wanneer de Zeekoeijen de rivier verlaten, om haar voedsel
te zoeken, maken zij diepe vorens in het dikke wier, waarmede de hooge en
steile oevers bewassen zijn. In deze diepten plaatst men spitse, in het vuur
geharde, palen kruisgewijze tegen elkanderen; men keert te rug en maakt
geschreeuw, waarop de weidende koeijen dikwerf in haast te rug vlieden, niet
zelden met de borst in zulk een paal loopen, en op deze wijze in de handen
hunner vervolgers vallen.
In streken, waarin het Wild bij verkiezing weidt, vooral op paden, die
naar het water leiden, graaft men diepe groeven, in welker midden een spitse
paal geplaatst en met rijs en gras gedekt wordt. Zoodanige groeven dienen
voornamelijk, om Buffels en groote Gemsen te vangen.
Om de Tijgers te bemagtigen, bezigt men eenen soortgelijken paal, aan welks
boveneind de kling eener Werpspies wordt vast gemaakt, onder de takken van
eenen boom in den grond geslagen. Aan een dezer takken hangt linrecht
boven dezen paal een stuk vleesch, en meer andere stukken worden in den
omtrek tot lokaas geworpen. De Tiger, door het genot dezer brokken aange-
vuurd, springt eindelijk in eene schuinsche rigting naar het om hoog hangende
grootere stuk vleesch, en stort doorgaans, bij eenen lijnrechten val, in de
werpspies neder..’
jos LS Xhosa: elephant hunt
De olifanten-jagt is de moeijelijkste van alle. Slechts zelden wordt een
Olifant door den Kaffer geveld. . . . Slechts een enkele Olifant, die in zulk eene
voordeelige streek afzonderlijk tiert, wordt afgemaakt. In zoodanig geval sluit
men hem in door middel van vuren . . . terwijl men bij ondervinding weet, dat
het dier zulk eenen vuurkring, ten minste bij den dag, niet verlaat. Alsdan
naderen de Jagers van tijd tot tijd en trachten het door een groot aantal van
werpspiesen te dooden.
Daar zulks, echter, wegens de geringe doordringbaarheid van de huid
... 1n geenen korten tijd geschieden kan . . . er loopen gewis vele dagen voorbij,
eer men deze prool geheel kan bemagtigen.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 343
p.158 Xhosa: lion hunt
Nothing more.
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) pp. 444-445 Xhosa: snares, traps
p. 444 Xhosa: snares
Nothing more.
p. 445 Xhosa: hippo trap, game pit, leopard trap
Nothing more.
1813 Campbell (1815) p. 367 ‘Caffer’: snare, trap
‘Sometimes, in order to catch game, they make an enclosure with one
entrance, over which they place a large bow, as an arch, with the string extended
on a catch. The creature entering, and treading on a certain stick laid in his
way, the string comes with violence from off the catch, and suspends him in the
air. =:
When the wolf is troublesome, they suspend a piece of flesh on a bough,
and place an assegay or spear in the ground, that the wolf when leaping to
catch the flesh may fall upon it.’
1821-4 Thompson (1827) 2 pp. 261, 364 ‘Caffer’: hunting, trapping
p. 261 ‘Caffer’: hunting-drives, snares
‘They generally go out to hunt in large parties, and when they find game in
the open fields, they endeavour to surround the animals, or drive them to
some narrow pass, which is previously occupied by long files of hunters,
stationed on either side, who, as the herd rushes through between, pierce them
with showers of assegais. This mode is chiefly pursued with the larger sorts of
antelopes. The smaller bucks they sometimes knock down with the kirri, or
war club, which they throw with great force and expertness: birds are generally
killed with the same weapon. They have also modes of catching the smaller
game by gins and springes, fixed in their paths through the woods and thickets.’
p. 364 ‘Caffer’: hippo pits
‘For the hippopotamus they dig pits in the river banks, which are slightly
covered over, and have a strong stake fixed in the centre; they then lie in wait
for the animal when he comes out to graze, and driving him into the paths where
the pits are dug, complete his destruction.’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 115, 247, 392 ‘Caffer’: hunting, trapping
Perlis ‘Caffer’: hunting, snares
‘Hunting is one of the favourite occupations of the men not for amusement
alone but for profit. The[y] seldom get animal food except it be obtained in the
chase. They have two methods of [procuring] wild animals, the hassegay or
Kerrie and snares. The former is employed generally when they go in a body
and surround game the latter when the game is scarce or so wild that they cannot
be easily surrounded. They kill almost every animal with the assegay if they
can reach them, even the elephant often falls under their weapons. Various
kinds of snares are made the principal pits in the haunts of the game or nooses
344 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
where they feed or go to water. . . . They often form hedges of bush some miles
long with openings in them where they set snares and where the animals pass
through. After a hunt they often burn the grass to find the hassegays. They
also take the larger game in deep pits in which are placed stakes sharp at the
points.’
p. 247 ‘Caffer’: elephant hunt, hippo pit
‘It is quite surprising to see that state of their hassegays after a successful
elephant hunt. The blades are bent in all directions the shafts broken and all
a perfect ruin. .. . They lay wait for the hippopotamus during the night and
sometimes destroy him by hassegays at other times dig pits for him in the course
of the paths which he particularly frequents.’
p: 392 ‘Caffer’: snares in fences
Nothing more.
1820-31 Steedman (1835) pp. 24, 59 Xhosa: elephant hunt
Nothing more. (It is presumed that Steedman quoted from Kay because
Kay published two years before he did. Kay’s account is therefore quoted here.)
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 51, 136-138, 350, 351
Xhosa, Mpondo: hunting, trapping
js SU Xhosa: game pit
“When on full gallop through a bushy valley, not far from Fort Wiltshire,
my horse suddenly plunged into a deep pit that had been dug by the natives,
for the purpose of ensnaring game. It was completely concealed from view by
the high grass which grew around it, so that the danger could not possibly be
perceived until one had arrived upon its verge. .. . The common practice of the
Kaffers, as also of other classes of natives, is to fix a sharp-pointed post in the
centre of these holes, designed and calculated to effect a deadly wound in what-
ever may fall upon it... hence the utmost caution is absolutely necessary when
riding in mere game paths, or through those parts that have not been much
traversed.’
pp. 136-138 Xhosa: elephant hunt
*. . . a numerous herd of elephants was discovered. . . . The signal was
given. ... By this means an immense concourse of men and dogs were speedily
assembled near the deep and bushy ravine, in which the animals had taken
refuge. ... Three out of their number were at length brought to the ground....
Their attack upon this noble quadruped is usually made from behind,
in which position they are able for some time to elude the keen glance of his
extraordinarily small eye; and sometimes even to hamstring him before he is
aware of the approach of an assailant. . . . When thus engaged in the act of
killing him, it is not a little amusing, as well as singular, to hear them lauding
the animal, and crying,—‘“‘Don’t kill us, great Captain, don’t strike or tread
upon us, mighty Chief”; while in the intervals between those different entreaties,
they cast showers of spears into his tortured carcass... .’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 345
p. 350 Mpondo: hippo trap
‘In one of the paths on the river’s brink, I observed sharp pointed posts
obliquely fixed in the ground, with the view of piercing these aquatic monsters
[hippos] as they slide off the bank, after their midnight excursions for food.
Such is one of the plans adopted by the natives for catching them, and another
is that of digging pit-falls; but neither the one nor the other seems to be very
successful.’
p. 350-351 Mpondo: hippo hunting
‘Some of the clans kill them [hippos] by means of poisoned darts... .
These are eighteen or twenty inches long, pointed with sharp pieces of iron,
loosely fixed into strong handles, six or seven feet in length. The latter, of
course, give force to the darts, and immediately drop off the moment they have
entered, leaving the barbs, with all the poison about them, to work their way
into the inside of the animal. Thus armed, the native places himself in ambush
in some well known walk of the hippopotamus, and, while it is silently browsing,
plunges his deadly instrument into its side.’
1829 Bain p. 113 Mpondo: elephant trap
Nothing more.
18346 Bonatz p. 351 Thembu: hunting-expeditions
‘If they engage in any thing it is in the chace. For this, they arm themselves
with assagays (light missile darts), and with kirris (sticks with or without
knobs), which they cast at their game. They only make use of a shield when they
go on the lion or tiger-hunt, or into the field of battle. Great numbers of dogs
accompany them, on whose courage and prowess they mainly rely. During
these hunting expeditions, it often happens that they set fire to the grass upon
the mountains, perhaps with the design of driving the game out of the clefts
Oilehesrocks.”.°; .?
(1853) Fleming pp. 59-60 Xhosa: snares in fences
‘In the Amatolas however, they [bush and bluebuck] are still numerous,
and are often snared there by the Kaffirs in rather an ingenious way. For this
purpose several bushes are lopped, and with these they form a kind of rough
bramble-hedge, of perhaps two or three square miles in extent, round a part
of the kloof, or bush, where some bucks have been seen. These hedges they
make as impassable as they can, by forming them of the most thorny kinds
of shrubs, twisted closely together, and covered with the overhanging boughs
of the trees.
Where these hedges cross the spoor (or footpad), used by the bucks in
going to drink at a neighbouring river, or leading to some pasture in the valleys
beneath, they leave openings about a yard wide. At one side of these outlets
they drive firmly into the ground a slender stick (about ten or twelve feet in
(length), to the upper and thinner end of which they fasten a noose or loop, made
of reim (or o0x’s hide, cut in strips, then soaked in water, and worked and twisted
346 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
until pliable). The upper end of this stick is then bent down, the noose is laid
open in the centre of the path, and temporarily pegged down with small twigs.
When all the spoors are thus fortified, several Kaffirs with dogs enter the
enclosure, while some lie concealed near the traps. The hunt then commences.
Those, who have entered the copse begin to shout and beat the bushes with
sticks in all directions, their half starved dogs aiding in the outcry and uproar
which generally is far more than sufficient, to scare so timid an animal as a little
antelope. If however, any are within hearing, they immediately take flight,
and run unsuspectingly along the paths, where alone they find any egress.
As they gallop through the openings at their extremities, they of course disturb
the twigs beneath, and, trampling on the hidden noose, are generally enclosed
Mcitatet.
(1857) Livingstone fp. 27 Tswana: game pit
Figure, ‘The pit at the extremity of the hopo’.
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) pp. 82-83 Cape Nguni: game pits
p. 82
“Wegen der haufig zur Unmdglichkeit werdenden Schwierigkeit des
Anschleichens fangt man die gennanten Arten des Wildes auch auf andere,
bequemere Weise und zwar vornehmlich durch Fallgruben, die man auf dem
Wege, den das Thier gewohnlich nimmt, angebracht hat. Dieselben sind der
Grosse des erwarteten Wildes entsprechend, aber von geringer Tiefe, um das
spatere Herausschaffen der Beute nicht zu sehr zu erschweren, und im Grunde
pflegt man spitze Pfahle einzugraben, auf welche sich das Thier im Herabstiirzen
spiesst.’
p. 83
‘Die Natur fiihrte den afrikanischen Jager durch den plétzlichen Wechsel
zwischen unabsehbarer Flache und Engpass darauf hin, dass es nothig sei, dem
Wilde die Méglichkeit des Ausweichens zu nehmen und die ergiebigsten Jagd-
methoden stiitzen sich auf dieses Princip. Da die vereinzelte Fallgrube den
Thieren zu viel Spielraum lasst, seitlich vorbeizukommen, fiihrt man niedrige
Dornenzaune quer durch die Gegend, welche nur an der Stelle der Gruben
Oeffnungen zeigen und so das Wild néthigen, den gefahrlichen Weg zu wahlen.
Eine eben solche Einrichtung, nur in grésserem Maassstabe, ist der sogenannte
““Hopo’’*, bei welchem die Grube weit genug ist, um eine ganze Anzahl grésserer
Thiere aufzunehmen, und der von beiden Seiten her schliesslich in eine enge
Gasse zusammenlaufende Zaun Widerstand genug leistet, um das gewaltsame
Hindurchbrechen zu verhindern. Die in Form einer rémischen Fiinf angelegten
Schenkel der Umzaunung ziehen sich, allmahlig niedriger werdend, weit
hinaus in die Ebene, und das Bestreben der Jager ist darauf gerichtet, weidende
Trupps des Wildes zu veranlassen, ihren Weg gegen den spitzen Winkel zu
*By giving the name ‘Hopo’, Fritsch shows that he is basing this part of the description on
Livingstone’s account (?and Baines’s sketch) of the Tswana game pit. See reference above.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 347
nehmen. Indem sie nun anfangs langsam, dann aber starker und starker nach-
driicken, treiben sie die Thiere schliesslich in die enge Gasse, welche zur Grube
fiihrt, wo sie gezwungen sind, entweder in dieselbe hinein zu springen oder sich
riickwarts gegen die Assegaien ihrer Verfolger zu wenden. Ist es gelungen,
eine gréssere Menge von Wild in die verhangnissvolle Enge zu bringen, so
fiillt sich die Grube bis oben mit einem wiisten Gemisch verschiedener Thiere,
die auf das klaglichste durch den Fall zerschmettert oder von den Nachfolgenden
zertrampelt werden.
In Ermangelung einer ausdriicklich fiir diesen Zweck angelegten Ein-
richtung benutzt man die natiirlichen, in Siid-Afrika so haufigen, felsigen
Engpasse in 4hnlicher Weise, indem ein Theil der Jager sich an der schmalsten
Stelle des Passes in den Hinterhalt legt, wahrend ein anderer das Wild veranlasst,
den Weg durch den Pass zu nehmen. Auch wenn das Terrain freier ist, weiss der
Kaffer durch die bestandige Beobachtung der Gewohnheiten der Thiere doch
sich so aufzustellen, dass die Fliichtigen in den Bereich seiner Waffe kommen,
und wenn sein Ziel auch nicht “‘absolute certainty” ist, fallt inm doch so manches
Stitick zur Beute, eine willkommene Abwechselung in der gewohnlichen Diat
darbietend.’
1845-89 Kropf (1889) p. 112 Xhosa: game pit
Nothing more.
(1874) Korner p. 177 ‘Kaffer’: trapping
peli? ‘Kaffer’: leopard trap, snares
‘Fur den Panther macht man einen steinernen K4éfig im Boden zurecht,
legt dariiber ein Sttick Ziege, so dass der Nascher, wenn er zugreift, in den engen
KAfig fallt, aus welchem er nicht heraus kann. Fiir kleinere Thiere errichtet man
Schlagbaume, indem man ein Dornenwerk anlegt und zum Durchschliipfen
nur eine schmale Stelle frei ldasst. Dort ist ein Strick vorgespannt, welcher
einen schweren Holzstamm in der Schwebe halt. Dringt nun das Thier durch die
Oeffnung, so muss es den vorgespannten Strick wegziehen. In demselben
Augenblicke fallt aber auch der wuchtige Schlagbaum nieder und zerschmettert
das Thier. Im uebrigen sind Fallgruben ein beliebtes Jagdmittel.
Um das Wild auch massenweise zu erlegen, wendet der Kaffer Treibjagden
>
an.
paid ‘Kaffer’: game pits
Nothing more.
1875-87 MacDonald (18905) pp. 277, 282 Cape tribes: hunting
(Do 207) Cape tribes: large hunts
‘Besides the lands used for arable and pastoral purposes, we almost
invariably find huge stretches of forest and plain reserved for the purposes
of the chase. On these high-lying plains the game is left undisturbed, except
during the winter or hunting season. Hunts are then organized on a great scale,
and continued for days at a time. On such expeditions hundreds of men and
348 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
dogs accompany the chief. The ordinary warrior’s spear—Assegai—is the only
weapon. I of course speak of the custom before the natives became familiar
with fire-arms...I am not aware that natives ever succeeded in killing full
grown elephants before the introduction of fire-arms, and a lion they hardly
attack, unless he is old and lazy... .’
pe2s2 Cape tribes: no hunting ceremonial
‘There are no preparations or ceremonies of any kind before entering on
a hunt, beyond looking to the condition of one’s weapons. . . . In the hunting
field there are certain rules of precedence, but these are based on social rank,
or hunter’s fame, and are in no way interesting as a distinct characteristic.’
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 95, 96, 387, 403-405
Mpondo: treatment of army for hunt, hunting-sport, bird-lime, snares
p. 95 Mpondo: army hunt
‘Only when the army went to hunt after being treated was the whole of
their spoil taken to the great place. . . . In each umzi from which men went
a girl not yet having reached puberty was given a calabash filled with red
“lucky beans’’, kept for the purpose, which she sat shaking at the kraal gate.
... Immediately a buck was killed the men pierced one eye. The other was left
until the spoil was brought home and set down in the kraal gate; then the girl
sitting at the gate pierced it with a charred stick of hemp or an octopus arm.
. .. The hunters were also treated... .’
p. 96 Mpondo: hunting-sport, bird-lime, snares
*... hunting no longer plays any appreciable part in the domestic economy
of the people. For sport, parties of men with dogs occasionally hunt blue
buck or quails, and boys trap birds, smearing a sticky juice on branches of
flowering umsintsi to which birds come for honey, fixing running nooses to
heads of millet, and setting traps with stones. Medicines are still used to make
dogs good hunters.’
[Ds Sod) Mpondo: army hunt
Nothing more.
pp. 403-405 Mpondo: army hunt
(Detailed description of treatment.)
(1937) Soga pp. 162, 164 Xhosa: hunting
oy ey Xhosa: lion trap, leopard, elephants
‘Ingonyama ibibanjiswa lula nangomgibe womhadi obekwe amanqwanqwa,
watiwa, yalayala ngamasetyana emiti; wenziwe emgaqweni wayo apa. lya kuti
ke yona yeyele ingakumbulele nto, uwuve nawe lowo umgqumo wayo urazule
ihlati, kanti se kupelile.
Ingwe yona ibilubawa nangentonga, ibinzwe nangomkonto lo... . Umxaka
sisihombo ebe singabe kunene kwa nje ngengubo yengwe. Ibisiti indlovu
yakubulawa epulo, nokuba na icolwe se ifile, mhlawumbi ibanjiswe ibitiyelwe,
upondo Iwayo lusiwe komkulu, apo incibi yakomkulu iya kulunqunga imixaka
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 349
iyenzela inkosi. Lo use olu pondo komkulu wobuya nenkomo yake egudileyo.
Iya kungena ke inkosi yona iyabe le mixaka isabela inkosana namapakati
akowayo.’
[The lion was easily caught by means, for example, of a trap (umgibe)
consisting of a pit (umhadi) with poles placed across and covered with twigs
of trees; this was constructed in the lion’s pathway. Suspecting nothing, it will
fall in; hearing its roar, you will let yourself rip through the forest, but all will
be over.
The leopard was killed both by (beating with) a stick or stabbing with an
assegal. .~..
The umxhaka (ivory bangle) is an ornament which was very scarce, like
the skin of the leopard. Whenever an elephant was killed in a hunting expedition,
or found dead, or perhaps caught by trapping, its tusk was sent to the chief,
whose expert would carve bangles (from it) for the chief. The one taking the
tusk to the chief will return with a sleek bullock given him by the chief. The
chief will thereupon distribute these bangles among his petty chief and
councillors. |
p. 164 Xhosa: hunting-drive
‘Ezi nyamakazi, impofu yamatafa nolundi, nenyati etandana namahlati
be zizingelwa zibulawe. Be zisiti zakubulawa enqina paya ngokuxeshwa nga-
mahashe namaqegu, nezinja zisukelwe nangenyawo.’
[These animals, the eland of the plateaux and mountains and the buffalo
which likes forests, were hunted and killed. They were killed on the tribal
hunt by being chased on horseback and with racing oxen and dogs, and on
foot. ]
1945 Makalima chap. 6 pars 1, 6-7, 16, 34, 36, 41 Xhosa: hunting-methods
par. 1 Xhosa: animals hunted
‘Ukuzingela—Izilwanyana, zazizingelwa zonke. Kwakungeko nasinye
esingazingelwayo ngamaXosa. Into ekoyo ezinye bezingatyiwa ngokwesiko.’
[All animals were hunted. There was not a single animal which the Xhosas
did not hunt. According to custom, some of them were not eaten.]
par. 6 Xhosa: hunting-expeditions
‘Uhlobo ekuzingelwa ngalo—Ingqina izintlobo ezimbini, iko le kutiwa
lipulo ekuti kanti kwakuggitywa intsuku okanye icawe okanye nenyanga
eziliqela, kungabuywa kuzingelwa. .
Uhlobo Iwesibini ke lokuzingela kukuti kupunywe ngaba zingeli, kanti
akulalwa ndle, koti ukutshona kwelanga kubywe kuze kuhlinzwa izoba elo
kutyiwe.’
[There are two ways of hunting. The one is a hunting expedition in which
the hunters are accompanied by their wives and cattle. In this, several days or
weeks or months are spent without returning home. . . . The second way is
that the hunting party goes out but not to sleep in the veld. It returns home at
sunset for skinning and supper.]
350 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
par. 7 Xhosa: hunting-weapons
‘Izixobo ezisetyenziswayo— Xa kuzingelwa kwa Xosa kupatwa imingayi
zigityiselwe ngayo inyamakazi okanye indoda iyiqubule isalele iyinqume
iyibulale. Nalento yezagweba intsha. Kwa ngokunjalo amabhunguza, intolo,
azaziwa nezapeta kwaXosa, yinto esetyenziswa ngabaTwa namaLawu.’
[When a hunting expedition sets out in Xhosaland, the men are armed
with long sticks (umnqayi) which are hurled at the animals, at other times an
animal was taken by surprise and beaten to death with one decisive blow by a
man. Hunting with small short sticks (izagweba) is a new invention. The same
applies to knobkerries (dbhunguza) arrows (intolo) and bows (isaphetha), they
were unknown amongst the Xhosas, they were used by Bushmen and
Hottentots. |
par. 16 Xhosa: hunting-method
“Wonke umntu ube bulusha ukuvusa inyamakazi, kanti naupina umntu
woyigabela, ayibulale yakuvuka ngakuye.’
[Every one beats the grass to rouse the animals, and anyone in front of
whom an animal rose would deliver a blow and kill it.]
par. 34 Xhosa: game pits
‘Ukutiya— Kuko abantu ekutiwa ukubizwa kwabo ngabanghawi abobantu
bazingela bodwa ngelabo ixesha nangezabo indlela ezahlukileyo kweziya
zabazingeli basenqhina nasephulo. Bahamba bezingela ngabanye nangababini
nangabatatu njalo njalo. Lendlela yokutiya ngemisele enzulu yenye yendlela
zabo abazibulala ngayo inyamakazi ehlatini paya. Bemba umsele onzulu,
bafake izinti zomtati ezitshwezwe zatsolo paya pakati zime ngobukali bujonge
pezulu. Bazakuti ke baziqube inyamakazi zide zifike kule misele ingqunywe
ngamanqwanqwa nencha, ukuze ingacaci kuzo zize zingene apo ke, zingaqondi
nto, zihlatywe, zihlatywe zeziya zikonkwane zomtati zisemseleni, zife okanye
zingxwelereke bade bafike bazibulale.’
[There are people known as great hunters, those people hunt alone, in
their own time, with their own ways which are different from those of hunting
parties and hunting expeditions. They hunt in twos or threes. One of their ways
is that of trapping animals, and killing them by means of deep trenches in the
forest. They dig a deep trench and put in sneezewood stakes whose ends are
made into sharp points facing upwards. They drive the animals until they
reach these trenches which are covered with pieces of wood and grass to make
them impossible to be seen by the animals until they go in and get stabbed to
death by the sneezewood stakes in the trench or get wounded until the hunters
come to kill them.]
par. 36 Xhosa: dassie trap
‘Indlela zokutiya—...Olunyeke ngumthangala wamatye abekwayo
afaniswe neliwa. Imbila ke zoza, zicinga uba liliwa nje, zisuke ziwelwe ngalo-
matye, zitatwe sezifele apo ngulomfo.’
[Ways of trapping—Another one is that of a wall of stones put up like a
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 351
cliff. The dassies will then come thinking that it is an ordinary cliff, and those
stones would then fall upon them and the trapper comes to pick them up dead
there... .|
par. 41 Xhosa: bird snare
‘Kuko ukuti xa inkwenkwe iyibonisele intaka isendlwini, yenze izabata
ngoboya betshoba lenkomo. Zibekwe ke apa emnyango wendlu yentaka, ukuze
iti xa ingenayo nokuba kuxa ipumayo ibanjiswe nokuba kusentanyeni, nokuba
kusesingeni, nokuba kuse pikweni. Enye ke indlela kutatwa indembu incanya-
teliswe elutini olude luze ke lona lubekwe emtini liti tu apa emtini wehlati.’
[When a boy found a bird’s nest, he made a fowler’s snare (isibatha) con-
sisting of nooses made of long hairs from a cow’s tail. He placed them at the
door of the bird’s nest so that on entering or going out of the nest it would get
caught by the neck in the noose or by the wing. Another method is that of
taking bird-lime and sticking it to a long twig placed on a tree in the forest. ]
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke (1962) pp. 24, 25, 78 Bhaca: hunting
p. 24 Bhaca: purpose of hunting
‘Apart from the exploitation of the plant wealth of the environment, the
utilization of the soil for crops and the pasturage for stock, the Bhaca, to a
limited extent today but much more extensively formerly, make use of the skins
and flesh of wild animals and birds. Before contact with the White man the
whole country abounded in wild game and hunting was an important occupation
of the young men.’
p. 25 Bhaca: hunts
*.. . hunting is no longer an important socio-economic activity. Boys
hunt birds and hares with throwing sticks and catch small animals such as
rodents in traps and, occasionally, men organize hunting parties (iinggqina),
after obtaining permission from their headman. These hunts are only arranged
for sport and are no longer important economically. A long line is formed,
with the dogs in front, and the men, armed with knobbed sticks (itigweba),
walk slowly across the veld. Any animals flushed are caught by the dogs, who
are trained not to eat them, and clubbed. Chief Wabana has prohibited the
use of guns on these hunts and restricted the hunts themselves to every second
year so that the game will have a chance to increase.’
p. 78 Bhaca: stone fall-trap
‘Stone fall traps are also used, baited with the grub of the maize-stalk
borer (umnyiki).’
1969 Quickelberge (1971) pp. 490-2
Xhosa, Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondo, Mpondomise: traps for birds
‘The two most widely used traps of the more primitive type are the stone-
trap and the snare made of animal hair. The latter is called isabatha and some-
times isatamba while the stone-trap is called isigu or isigwe. The isabatha is
made from the brush hairs of a cow or a horse’s mane. Usually a hank of hair
about 9-10 inches long is knotted in the middle. The upper half is rolled into
302 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
a two-piece roll. The lower section is divided into sections of a few hairs each
and arranged into a bundle of slipknots. The snare is placed at the entrance of
the bird’s nest. With the isigu a flat stone is propped up at an angle supported
by a complex arrangement of sticks and twigs. It is so organised that when a
certain part is touched the whole interlocking framework of twigs collapses
causing the stone to fall and immobilize any bird under it. Birds are attracted
to this spot by a bait consisting of the larvae of the maize stalk-borer. The isigu
is arranged where birds feed and is used mainly after reaping when the maize
borer becomes available. Each boy may possess 5 or 6 traps, each trapping
4 to 5 birds a day. It is safe to assume that the isigw would account for more
birds than the isabatha since a bird’s nest must first be found before the latter
can be used, besides its use being limited to the nesting season.
Boys are occasionally seen with catapults... .
Larger birds such as guinea-fowl are sometimes trapped using a square
structure of intertwining twigs standing about 3 feet high. The entrance has set
over it a trap arrangement similar to the isigu and the trap is baited with a cob
of mealies. On being set off the stone is said to fall down and block the entrance.
This trap is called umdiliko (the verb dilika means to fall down), referring to
the stone which falls when the trap is set off. It is said to be able to catch 20
guineafowl at a time, while 10 large birds a day are easily caught according to
another informant.
Three reports were collected concerning the use of bird-lime. Judging
from the number of birds this method is claimed to be able to catch a day, it
would appear to be the most profitable of trapping media. One said 20 to 30
birds could be caught in a day while another claimed 40 a day was quite possible.
Bird lime was given the name intomfu by the Mpondo and indembu by the
Gcaleka. It seems rather strange that an apparently highly successful and easy
means of obtaining birds should so seldom be used. Either their claims to its
efficiency are exaggerated or else there may be reasons for keeping information
about this method a closely guarded secret.
Another trap used only very infrequently is called the uwmgibe which is a
flexible stick tied down with an intricate mechanism, easily triggered off and
similar to that operating in the isigu. The trap has a noose about the bait and
when the trap is set off the bird is caught in the noose and pulled suddenly
upwards to hang suspended... .
Trapping methods as used by the various tribes are as follows:
Ndlambe: use isabatha and. isigu mostly, also the umdiliko. The spring-trap is
often used to trap Egyptian Geese, catching about one or two a week. The
netting-wire trap for granivorous birds is also used.
Mpondo: bird-lime used and found most satisfactory. Also use isigu and isa-
batha. On the Nggeleni coast the commercial rat-trap and the isigu is most
used. The rat-trap is called noxhaka and one trapper said he could get two
or three birds a day this way. The catapult is also used. Trapping is said to be
done from June to November, when traps are set and birds are caught every
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 355
day. Again along the Nggeleni coast fishing is said by an informant to be the
most favourite pastime although boys hunt birds at some time or other. One
herdboy using a home-made rat-trap made partly from springy fencing wire,
claimed to get four or five birds a day. He also said this trap worked better
than the old isigu because birds became wary of the latter. The rat-trap is
covered with earth or sand only exposing the bait and thus reducing the chances
of birds becoming trap-shy.
Mpondomise: use the isigu and the home-made and bought rat-traps. One
informant claimed that the isigu and commercial rat-trap were equally effective.
I saw home-made rat-traps in Africans’ huts. These are also used for catching
domestic rodents.
Thembu: the commercial rat-trap is widely used. Each boy is said to have such
a trap and to trap birds every day during winter. Ten birds can be caught during
a good day’s trapping. Hunting and trapping birds is said to be the only pastime
of the boys.
Gcaleka: use bird-lime as the most successful method of obtaining birds. They
also employ the isigu, isabatha, umgibe and the catapult. One old man even
volunteered the surprising information that he used to use arrows to kill birds.
Bomvana: only the two old traditional traps are said to be used, i.e. the isigu
and the isabatha. The only catapults seen were from this area.’
TERMS
umsele 1. ditch, trench, water-furrow, drain, D. 2. gutter round base of hut,
(X—Kay), general. 3. also raised skirting shelf inside walled huts, Mp Xes
469( 68)
indembu mistletoe, found growing on both native and introduced trees, made
into bird-lime by the boys. . . . D, general, but unknown to many indi-
viduals. This word is derived according to rule from the Bantu root -/embu
‘viscid sticky substance, bird-lime’, cf. Sotho bolepu, ntepu, Venda vhulimbo
470
incembu 1. edible bulb of the blue lily, from which bird-lime is prepared;
bird-lime, D. 2. known to most (e.g. T Mp) only as a plant with edible
bulb. This word looks like a hlonipha version of indembu 471
isiphetha 1. bow for shooting arrows, D X (Ciskei. 2. sipeeta “‘bosjesmansbogen’
(X-Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656). 3. any dry twisted cord, therefore bow-string,
Xes. 4. not confirmed 472 (409)
ingqambu 1. the piece of wood on the noose of a trap for birds or game, D.
2. not confirmed 473
ubeko 1. nD. 2. thin wand or stalk lying flat on the ground amongst the bait
of a trap and serving as trigger device, Mp T (from -beka ‘place’),Others
call it inkcukumiso 474
inkcukumiso spring of trap or snare, D (what is meant is the trigger or release
device; derived from -chukumisa ‘touch slightly, make to go off’), general
475
354 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
irintyelo. 1. snare, noose, loop, lasso, fishing-line, D. 2. this form or only
irintyela, noose, loop; hlonipha for ‘rope’, X Bo 476
intambo thong, rope, riem, D, general, also twine 477 (242)
isibatha opening in game enclosure where a snare is set; fowler’s snare con-
sisting of nooses of hairs from cow’s tail spread over entrance of bird’s
nest, D, general 478
isaphetha (old meaning of verb is ‘bend’) 1. bow for shooting arrows, D, T,
but mostly not known. 2. any dry twisted cord, therefore bow-string, Xes.
3. bird snare of cow-tail noose (T—Makalima) 479 (408)
isabatha variant of isibatha, Bo X and others 480
isigu 1. trap, consisting of a flat stone, supported in a slanting position by an
ingenious arrangement of twigs, to one of which the bait (generally intlava
grubs from the mealie stalks) is fastened. A bird or mouse, on touching
the bait, releases the supporting twigs and is killed by the falling stone, D
(T-Makalima). 2. isigwe, Bo Mp 481
isisinga 1. loop or noose of a small thong with which one leg of young calves
or goats is fastened; trap, snare, D, general. 2. of sinew, X. 3. thong,
grass or monkey rope, Mp. 4. rope of imizi to catch cattle to be killed, Bo.
5. noose, in any form of trap, ([I—Makalima) 482 (219, 346)
isithambo 1. snare laid on the ground, D. 2. not confirmed 483
isithiyo (-thiya ensnare in a loop placed in an opening or gap in fence, D.)
1. anything for ensnaring, D. 2. snare, X Mp only 484
isiwiso (-wisa cause to fall) trap, D X only 485
umgibe 1. a springe. A stick fastened with one end in the ground, and having
a String tied to the other, the end of which is a loop fastened to the trap,
keeping the stick strongly bent. At the moment an animal enters the
opening of the trap, in which the loop stands, the stick rebounds, holding
the animal captive, D. 2. Not confirmed, and few if any informants know
this type of trap at all. 3. mostly loosely used (a) for the stone fall trap
for birds and small mammals, but more especially for the bent stick thereof
which holds the stone tilted up and (b) the bent stick holding up stone
door of trap built like small hut, X T 486
umgogo (-goga shut, close, bar or lock up a kraal, etc.). 1. bar of wood; block
of wood to sit on; anything heavy, large, D. 2. wattled tray, part of trap,
eastern Mp. This latter meaning not confirmed elsewhere 487
uthambo 1. net, snare for birds, made of string, D X. 2. also fishing-net, Mp
488
uviko 1. pointed pole, D; pointed stick or goad (X—McLaren 1915). 2. goad, Bo
489 (353)
isango 1. opening or entrance to cattle-kraal; gateway, D, first meaning general.
2. loop, noose, as of slipknot; any bend on a line, general 490 (97)
ighina knot for fastening; ighina labantu reef knot; ighina lamahule granny knot,
D, general for knot as at end of string to prevent fraying, and for reef knot
and ighina lemfene (baboon’s knot) granny knot 491
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 355
DISCUSSION
In former times and up to the early years of the last century, there was a
great deal of game of all sorts in the country occupied by the Southern Nguni,
and it was hunted with a vigour and wastefulness which, while possibly not
the main cause, certainly helped to bring about the gradual extinction of all
the larger species. The major cause was the trade in skins and ivory with the
Europeans in the nineteenth century.
Although the meat of most animals was eaten, very often on the spot,
and their skins, bone, horn, ivory, and sinew made into useful objects, hunting
other than individual trapping has apparently always been considered primarily
as a sport rather than a means of livelihood. It was a purely masculine occu-
pation. All animals were hunted and it was considered a great distinction to be
a good hunter, and particularly to kill a lion or an elephant. McDonald’s
suggestion that neither elephants nor lions, unless old or very troublesome, were
hunted before the introduction of fire-arms is contradicted by earlier authors.
Dogs always accompanied the hunters. Some of them were specially bred
for hunting, and although no special ceremony seems to have preceded a hunt,
dogs were, and still are, given medicine to make them good hunters (PI. 49: 3).
There were two major methods of hunting: actual combat with weapons,
and trapping. In the first case a number of persons usually combined on an
excursion, and in the second it was usually a matter for individual hunters,
but there were exceptions in each case.
Hunting excursions took place mostly in autumn and winter and some
chiefs declared certain stretches of country and forest closed for the rest of
the year. There were short excursions which lasted only for a day, or longer
expeditions, which might last for several days or weeks, when the men were
accompanied by their wives and cattle. The chief frequently organized and led
hunts, but anyone might do so with his permission. Boys were allowed to join
in as soon as they were old enough not to tire. The animal killed belonged to
the person who drew first blood, and he hung a claw from it round his arm.
But he would always divide it, and certain parts of certain animals were the
chief’s prerogative, for example the tusks and tail of elephant, the skin of
leopard, the chest of eland. According to McDonald, while there was no special
ceremonial preparation for a hunt among the Xhosa, certain rules of precedence
were observed, depending on social rank or fame as a hunter. For the Mpondo,
however, Hunter describes certain rituals performed when the army went to
hunt as a body after being treated with medicines, particularly at the ceremony
of the first fruits.
The hunting party went out on foot armed with spears and clubs. According
to T. B. Soga they rode oxen and later horses, but this is not confirmed except
for the Hlubi. Mpondomise suggested that old men might go on horseback
and wait for the beaters and dogs. They took their shields only if the quarry
were lion or leopard. When game was plentiful and they came upon a herd in
the open veld, the party would make a cordon round the animals and gradually
356 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
close in on them until within easy range, or till detected, when they would attack
all at once. Probably the majority of the animals would get away, but quite a
large number would be killed. It is reported that after such a round-up the
grass was burnt in that area, so as to make it easier to find at least the iron heads
of the spears that had not been recovered. Bonatz suggests that fire was used to
drive game out.
The same method of surrounding the quarry was used in the case of
elephants and lions, if one could be found alone, but when a noted hunter
was present, the crowd remained in the background and only later came to
the aid of the skilful individual who went forward to the first attack. To keep
an elephant still, fires were made all around him, and the attack commenced
from the rear. Smith comments on the damaged state of the spears afterwards.
A lion, on the other hand, was approached from the front, and encouraged to
spring by the antics of the hunter as he approached it. When it sprang, he fell
down on the ground under or behind his shield, delivering a timely stab if he
got the chance, and trusted to his companions in the rear to rush in and fall
upon the lion. When there was no individual hero available, spears were thrown
at the lion from a distance.
Another method of mass hunting, if a herd was found near a kloof, was
for half the party to round it up gently into the kloof, and then increase the
speed towards the other half of the party who were waiting at the narrowest
part, ready to attack the animals when they came through.
Hippos, according to Barrow, were hamstrung when returning to the river,
by a hunter lying in wait; according to Kay the Mpondo attacked them with
‘poisoned darts’; but there is no confirmation of either of these two methods.
Small game while on the move were attacked with clubs, which were
thrown from a distance with an admirable accuracy of aim up to 20 or 30 m.
If not killed outright the creature was stunned and a dog or a blow at close
quarters finished it off. But this was more a matter of private than of organized
sport.
Trapping was the usual method employed by individuals, or when game
was not so plentiful. But there was one form that was used for mass killings
as well, and which, according to the early authors, took a very heavy toll
indeed. That was the game pit. Pits were probably of different sizes—no dimen-
sions were given, except that they were wide enough to take the animals intended
for them, and deep enough to prevent them getting out. One or more sharpened
sneezewood stakes, hardened by fire, were planted, point up, in the bottom.
The pit might be placed at the end of a kloof, or in a known game path.
According to Fritsch, in open country strong fences of brushwood were made,
proceeding for a considerable distance in a V-shape towards the pit at the
point of the V. The fences started low and increased in height towards the pit.
Sometimes there was a second pair of fences on the other side of the pit. The
game was gradually herded to within the confines of the kloof or the hedges,
and when well inside was stampeded towards the pit, where some of the hunting
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 357
party were waiting to administer the coup de grace to such as survived the fall
and the smothering. Admittedly Fritsch was a careful observer, nevertheless
this particular arrangement, with fences, is not mentioned by any other writer
about the eastern Cape, and as Fritsch gives the fence its Tswana name (hopo,
i.e. g6pd), it is possible that he had confused the localities. When not in use
for an organized hunt, these pits and the smaller ones made in the game paths
were covered over with a light covering of branches and grass to catch the
unwary, and, as some of the early writers record bitterly, not infrequently caught
human beings as well as animals. Pits were the most usual method of killing
the larger game and were used for elephant, buffalo and hippo, though,
according to Barrow, the latter were infrequently caught, as their cautious gait
caused them to detect and avoid the pit. K6rner describes a pit for leopards as
a ‘stone cage’.
Beutler describes a more successful way of trapping hippo which was to
plant a stake pointing obliquely up the steep river bank in the path of the hippo.
The hunter then lay in wait at night and when the beast came out to graze,
waited till it was on the land side of the stake, and then frightened it with noise
so that it turned and charged straight for the water, without caring about
obstacles, and was impaled on the stake.
A similar way of trapping a leopard was to plant a spear upright under a
tree, and to hang a piece of meat directly above it. The leopard would jump
diagonally for the meat, and would come down straight on to the spear.
(Campbell calls it a wolf, by which he may have meant hyena, since wolves did
not occur. Other authors use the word ‘tiger’ which was commonly used for
leopard at that time at the Cape, or ‘panther’, which does not occur here either.)
Smaller game were most commonly trapped in various snares with running
nooses, such as are still used.
A common trap of this type (isibatha or isithiyo) has the end of a cord
(isisinga) attached to a strong flexible branch or young tree stem (umgibe).
The stem is pulled over hard by the cord and held down by a trigger (inggambu
or ubeko) attached just above the knot of the noose (irintyelo) at the other
end of the cord. The noose is opened out and held round a circle of short
sticks which offer no obstruction. The trigger is lightly caught in the arrange-
ment, so that it is easily released by the nose or foot of an animal, at which the
stem springs back and the creature is caught in the noose, probably suspended
in the air by its neck or leg. This type of trap might be set in well-known animal
paths through the woods, as may still be done, or very commonly a whole
series might be set one at each opening of a hedged semi-enclosure, similar to
the one described above for pitfalls, and 5 or 6 km? in extent, and into which the
game might be driven. The latter is no longer practised.
A small variety of this type of snare, but with the cord and noose made of
oxtail-hair, was and still is used by boys to catch birds, either by attaching it
to a head of sorghum which serves as bait as well, or by attaching it above a
bird’s nest, and spreading the noose carefully over the opening so that it will
358 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
be set off as the bird enters the nest. Sometimes several nooses are so arranged.
Some Xhosa, Bomvana, and Mpondo informants called this indlwana, small
hut, a name not generally accepted.
A snare mentioned by K6rner and Makalima, but not very well described
by either, was similar to the above, but the trigger apparent y released, instead
of a noose, a heavy beam which fell and killed the animal or knocked it senseless.
Korner says that this type was used at hedge openings, like the noose. The
description may refer to a well-known trap (isigu or uthiywa) used particularly
for birds, and which consists of a large flat stone, with one end on the ground
and the other supported obliquely by an arrangement of twigs (inkcukumiso)
that is easily released by the victim, so that the stone falls and crushes it (Pl. 49:
1-2). To make it easier, the bait, often a caterpillar, or the grub of the maize-
borer, may be tied to the key twig, so that the bird’s tug releases it. According
to some eastern Mpondo they do not use a stone but a flat wattled tray (umgogo).
According to Quickelberge the stone trap is considered more productive than
the snare at a bird’s nest, and is the most widely used of the bird traps. It is
set up where birds are known to feed, and especially after the harvest when the
maize-borer grub is available.
A trap in the form of a wattlework cage, and called umdiliko by the Xhosa,
is recorded by Quickelberge. Bait was put in the cage, and a stone, when
triggered, fell down and blocked the entrance. This was used for larger birds
and it was said that twenty to forty could be caught in a day.
Makalima mentions the building of a wall of stones (umthangala) which
dassies mistake for a cliff on which to sun themselves, and when they do so the
wall collapses and kills them. He does not explain the mechanism, nor did
our informants know it.
Finally there is bird-lime (indembu, Xho; intomfu, Mpo), which boys
prepare from a sticky sap of a bulb or chewed mistletoe berries or boiled aloe
juice, and put on branches of trees favoured by the birds, or on sticks which
they hold in the air from a hide.
Nowadays the great hunting parties are a thing of the past. Knowledge
of pitfalls was denied by informants, but in unopened territory near the east
Pondoland coast a roads engineer fell into one in 1955. It was quite small—about
PLATE 49
Traps and knots.
1. umgibe, fall-trap for birds, model only, with trigger incorrectly set, Xhosa; Bojeni, Willow-
vale 1948.
2. umgibe, fall-trap for birds, model only, Fingo; Dwessa, Willowvale 1960.
3. Man with stock-whip and dogs, Mpondo; Mgwenyana, Libode 1958.
4. Knots known to the Cape Nguni: ighina, overhand and reef-knot; ighina-lemfene (‘baboon
knot’), granny knot; irinkcela, bowline to make either running or fast loop, isango, both
of them unorthodox and unreliable.
359
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
kcela
Lean
kcela
Lin
lemfene
ina-
h
1q
360 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
0,45 m, across the top, and 0,9 to 1,2 m deep. In most places there is little other
than hares or dassies left to hunt, and this is done with the aid of dogs. According
to Makalima, parties still went out in the 1940s carrying long sticks (umnqayi)
and short small ones (izagweba), the use of which was, he said ‘a new invention’.
But this did not amount to much. Bhaca are said to have organized such a
drive with dogs only, for sport and only every second year. The main method
of hunting nowadays is by trapping with the snares described above, or with
bows and arrows when boys are hunting rodents, and, in fact, hunting for
anything other than monkeys or jackals is strictly prohibited.
FISHING
SOURCES
1622 Almada (1625) pp. 17, 18 Cape Nguni: use of fish
pel Cape Nguni: garths, fish traps
*... & quando chegamos ao brago do rio, que atras digo, o achamos quasi
vazio, & nelle hia gamboa com dous covos muyto grandes cheyos de tainhas,
os quaes abrimos, & nisto decera6 os outros companheyros como ouvirad
o estouro da espingarda, & nos carregamos deste peyxe, que em tal tempo
foy hu grande soccorro....’
(p. 85 “When we reached the bank of the river aforesaid we found it almost
dry, and a fishgarth with two deep trenches full of fish, which we opened.
Then our comrades, who had heard the report of the gun, came down, and we
loaded ourselves with this fish, which was a great relief at that time.’)
p. 18 Cape Nguni: fisherman
‘Indo caminhando his poucos de dias chegamos a hum rio, aonde da
banda do Cabo num alto estava huma povoaca6é de pescadores....’
(p. 87 ‘After journeying a few days we came to a river, and on the side in the
direction of the Cape, upon a height, there was a kraal of fishermen. . . .’)
1647 Feyo (1650) pp. 252, 253 ‘Cafres’: fish for sale
p. 252 ‘Vindo a nos alguns Cafres com quatro peyxes, que lhe resgatamos..’
(p. 313 ‘There came to us several Kaffirs with four fish which we bought
from them.’)
Pp: 253 ‘Cafres’: brought fish
*,.. donde passamos a hiia ribeyra de agua, em que descancamos, havendo
vista de Cafres, que chegardo 4a falla, & resgatardo sinco peyxes... .’
(p. 314‘. . . thence we passed on to a river of water, where we rested and saw
some Kaffirs who came to speak to us and sold us five fish. . . .’)
1686 ‘Stavenisse’ (Godée Molsbergen 1922) p. 62 Xhosa: no fish
‘Insgelijcx eeten sij geen visch, nog iets dat uit de zee komt; ook geen
hoenders nog eijeren, nog het ingewant van wilde varkens.’
1782 Carter p. 71
3 or 4 days east of Xhosa, 7Mambookies, ?7Tshomane: fishing
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 361
‘In three or four days they came to a more barren country, the natives
of which appeared to be poorer than those they had hitherto met with. They
had no cattle, nor any thing to subsist upon, but what they procured by fishing
and hunting.’
1782 Dalrymple (1785) pp. 20, 24 (appendix) Tshomane: coastal fishing
p. 20 Tshomane: fisherman’s hut
‘On the 26th [sic] they found a fisherman’s hut on the beach, with one
man only in it, where they staid till low water, and he shewed them the best
place to gather muscles, after which they walked on till they came to a small
river, and there slept that night.’
p. 24 Tshomane: collecting shellfish
‘On the 56th they came to the mouth of a large river, on the opposite side
of which they saw a woman and two children catching shell fish. They made
signs for her to direct them where to cross, and she in return made signs for
them to go farther up the country... .’
1782 Hubberly pp. 84, 89, 93 Cape Neguni: shellfish
p. 84 Tshomane: mussels, pot
‘Soon after getting forwards this morning we came to a fisherman’s hut.
He had no cattle, but was in possession of a great many fine large mussels, of
which he gave us some, and also showed us a bed of them on the rocks. ... We
at first eat [sic] the mussels raw, but the fisherman, observing it, gave us an
earthen pot to boil them in.’
p. 89 Thembu: shellfish eaters
Nothing more.
p. 93 Xhosa: shellfish eaters
Nothing more.
1797 Barrow (1806) p. 164 ‘Caffre’: no fishing
Nothing more.
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 367 ‘Caffre’: no fishing
‘They never go a fishing, fish being reckoned unclean, as are also tame
fowls, swine, etc.’
1825-9 Kay (1833) p. 125 Xhosa: no fishing
Nothing more.
(1832) Anon. p. 145 Xhosa: do not eat fish
‘Fish they never eat, except some very poor kraals, who are despised on
that account.’
1848 Baines (1842-53) p. 136 Xhosa: eat fish
‘No one eats, drinks or smokes alone in a Kafir hut, so that all had to
taste my bread as well as tobacco; and, contrary to the usual practice of their
nation, they partook of the fish with evident satisfaction.’
362 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1875-87 MacDonald (189056) p. 282 South-east Africa: no fish eaten
Nothing more.
1932 Godfrey (19325) p. 132 Cape tribes: fish names
Nothing more (gives twenty-six names of fish).
1932 Hunter (1936) p. 96 Mpondo: fishing
‘They make no nets or traps for fish. Some now fish from the rocks with
line made of a bark (uluzi) and trade hooks, but this is said by the older men
to be a new technique learnt from Europeans... .
Pronged spears are used for fishing and men go in parties at night with
torches of sneezewood.’
1945 Makalima chap. 7 par. 1 Xhosa: fish
‘Kwa Xosa noko lento iyintlanzi asinto ibe isaziwa kudala. Ibisaziwa
njengento yamaLawu, abantu ke ababeye babonakale beloba phaya ezizibeni,
kwakunye nabeLungu. Kungoku esekukho abantu abayityayo ngokuyifunda
kwezintlanga zixeliweyo.’
[Fish was unknown amongst the Xhosas in the olden days. It was known
to the Hottentots who used to be seen fishing in the deep pools of a river,
together with the Europeans. It is now that we find people who eat fish who
have learnt from these races that it is eaten. |
1949-1962 Hammond-Tooke (1962) p. 25 Bhaca: fishing
‘Fishing is not important and is confined to those living near the larger
rivers, but generally fish are avoided as an article of diet and classified with
snakes. Such fishing as is carried on is done by spearing with a harpoon made
of a long wooden shaft in which a piece of sharpened wire is fixed. The fat of
eels is used by herbalists for medicines.’
(1958) MacLaren p. 39 Mpondo: fish weirs
‘These Port St Johns barriers are reported to be mere stick barriers in
which the apertures were closed after the fish had entered (Hammond-Tooke).’
TERMS
igeru 1. a hook, fishing hook, D. 2. not confirmed, see ighweru 492
ighweru 1. nD, but cf. igeru. 2. iron fishing hook; hooked branch for pulling
dry wood out of trees; probably any hook, T Mp 493
isilanda 1. needle, 4 to 6 in., eyeless, for making holes for sinew thread, removing
thorns, loosening tobacco in pipe D, general. 2. (wooden) needle for
making hats, Mpm Mp, or aloe thorn or iron, Mpm. 3. fish-hook bought
in store, X 494 (181, 251, 376)
igoso 1. that which is crooked, bent, D. 2. fish-hook, T Mp 495
udobo (from -loba catch fish with line and hook) 1. fish-hook, D. 2. now
obsolete and most of those who know the word are hazy as to how such
a hook was made in pre-European times 496
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 363
ulobo (from -/oba catch fish with line and hook) 1. angling line, D. 2. hook
only (‘line’ being intambo), Bo. 3. line and hook, also rod if used, T.
4. only udobo, Mp 497
umlobothi (literally “fishing-stick’) 1. hook for fishing, D, but not confirmed
and probably wrong. 2. fishing-rod, Bo Mp both at coast 498
umnatha 1. string figure, and net for catching fish, D. 2. not confirmed except
by a few who know it as the name of one single string figure (amambece
being the general term), and for ‘net’, T. 2. frog used as bait, T. 3. wire
netting, X 499
umngqungu |. basket made of rushes for holding tobacco, D X Bo Mp. 2. also
made of ikhwane sedge, Mp. 3. bag for collecting fish (Beukes) 500 (974)
uzwazwa 1. art of making baskets, D. 2. basket of imizi for carrying fish,
Bo Mp. 3. fishtrap, Mp 501 (179)
DISCUSSION
It is probable that most of the Cape Nguni people neither practised fishing
nor ate any fish until they learnt the habit from the Hottentots or the Euro-
peans. It is definitely stated by several early writers that fish, or according to
one author all produce of the sea, were abhorrent to the Xhosa. Nevertheless,
the survivors of the St Jodo Baptista found ‘fish garths’ with two trenches, just
about where they first met the dark-skinned people, and the survivors of the
Atalaya bought fish more than once from some ‘Cafres’ and there is no reason
to suppose that the latter knew they were coming and caught the fish specially.
Over a century later the survivors of the Grosvenor came across some people
who subsisted only on what they procured by fishing and hunting. They also
passed a ‘fisherman’s hut’ whose occupant showed them where to collect shell-
fish, and later on they saw a woman and two children collecting shellfish. In
the two latter cases, however, shellfish only are mentioned, and though they were
in Bantu territory, in no case is it definitely stated that the people were Bantu,
only that they were poor.
Hlubi, Xesibe and Bhaca informants stated in 1955 that fish was not
eaten, but there is definite evidence that the coastal Mpondo practise fishing
and have done so for some time. The first written record is by Hunter who
reported that in 1932 the coastal Mpondo used to go out for fish and crayfish
at night, with spears and torches of sneezewood. J. Barker (pers. comm. 1951)
stated that by 1951 they were using carbide lamps where formerly they had
used sneezewood torches. Hunter described the spears as ‘double-pronged’, and
informants at Langa drew a swallow-tail shape. In 1955, however, a Mpondo
boy seen at Umtata Mouth catching crayfish for sale, was using a double-
pronged instrument which he called igefu and which looked as modern as its
name sounds (Pl. 50: 5).
Fishing hooks (ighweru, isilanda), lines (ulobo, intambo) and rods (umlo-
bothi) occur in the vocabulary and Mpondo informants also mentioned a net
364 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(uthambo). Photographs as well as the vocabulary show the use of baskets for
shrimping (PI. 50: 4, Pl. 51: 1). According to Hunter the Mpondo had begun
by 1932 to fish from the rocks with a bark line and trade hooks, but this was
considered a new technique. She states that they did not use nets or traps.
Nevertheless, one instance of a trap was described by the Mpondo at Mbotyi
Mouth, eastern Pondoland, in 1948. It was not seen but appeared to be a
conical basket trap, placed in position on the shore, presumably at low tide,
with a guiding fence on each side of the mouth of the basket. Furthermore,
old residents remember seeing ‘fish kraals’ at the mouths of estuaries and creeks
along the Pondoland coast. These are described as fences of stakes across a
mud-fiat, with most of the spaces filled in with leafy branches but some left
open for the fish in the incoming tide, and later blocked with branches to
prevent the fish escaping. This is said to be done only surreptitiously now,
because it is illegal.
Latterly some others of the Cape Nguni have taken to catching and eating
fish (Pl. 50: 3), particularly catfish. Along the coast it is quite common, though
rare inland, but those who do eat fish are said to be ridiculed. Hooked lines,
with or without rods, are used, but the only instance reported of the use of nets
was on the Bomvanaland coast, where nets of European make were said to be
used by the Bomvana.
Judging by the early records, the eating of shellfish has, on the other hand,
a long tradition, and Bigalke (1973) has shown that at the present time shell-
fish forms an important part of the diet of Xhosa, Bomvana and Mpondo who
live along the coast. Collecting is done almost exclusively by women, partly
by hand and partly with the aid of an iron bar (ulugxa), usually a converted
motor-car spring (PI. 50: 2). A cane knife is also used. Large amounts of shell-
fish are carried home and boiled before being eaten.
Despite the general early avoidance of fish as a food, and the evidence
from the vocabulary that words now used for fishing appliances have been
adapted to that use, Godfrey quotes twenty-six Xhosa names of fish species.
PLATE 50
Collecting shellfish and fishing.
1. Fingo woman groping for crawfish amongst surf-washed rocks, near Dwessa, Willowvale
1960.
2. Fingo woman collecting mussels on rocks at low tide, using crowbar made of motor-car
spring, Willowvale 1960.
3. Fingo boy sea-angling from the rocks with rod, line and European-made hook, Willowvale
1960.
uzaza, shrimping-basket, Mpondo; Port St Johns, c. 1936 (photo Mrs F. Clarke).
Mpondo youth with crawfish, ikolofishi, caught amongst the rocks with a home-made igefe,
gaff, Umtata Mouth 1955.
we
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 365
\
366 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
COLLECTING FOOD
SOURCES
1797 Barrow (1806) p. 171 Xhosa: use of wild plants
‘The Zamia cicadis, a species of palm, grows wild in almost every part of
the country, and is sometimes used, as a substitute for millet, to mix with milk
as a kind of furmety. Preparatory for this purpose the pith of the thick stem
is buried in the ground for a month or five weeks, till it becomes soft and short,
so as easily to be reduced to a pulpy consistence. They eat also the roots of the
Tris edulis, and several kinds of wild berries and leguminous plants.’
1945 Makalima chap. 6 par. 40, chap. 8 pars 11-19
Thembu: honey, wild plants
chap. 6 par. 40 Thembu: honey
‘Ayeko amacule okusinga inyosi kudala, njengokuba nanamhlanje eseko.
Indoda ungafika imi ngasemaweni nasehlatini isingile kanti ibone inyosi yoti
ke ngokuzijonga izibone apo ziyakungena kona... .’
[There were people long ago, who were experts in watching bees. You
would find a man standing by the cliffs and in the forest watching. He would
be one who had seen a bee or bees, watching to see where they went in. If he
found honey he would then take it out... .’]
chap. 8, pars 11-18 Thembu: wild plants
(Gives a list of wild plants and their uses.)
par. 11
*... zonke ezinto bezityiwa kakulu kudala, zaye izizinto ezinempilo. .. ’.
[. . . all these were eaten very much in the olden times, and they were very
healthy. .. .]
par. 19 Thembu: collecting
‘Ezizinto ikakulu zifundwa apa kubafazi, kuba kaloku ngabo abantu
abahamba emahlatini kakulu.’
[These things are learnt especially from women because it is they who go
about the forests a great deal.]
DISCUSSION
There are many wild foods, roots, berries, etc. which are known to women,
and collected as an addition to the diet particularly in times of famine or bad
seasons, but there are no special utensils, other than a basket, needed to collect
them, and a digging-stick for digging edible roots.
Similarly some people know how to follow bees and take the honey, but
they do not build hives or try in any way to control the bees.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 367
HOUSEHOLD
SOURCES
1593 Lavanha (1597) p. 235 South of Umtata R.: beds
‘Dormen entre pelles de animaes, no chad em huma cova estreita, de seis
e sete palmos de comprido, e de hum e dous de alto.’
(p. 294 “They sleep in skins of animals, in a narrow pit in the ground, six
or seven palms in length and about two deep.’)
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 76, 84 Xhosa: mats
p. 76
‘Diese Schlafmatten haben eigentlich die Gestalt, die ein langes Oval
beinahe giebt, wenn an einem Ende mehr als am andern abgeschnitten wird.
Mit ihren Fellen decken sie sich zu. Sie liegen auch wohl auf blosser Erde, und
es ist darum auch kein festes Gesez dass alle auf solchen Matten schlaffen.’
p. 84
‘Geschiklichkeit der Kaffern. Ihre Matten und K6rbgen—ihre Assogais,
Ohren und Armringe und dergleichen tragen in ihrer Art das Geprage vieler
Geschicklichkeit. Frauen und Madchen verfertigen gewohnlich die Matten
und K6rbchen, die ihre vorziiglichen Hausgerathe sind. Die erstern bestehen
aus dicht neben einander gelegden langen feinen Binsen. Eine dickere Art
derselben wird im Lande Mattjesgut genennt. Die Binsen werden denn entweder
mittelst feiner Sehnen oder auch wieder mit Binsen oder zerschliztem Mattjesgut
an einander befestigt. Die Lange und Breite, richtet sich gewohnlich nach
der Lange und Starcke des Eigenthiimers. Ihre Figur ist bereits bekannt. Oft
fehlt diesen Matten nichts mehr, als die Mahlerei, um sie fiir Chinesische, deren
man sich gewohnlich zu Jalousien innerhalb der Fenster bedient, geltend zu
machen. Sie verfertigen aber auch gleich den Hottentotten, grébere Arten
derselben.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810) p. 49 Xhosa: mat
Nothing more.
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 369 Xhosa: stools
‘Instead of chairs, they sit upon the skulls of their oxen, with the horns
still united to them.’
1824 Ross p. 213 Fetcani: stools
‘They have wooden seats in their houses.’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 87, 304, 357-358 ‘Kaffir’: household utensils, mats
pp. 87, 305
Nothing more.
pp. 357-358 ‘Kaffir’: light from fire
‘They have no way of getting light except a fire.’
368 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1815-37 Shaw (1840) p. 60 Xhosa: stools
Nothing more.
1815-29 Kay (1833) p. 147 Xhosa: mats
‘Their mats are of two kinds, coarse and fine. In the former there is no
display either of attention or art, as they are made merely to serve the most
common purposes; but in the workmanship of the latter, both industry and
genius are manifest. The uwtyani (rushes) of which they are composed consist
of the very finest that can be found. These are neatly stitched together with
thread, made from the bark of trees, and in such a manner as to give a closeness
and regularity to the texture of the whole piece; so that, when well finished,
they very nearly resemble many of the Indian mats. One of these, spread on the
floor, forms the very best bed that Caffraria affords, and the only one used by
the wealthiest and most powerful of its chiefs. Being but a single rush thick,
it of course constitutes no easier couch than the ground itself; hence the weary
traveller is but ill able to obtain that rest upon it which his exhausted strength
and aching limbs require. The Kaffer and his consort, having arisen from their
slumbers in the morning, carefully roll it up, and put it away till wanted again.
It is sometimes used as a seat also; but to scatter any particle of food upon it,
is accounted a great breach of decorum.’
1820-56 Shaw (1860) p. 510 Mpondo: headrest
‘The kraal belonged to one of Faku’s petty Chiefs, and, for a Kaffir, we
found him unusually loquacious and communicative. He treated us with
kindness; and it was here that, for the first time in my travels in Kaffraria, I was
provided at night with a pillow to rest my head upon, while sleeping in the hut.
My saddle usually served for this purpose; but on this occasion, before I lay
down to rest, a native brought into the hut and placed before me a wooden
article, the use of which I could not imagine; on inquiry, however, I found it
was intended for my pillow! It consisted of part of a small branch of a tree, so
cut off that certain projecting branches formed legs about four or five inches
long: these, being set on the ground, supported the main branch, on which the
sleeper was able to place his head or neck, or whatever he might find most
convenient and comfortable for his repose. The supporting branches or legs
were sufficiently apart to render the contrivance steady; and the connecting
branch or pillow was cut about fourteen inches long. It might have made a
rude sort of stool, if the seat had been broader; but it was only about three
inches wide, and had been simply chopped flat and smoothed with a hatchet.
As a matter of curiosity, I essayed to sleep with my head on this singular con-
trivance; but, although very much fatigued, I found it hindered my rest, and
I was glad to substitute my saddle, which, when properly adjusted, does not
make a very uneasy pillow for a weary man. I suspect no one can sleep com-
fortably with his head on an Amampondo pillow, unless he wears his hair very
long, and has it curled up and dressed, like the Amampondo....’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 369
1836-44 Dohne (1844) pp. 29, 41, 42 Xhosa: mats, baskets
p729 Xhosa: mats
‘Ihr Kleid dient ihnen zugleich zur Decke auf ihrem Nachtlager, das aus
Matten von einfachen Binsen besteht, die sie am Boden um das Feuer
herumlegen....’
pp. 41-42 Xhosa: storage baskets
‘Eine andere Arbeit der Frauen ist das Korbmachen. . . . Der grésste ist
der Jtala, welcher ungefahr 2 Scheffel fasst; dann folgen die Amagindiva, die
zum Aufbewahren ihrer Kleinigkeiten gebraucht werden und etwa 2 Eimer
enthalten....’
p. 42 Xhosa: mats
‘Die tibrigen Matten sind von keiner Bedeutung; die Binsen werden bloss
an einander gereiht unt entweder eingeflochten oder mit einem diinnen Seile
durchzogen.’ ;
(1853) Fleming p. 108 Cape tribes: mats
Nothing more.
(1853) Kretzschmar p. 239 Xhosa: mats
‘Von der gigantischen Binse, die in Afrika zur Héhe von 10-15 Fuss
wachst, fertigen sie grosse starke Matten, mit denen sie ihre Hiitten auslegen,
und auf diese Weise ihren Wohnungen ein ausserordentlich reinliches Aussehen
geben. Wenn der Kaffer auf der Reise ist, fiihrt er ein Paar solcher Matten
immer mit sich, auf einen Tragochsen geladen; die eine breitet er auf den Grund,
um darauf reinlich zu sitzen, die andere spannt er gegen die Windseite.’
(1853) Merriman p. 32 Xhosa: stool
‘The furniture placed in the hut for me, besides the food and the fire which
was lighted, consisted of the skull of an ox, which being turned up, provided a
seat for several of my visitors in succession; a semi-circular kaffir mat and two
planks.’
(1858) Maclean p. 162 Xhosa: mat
‘*. . . the Frontier tribes have extended the practice of burial to all... .
A rude grave is accordingly dug at a short distance from the former habitation
of the deceased; the body, wrapped in a mat, is laid init... .’
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) p. 67 fig. ‘Kafhir’: stool
1845-89 Kropf (1889) p. 106 Xhosa: mats, headrest, cover
‘Das Unterbett besteht aus einer Binsenmatte trotz des harten Fussbodens,
sein Deckbett ist der Umhang, den er am Tage getragen hat, sein Kopfkissen
ein Stiick Holz.’
1872 Weitz (1873) p. 184 Hlubi: headrest
*.. . with one hand he simply picked up the crooked piece of wood which
served him as a pillow... .’
370 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
(1881) Nauhaus p. 344 ‘Kaffir’: storage baskets
‘In derselben Arbeit macht man Schnupftabacksdosen. . . . Auch gréssere
Truhen werden so gearbeitet, bis zur Grésse von 3 Fuss lang und 20 Zoll breit.
Doch ist bei solchen Truhen der Stich nicht so eng, so dass der Grasstrang
Stich vor Stich durchschimmert.’
(1887) Matthiae p. 11 Xhosa: mat
Nothing more (paraphrase of Kretzschmar).
1883-88 Bachmann (1901) p. 164 Mpondo: mats
‘Die Matten in der Hiitte sind etwa 44 Fuss breit und nicht aus Palm-
blattern, sondern aus einer Art Schilf gemacht. Als Bindfaden dient allgemein
ein gedrehter Baumbast.’
(1915) Kropf p. 406 Cape tribes: torches
‘umthathi sneezewood. ... Splinters were used to give light before candles
and lamps were known.’
(1919) McLaren p. 446 Xhosa: brooms
‘Brooms, imi-nyani, were made of the threshed head of Kaffircorn,
um-nyani, or of the male flower of maize, in-tshatshoba, or of the bushy u-nwele
(Cliffortia strobilifera), which grows luxuriantly alongside every stream in the
lower and middle parts of the country, or of the broom-bush, i-bosisi or i-ratsha,
of the higher plateau.’
(1919) Aitchison pp. 674-675 Cape tribes: skin mat
‘During the feast a goat was slain as an offering to the ancestral spirits
(amatongo), and the skin of the slaughtered animal was prepared as follows:
On the day after the feast, the integument was smeared over with red clay,
and after being pegged out to dry was carefully rubbed over with a smooth
stone (imbogodo). When ready the hide was used as a sleeping mat for the baby.’
(1926a) Miller pp. 22, 41 Hlubi: mats
[ey 2 Hlubi: use
Nothing more.
p. 41 Hlubi: description of mats
‘Mehr in das Gebiet der kaffrischen Industrie, weil in vielen Exemplaren
hergestellt, fallt das Flechten der Matten und Ko6rbe, die sie im Haushalt
gebrauchen. Da sind zuerst die Matten, auf denen geschlafen wird, oder Matten,
die als eine Art Windschutz am Eingang der Hiitten aufgestellt werden. Sie
werden aus einem ziemlich langhalmigen Gras, drei- oder viermal in der Lange
mit Bindfaden durchflochten, angefertigt. Manchmal wissen sie durchbrochene
Muster am Rande solcher Matten anzubringen. Wir kauften sie zu 6 sh. das
Stiick fiir die Kirche, wo dann die Tauflinge darauf knieen, oder als Bodenbelag
in unser Besuchshaus. Sie sind manchmal 5 bis 6 Fuss breit und 10 Fuss lang
oder noch langer und werden, wenn nicht gebraucht, im Kafferhaus aufgerollt
an die Wand gelehnt.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI S71
(1932) Soga p. 407 Xhosa: stool, headrest
‘Almost every family, though not possessing a single stool, had one head-
rest or pillow at least. Though much simpler in construction than the ancient
Egyptian pillow this article follows the general character of the latter. The
simplest form to be seen is the bent branch of a tree with a concave side to
support the back of the head uppermost, and three or four of the smaller lateral
branches cut short to form legs for the pillow.’
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 17, 96 Mpondo: mats, headrests, torches
pe Li Mpondo: mats, headrests
‘Piled up against the wall on the left side of the door as you enter (the
women’s side) are . . . a wooden pillow, a roll of sleeping mats . . . on the right
(the men’s side) . . . the men’s sleeping mats and wooden pillows. .
p. 96 Mpondo: torches
‘Pronged spears are used for fishing and men go in parties at night with
torches of sneezewood.’
(1937) Soga p. 114 Xhosa: skin as mat
‘Ubone sel’ eselugageni ebupakatini paya emva kokusenga... .’
[You will see him now sitting on the dry skin (ugaga) with the councillors
after the milking. .. .]
(1939) Duggan-Cronin pp. 25, 28 Xhosa: skin mat
Da)
‘The chief, in his leopard-skin kaross, sat on a rug of dried oxhide,
surrounded by his councillors.’ .
p. 28 Xhosa: reed mat
Nothing more.
1944 Brownlee p. 24 Xhosa: mat
Nothing more.
1945 Makalima chap. 9 par. 14 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: stools
‘Izitulo bezisenziwe ngemiti yehlati—kwenziwe nje imiqonga kusuke
kuhlaliwe kuyo.’
[Stools were made of trees from the forest, these were made into blocks
for people to sit on.]
1949-60 Hammond-Tooke (1962) p. 28 Bhaca: household utensils
‘Household utensils include grass sleeping-mats (iticamba), grass plates
(itithsebe), brooms, baskets (oonyaki), clay pots of various sizes, woven beer-
strainers (iivovo, iintluto), calabashes (iitshalo) and spoons.’
1971 Gitywa pp. 109-110 Xhosa: use of mats
‘Traditionally, uncircumcised Hales: amakhwenkwe, had no mats nor
oe ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
were they expected to sleep on them since they were dogs, izinja, who could
sleep anywhere. It is only on being circumcised that the youth are introduced
to the use of mats. They are caused to sit on new, unused mats at the ukuyala
custom which takes place at the end of their seclusion. It should also be noted
that sleeping mats were buried with the owner, especially in the case of the
death of the kraalhead, before the use of coffins. Today, though to a much
lesser degree than before, mats are used to screen off a corpse in a hut before
the burial. For this reason it is regarded as a bad omen to put an unrolled mat
on end against a wall when airing it; it should be spread flat on the ground for
this purpose. Bed sheets are now increasingly used for screening corpses.’
TERMS
igindiva 1. basket for keeping small things, D. 2. not known thus, but only as
something dense, tightly woven, coiled tight and hard, general 502
ingcambane (cf. isicamba) veil of rushes or palm leaves worn by an umkhwetha
while dancing, D X 503 (739)
isigcobo 1. roughly made doormat; roughly made basket in which the crane
plumes are kept, D. 2. small mat, doormat, mother and baby’s mat, mat
for sitting on, tobacco-sweating mat, mat in which tobacco is rolled up,
tied at each end and stored, in short, any roughly made mat not for sleeping
on, general 504 (522, 966)
igonga elevated place for storing fruit, corn, etc.; store, shelf, D, general, for
various purposes, as rack for sticks, firewood, platform on poles, built in
fields, for crop-watchers; rough bedstead of sticks made and used by healed
abakhwetha (Bo—Cook) 505 (86, 109, 323, 1025)
ixamba 1. bag made of rushes, as a sugar bag, D. 2. for tobacco or sprouted
maize, Bo Mp Bh 506 (973)
umkhoba_ 1. bastard yellowwood, Podocarpus elongata, D. 2. figuratively a
coffin, D. 3. European barrel, Bo. 4. large barrel, or open vat, European
type, for beer. Bought at stores, general 507
uphongolo less usual for umphongolo, but found in many areas widely separated
508 (403)
umphongolo 1. quiver for arrows or lances; (figuratively) cask, box, case, chest,
barrel, D. 2. manger or trough, Mp T. 3. milk-pail, Mp Xes 509 (444,
532)
isitshayelo broom, brush, D X Bo 510
umtshayelo broom, brush, D Mpm T Hlu Bo Xes Bh 511
umnyani 1. bushy ear of Kafircorn after the corn is threshed out, or the male
flower of maize, used for sweeping; hence any shrub used as a broom, D.
2. not known for maize, nor as broom, T. 3. broom, Bo 512
isibhuku 1.nD. 2. log, also for sitting on; thick branch with stumps of twigs
left on it to serve as legs and used as seat, Mp. 3. stool, Bh. 4. log; short
stout fellow, Bo 513
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 2135
isichopho 1. seat, D (from -chopha ‘perch’). 2. seat of clay, built on to inner
wall inside hut left of entrance, general except Bh. 3. also outside hut,
and called isigobo, Mpm. 4. any wooden block or similar object to sit on,
Xes Mp 514
isitulo (Afrikaans stoel) stool, chair, D, general 515
umqamelo block of wood or small stool for head when sleeping, D, general 516
umgonga 1. nD. 2. block used as headrest, X Mp Xes 517
imbeka (from -beka ‘put’) 1. small square of light skin which covers a woman’s
breast when at work or at home, D T (Kay). 2. hlonipha for incebetha
breastcloth, X. 3. mat for a child, X Bo rare 518 (673)
intungele 1. coarse kind of mat plaited from rushes, D. 2. not confirmed 519
isicamba 1.nD. 2. small mat, small sleeping-mat for children, X. 3. large mat,
Xes Bh, but some Bh say it is not Bh. 4. large mat; small sleeping-mat;
sleeping-mat, Mp 520
isicangca 1. old ragged sleeping-mat, D. 2. just a sleeping-mat, X. 3. small
mat for child or for sitting on, Bo. 4. large mat, Xes. 45. fairly large mat
for sitting on and for sleeping babies, Mp 521
isigcobo 1. roughly made doormat; roughly made basket in which the crane
plumes are kept, D. 2. small mat, doormat, mother and baby’s mat, mat
for sitting on, tobacco sweating-mat, mat in which tobacco is rolled up,
tied at each end and stored, in short, any roughly made mat not for sleeping
on, general 522 (504, 966)
isihlalo 1. anything for sitting on; seat, stool, chair, bench, D, general. 2. small
mat, Xes 523
ighaga 1. any small box or case carried on the person, hence snuff-box, D.
2. any small container, as box, tin, calabash, snuff-box; nowadays also
padlock and calabash penis cover, general. 3. ighaga lamanyama if made
of hide scrapings (T-Makalima, Mp-UCT, Mp-Poto Ndamase) 524
525992)
ugaga dried skin, D X 525
umkhanzi 1. Cape bulrush, Typha latifolia of which rough mats are made, D.
2. mkaansi, bed (X—Lichtenstein 1811 1: 654). 3. mkaénzi, bed (X —Van der
Kemp) 526
ukhuko 1. sleeping-mat, D, general except Xes Bh. 2. Mp and Xes pron. this
ukhukho 527
umahambehlala 1. nD. 2. sleeping-mat (Hlu-FH). 3. used by woman nursing
baby, Mp. 4. mat to sit on, of newly married woman (up to say 6 months),
taken around with her from hut to hut, X 528
umphetho edge of mat, edge of garment; roll of matting, D, general, but mostly
hem of garment (from -phetha ‘bind border, hem’) 529
umthathi sneezewood, Ptaeroxylon utile, splinters were used to give light before
candles and lamps were known, D 530 (160)
umkhumbi, umkhombe 1. wooden trough, hollowed out longitudinally on the
upper side of a log of wood, used for various purposes; manger; canoe, boat,
374 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
ship, D X Mp and others. 2. obsolete since beginning of nineteenth century
in sense of ‘boat, ship’, X. 3. not confirmed now 531 (335, 1101)
umphongolo |. quiver for arrows or lances; figuratively cask, box, case, chest,
barrel, D. 2. manger or trough, Mp T. 3. milk-pail, Mp Xes 532 (444, 509)
ithala shelf or loft for storing provisions, D, general. Such shelf may be groove
in wall plaster, or wicker-work attached to it, or wicker door on poles,
also in lands. Anything of this kind may be used as a stretcher or bier and
would then be called by this term, but ithala does not mean ‘stretcher, bier’
533 (87, 1095)
DISCUSSION
The household goods of the Cape Nguni, apart from those utensils used
in the preparation of food, were, and always had been, few and simple. They
attracted on the whole very little attention from the early writers, though some
were listed. Latterly modern furniture and utensils have gradually taken the
place of the traditional articles to which the following description refers.
STORAGE UTENSILS
It would appear from the vocabulary and from Nauhaus’s note, which is
admittedly fairly late, that in former days such small belongings as needed to
be stored out of the dust and smoke of the hut were kept either in wooden
chests hollowed out of a log, or in large, presumably oval or rectangular, coiled
baskets, or in softly woven basket bags. It must be admitted that the two former,
of which no illustrations or specimens survive, do not sound very typical of
Cape Neguni culture, and there is really no evidence to show that they were
indigenous to it and not adapted from European ideas during the last century.
At all events, their place has now been taken by the ubiquitous tin trunk.
It is possible that the basket called isigcobo in which the crane plumes
were said to have been stored, may in reality have been a rough mat (the other
meaning of the term) in which the plumes were rolled. |
The softly woven bag (ixamba) (Pl. 51: 2), however, was still in normal
use at the time of this investigation, despite the availability of sugar and grain
bags, but was used particularly for storing home-grown tobacco.
According to Doéhne, the Xhosa made a large coiled-sewn basket (ithala)
that held two bushels, and a smaller one (igindiva) that held two buckets, but
PLATE 51
Basketwork utensils.
uzaza, shrimping-basket, depth 413 mm, Mpondo; Libode 1939 (SAM-6057).
ixamba, tobacco bag, 400 mm, Mpondo; Luqhoghweni, Lusikisiki 1948.
umnqungu, fish-collecting basket, 1 120 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/450).
‘Basket for storing milk’, diameter 480 mm. Gonaqua Hottentot; no date but probably
before 1800 (State Ethnographic Museum, Stockholm, RM626).
SN
a5
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
376 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
neither is known today. According to the dictionary ithala is a shelf for pro-
visions (see term 533).
BROOMS
The most common type of broom (isitshayelo, umtshayelo) (P\. 52: 1-4,
6, 7) is of besom shape, made of a bundle of coarse grass stems, up to about
60 cm long, bound together firmly for 10 cm or more at one end to form a
grip, and having no handle. Quite often the binding strands are woven in and
out with the strands of the broom, generally in a chequer weave, and sometimes
they are of a darker material, e.g. ox tail-hair, so as to form a pattern and give
a decorative finish.
A rougher type of broom (umnyani) is made of a similar bundle of fine-
twigged shrubs (e.g. umvele, Cliffortia strobilifera), or sorghum stems after
threshing, or, according to the dictionary, of the male flower of maize, which
does not sound very practical.
In Pondoland a broom is sometimes made of a palm stem which has been
pounded for about 20 to 30 cm at the bottom to release the fibres, leaving the
rest of the stem to form the handle (PI. 52: 5). This would seem to be an influence
from Natal.
A long-handled broom, consisting of a tuft of fibres, such as wmnyani,
tied to a stick, may originally have been copied from Europeans, but has been
in use in some areas probably for at least a century. It is not, however, the most
common type anywhere and does not seem to be known in the east.
STOOLS AND HEADRESTS
Few of the early authorities had anything to say on this subject, and it
seems doubtful whether the Cape Nguni had regular carved stools such as are
found in other parts of the country. Fritsch figures one among ‘Kaffergerdt-
schaften’, but it seems unlikely that this really was Cape Nguni. It looks more
the Sotho type, but might have been of the Fetcani, as mentioned by Ross.
Carved wooden stools were, however, seen in west Pondoland in 1958 and 1969
(Pl. 53: 3, 8) but they are not common. Ordinarily a short block of wood seems
PLATE 52
Brooms and trough.
umtshayelo, 982 mm, Mpondomise; Tsolo 1940 (SAM-6120).
umtshayelo, 558 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1944 (EL 989).
umtshayelo, 444 mm, Thembu; Mqanduli 1935 (TM 35/322).
umtshayelo, 584 mm, Mpondo; Umvume Springs, Port St Johns 1939 (SAM-—6061).
umtshayelo, 1280 mm, Mpondo; Umtata, according to museum record, no date (PEM 592).
umtshayelo, 562 mm, Fingo; Stokwe’s Basin, Cala 1935 (TM 35/475).
umtshayelo, 460 mm, Mpondomise; Tsolo 1935 (SAM-5508).
umkhombe, 890 mm, Xhosa; Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
See ON
aT
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
378 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
to have done duty for a stool, if one was considered necessary, and is still so
used today. The only other type of seating described, by three independent
authors over a period of 50 years, is the skull of an ox with the horns left on.
The seat (isichopho) which practically throughout the area is built into
the hut wall to the left of the entrance, mostly inside but sometimes out, must
be a development as new as the plaster walls. The word is taken from ukuchopha,
to sit or perch, and therefore means something to sit on.
The characteristic type of headrest, until 1948 still to be seen in Pondo-
land and Griqualand East, is cut from a branch about 6 cm in diameter with
three side branches, about 15 cm long, left on as legs (PI. 53: 5, 7). The head-
piece is about 45 cm long. According to Soga, this type of headrest was once
prevalent throughout the area, but it was not seen in 1948, or subsequently,
in the western Transkei, where the only headrest seen was a block of wood
(Pl. 53: 1-2). Moreover, Shaw states specifically that he was offered a headrest
for the first time when he reached Pondoland. Rightly or wrongly he relates
it to the elaborate hair-style. The only Hlubi headrest seen was similar to the
Natal type (PI. 53: 6).
MATS
The fine fabric of the Cape Nguni mats has evoked comment from the
times of the earliest travellers. Von Winkelman’s description (see Shaw &
Van Warmelo 1974: 150) holds good today, for the technique of mat-making
has not changed.
The most important mat is ukhuko (Xes. Bh. isicamba) (P1. 54: 1-3, Pl. 55:
1-2) the sleeping-mat proper, which is also used for sitting on, or as a shroud
for burial, or hung up to form a screen for various purposes. Nowadays, and in
most of the early descriptions, the mat is a plain rectangle, but Von Winkelman
describes it as ‘like a long oval with more cut off at one end than the other’.
Miller states that the Hlubi make them up to 300 cm long by 150 to 180 cm
wide, but this is unusual. Judging by specimens seen and measured, about
PLATE 53
Headrests and stools.
umqamelo c. 500 mm, Bomvana; Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
umqamelo demonstrated in use, Bomvana; Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
Stool, 310 mm, diameter 240 mm, Mpondo; Mbobeleni, Libode 1958.
umgonga, 570 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
umgonga, 465 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1944 (EL 1006).
umgqiki, 514 mm, Hlubi; Mt Fletcher 1942 (FH 116).
umgonga, 610 mm, Mpondo 1942 (Alb. C 1306).
isigobo, diameter 220 mm, of kraal-head and carved by himself; he was also a spoon-
carver; Mpondo; Mgwenyana, Libode 1958.
umgonga, 930 mm, Mpondo; Imizizi, Bizana 1935 (TM 35/545).
. umgonga, 500 mm, Mpondo; Mgwenyana, Libode 1958.
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THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 379
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380 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
120 by 180 cm is the common size. Mats of the same quality are made in smaller
sizes aS well and, as the vocabulary shows, have different names for different
sizes and purposes.
The mats are made from sedge stems (imizi, etc.) laid side by side hori-
zontally, and joined together at intervals either by twining or by sewing through.
The latter is the Hottentot style and may have been adopted; on the other
hand it is also common in Natal. It is not as common in the Cape as is the
former style. Some eastern Mpondo use it— mostly those connected with Natal
where it is common. Thembu and Fingo said they did not use it. The weft or
the sewing strand may be twisted bark, a two-ply sinew or sisal fibre thread,
or even shredded sedge stem. The twining technique allows considerable scope
for decoration either in grouping, or twisting the warps in between, though
this latter is not often seen in the Cape. There is often a slight pattern or plain
strengthening down the edges.
The sleeping-mats are laid on the floor of the hut at night, rolled up in
the morning and stored against the side of the hut. According to some Fingo
informants in 1951, they then slept on mattresses placed on top of the mats.
Bed coverings were the skin cloaks worn by day. The people described by
the survivors of the S. Alberto as sleeping between skins, in a hollow in the
ground, must have had Hottentot connections. Latterly blankets used as cloaks
reverted at night to being blankets. Kretzschmar’s statement that the huts were
spread with mats is certainly not true of the Cape now, and it is doubtful
whether it ever was.
There is another coarse type of mat (isigcobo) (Pl. 55: 3-4) made of coarser
stems in twined technique and almost always having bark wefts. It is used
variously for babies, children, mothers and babies, general rough use, and
particularly for wrapping tobacco in for it to sweat. The tobacco is made into
a long roll and the mat is wrapped round it and tied at the ends.
In addition to woven mats, dried untanned ox-hides were used for chiefs
and important people to sit on. A baby slept on the soft, tanned skin of the
goat that was sacrificed for it at its birth and in which it was formerly, and still
is occasionally, carried on its mother’s back.
TORCHES
In the huts at night the fire was always the source of light. Traditionally
torches of sneezewood (Ptaeroxylon obliquum) were used, especially by night
PLATE 54
Sleeping-mats.
1. ukhuko, width 1022 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/411).
2. ukhuko, width 737 mm, Thembu; Xalanga 1935 (TM 35/472).
3. umahambehlala, width 577 mm, Hlubi; Mt Fletcher 1942 (FH 102).
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 381
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382 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
fishermen along the Pondoland coast. They were known only to modern
informants in east Pondoland. Mpondomise said that they were used formerly,
but that sneezewood was no longer available. People in other areas did not
know them.
TROUGHS
A wooden trough is used for feeding small stock, and watering cattle
(Pie 5228):
PREPARATION OF FOOD
SOURCES
1593 Lavanha pp. 234, 235 South-west of Umtata R.: utensils
p. 234 South-west of Umtata R.: grinding-stones, mortars
‘Deste milho moido entre duas pedras, ou em piloens de pao fazem farinha,
e della bolos que cozem no borralho, e da mesma fazem vinho misturando-a
com muita agoa, a qual depois que ferve em hum vaso de barro, e se esfria
e azeda, bebem com grande sabor.’
(p. 293 “Of this millet, ground between two stones or in wooden mortars,*
they make flour, and of this they make cakes, which they cook among embers.
Of the same grain they make wine, mixing it with a quantity of water which,
when it has fermented in a vessel of clay and has cooled and turned sour, they
drink with great enjoyment.’)
Dp: 235 South-west of Umtata R.: pots, wooden vessels
‘Usa6 vasos de barro secos ao Sol, e de madeira lavrados com humas
machadinhas de ferro, as quaes sa6 como huma cunha metida em hum pao,
e€ com as mesmas cortad o mato.’
(p. 294 ‘They use vessels of clay dried in the sun, and some of wood carved
with small iron axes, which are like wedges set in a piece of wood; with these
they also clear the thickets.’)
1647 Feyo (1650) p. 251 Xhosa: pots
Nothing more.
1752 Beutler p. 308 Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
* It seems unlikely that wooden mortars, such as are used now, were in use at that time.
The alternative meaning of ‘piloens’ is “pestles.’
PLATE 55
Sleeping-mats and their fabric.
ukhuko, no scale, Fingo; Humansdorp 1945 (FH 510).
Fabric of isicamba, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
isigcobo, baby’s sleeping-mat, width 630 mm, Mpondo; Nyandeni, Libode 1944 (FH 368)
isigcobo, width 950 mm, Xhosa; Qwaninga, Willowvale 1948.
Ce al
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4
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
384 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1772-6 Sparrman (1785) 2 p. 11 Xhosa: grinding-stones, bread, beer
‘The Caffres use to bruise this corn between stones, and make it into
loaves, which they bake under the embers.
They mostly, however, use to ferment it with a certain root and water, till
it produces a kind of inebriating liquor.’
1776 Swellengrebel pp. 11-12 Xhosa: basket, calabash-spoon
p. ll
‘Nadat hem en zijn gevolg eenig tabak was gegeeven, liet hy een mand
met melk haalen, welke voor hem gezet zijnde, roerde een jonge Caffer ze met
een doorgesneeden callebas om, dronk een teug en zettede deese lepel weder in
*t mandje. Wij dronken er toen meede van, maar ’t smaakte zeer slegt, want
*t was half dikke en zuure melk.’
1776 Hallema (1932) pp. 132, 133
p. 132 Xhosa: milk-basket, calabash spoon
Nothing more.
p. 133 Xhosa: pots
‘De huisraad des Kapiteins bestond uit eenige schilden en aardepotten.’
1777-9 Paterson (1789) p. 92 Xhosa: ovens
‘The large Palm . . . is used for bread by the Caffres as well as the Hotten-
tots. They take the pith of this plant, and after collecting sufficient quantity,
let it lie for several days till it becomes a little sour; after this they bake
it in an oven which is erected for the purpose.’
1778 Van Plettenberg p. 49 Xhosa: pots, spoon
p. 49 Xhosa: pots
*, . . zy gebruyken gebakkene aarde potten om hunne spijzen te berey-
deine:
p. 49 Xhosa: whisk-spoon
*... eenige te zaam gebondene biesen of stokjes aan ’t eynde als een platte
quast uyt geklopt, verstrekt hun in gebruyk voor lepels.’
1782 Carter pp. 60, 61 Mbo: milk utensils
p. 60 Mbo: milk-basket
‘The milk was contained in a small basket, curiously formed of rushes,
and so compact as to hold any liquid.’
p. 61 Mbo: whisk-spoon
‘.. . the savages brought from their huts sticks fuzzed at the ends, and
seating themselves round the bowls, dipped their sticks into the milk, and thus,
in a short time sucked the whole of it up.’
1782 Hubberly p. 110, 111 Gqunukhwebe: milk-basket, pot
p. 110 Gqunukhwebe: basket
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 385
iD. Gqunukhwebe: pot
‘The old woman gave me a small earthen pot full of boiled meat... .’
1788 Von Winkelman (1788-9) pp. 72-73, 75, 84-85 Xhosa: utensils
joy, 2 Xhosa: grinding-stones
‘Sie bakken aus ihrem Hirsen theils Brod—theils verfertigen sie starke
Getrancke. Sie stossen oder zermalmen ihn zu diesem Enzwek mit Steinen,
bakken dann unter der Asche eine Art Brod daraus. Sie lassen ihn auch in eine
Gahrung tbergeyen. Ich habe keins von beiden weder zu sehen noch zu ver-
suchen erhalten k6nnen.’
pave Xhosa: milk-sacks, calabash ladle
‘Diese Milch bringen sie hernach in ihre Hitten und schiitten sie in ein
zusammengenahtes Kalbsfell, worinnen sie bald in Gahrung tibergeht; die denn
so genossen und auch von Reisénden sehr gut gefunden wird. Sie bieten sie
diesen daher theils in jenen Schlauchen selbst, die oft unrein genug aussehen,
theils in den erwahnten K6rbgen an deren Peripherie jeden vom Genuss zurtick-
schrecken sollte. Sie fiillen die Milch aber auch in Kalibassen-schaalen und
bringen sie darinnen den Fremden. Reisende Kafferinnen nehmen dergleichen
nebst etlichen K6rbgen mehrentheils, als ihr vorztigliches Haussgerathe mit sig
auf ihre Reisen.’
p. 85 Xhosa: baskets
‘Sie sind von unterschiedlicher Grésse; die gréssten, die ich sah, konten
etwa einen Schuh hoch—oben 14-16 Zoll und am Boden ohngefehr 10 Zoll
weit seijn. Sie tragen sie gefiillt mit Milch oder Wasser allemal auf der Hand,
auf dem Arm, oder auch auf dem Kopf, und man kann dergleichen von aller
Groésse um eine unbedeutende Kleinigkeit von ihnen erhandeln.’
p. 85 Xhosa: fire-sticks
‘Art Feuer an zu machen. Sie nehmen ein fingerdickes Stéckgen hartes
Holz von willktihrlicher Lange, in solches schneiden sie ein oder zwey runde
Vertiefungen der Lange nach ein; dann haben sie einen, meisst gleich dicken
und etliche Fuss langen Stock von eben dem Holz dessen eines Ende spitzig
rund geschnitten ist, womit es in die Vertiefungen einsgesezt wird. Das kleine
Stuickgen Holz legen sie sodenn auf die Erde, halten es mit den Fiissen fest,
sezen den langen Stock in die Vertiefung und reiben drehent zwischen beiden
flachen Handen denselben so lange, bis die Friktion einen Rauch und endlich
eine ganz kleine brennende Kohle hervorbringt.’
1796 Stout (c. 1810) p. 22 Thembu: tinder
‘One of the Caffers struck a light, and the whole, in a few minutes, was
in a blaze. The tinder which he provided was of a particular description; it
consisted of a pitchy substance extracted from a reed, and so tenacious of fire,
that a single spark from the steel caught it in a moment.’ [Stated previously
that a Hottentot with them had flint and steel. ]
1797 Barrow (1806) pp. 120-121, 157 Xhosa: baskets, pots
386 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
p. 121 Xhosa: baskets
“They were all nearly made after one model, which in shape was that of
a common beehive. As they are never washed nor cleaned, the milk thrown
into them almost immediately coagulates, in which state it is always used by
this people, and never pure and sweet as taken from the animal.’
p. 157 Xhosa: baskets, pots
‘These, with the manufacture of baskets with the Cyperus grass, and of
earthern pots for boiling their meat or corn... furnish sufficient employment
for the women.’
1800 Van der Kemp (1804) pp. 438-439 Xhosa: grinding-stones, fire-sticks
p. 438 | Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
pp. 438-439 Xhosa: fire-sticks
‘Fire is lighted by the friction of a stick against another, of the wood called
vethe; the one lays flat on the ground, the other is placed vertically upon the
former, and its end rests in a cavity made in the middle of the horizontal one;
the vertical stick is then turned quickly between the two hands, and at the
same time strongly pressed downwards, by this means some powder is rubbed
off the two sticks, which grows gradually hot, black, and at last catches fire.’
1802-6 Alberti (1810a) pp. 36, 37, 38, 40 Xhosa: utensils
p. 36 Xhosa: milk-baskets, shell, whisk-spoon
‘De melk wordt niet versch genuttigd; men laat die vooraf stremmen en
zuur worden, en wel zeer spoedig in korven, die tot dit zelfde oogmerk meer-
malen gediend hebben en alzoo reeds zuurstof bevatten. De kringvormige
omtrek dezer Korven is bovenaan, doorgaans, tusschen 10 tot 16 Duim middel-
lijn, van onderen naar evenredigheid iets ruimer; de wand is 1 tot 2 Lijnen
dik, zelden dikker; naar beneden zijn zij eenigzins kegelvormig. De Vrouwen
bereiden die zeer kunstig van Rietgras, en weten ze zoodanig te vlechten, dat
zij, vooraf met Talk besmeerd, volkomen waterdigt worden... .
In het Kafferland vindt men eene Plant, met eenen platten stengel, omtrent
een Duim breed, drie Lijnen dik, en, nadat zij gedroogd is, van eenen lijmerigen
en vezelachtigen aard. Een gedeelte van dezen stengel, omtrent een Voet lang,
wordt aan het een of ander einde met eenen gladden steen zoo lang gekneusd,
dat de vezels zich van elkander scheuren en een Penseel van een Duim lengte
ontstaat. Van deze Pen, of anders Mosselschelp, bedienen zich de Kaffers, in
plaatse van eenen Lepel, om daarmede de melk te eten.’
jo, BY Xhosa: pots
Nothing more.
p. 37, note Xhosa: fire-sticks
‘Om vuur te maken, wordt een plat stuk Hout, in het midden uitgehold,
diep in den grond gelegd. In deze holte steekt men eenen ronden stok van
omtrent 2 voeten lang en wrijft dien met alle mogelijke snelheid tusschen de
handen, even als zulks gewoonlijk bij de bereiding van chokolade geschiedt.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 387
Het door deze wrijving veroorzaakte stof ontvlamt eindelijk, en dit vuur deelt
zich mede aan het gedroogde gras, dat rondom ligt. De Kaffers, die het naast
aan de Kaap wonen, zijn doorgaans van onze gewone gereedschappen voor-
zien om vuur te maken.’
p. 38 Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
p. 40 Xhosa: basket, beer-strainer
‘Men kookt Giersten-meel met water tot dikke brij, doet denzelven in
eene melk-korf, en giet daarop koud water. Alsdan onstaat gisting, en, nadat
deze is opgehouden, wordt deze drank door een Vogelnest gezegen, en langs
dezen weg van zijne nog onopgeloste gierstdeelen gezuiverd’. (His note: ‘Zulk
een Vogelnest is kegelvormig en heeft omtrent 4 Duimen middellijn. Aan dezen
Kegel is eene langwerpige Buis verbonden, omtrent 2 Duimen wijd en van
6 tot 7 Duimen lang, welke den toegang leent tot het eigenlijke Nest. Dit laatste
hangt aan het uiterste ende van eenen Boom-tak, en is een digt en zeer kunst-
matig Vlechtsel, dat uit lijmachtige vezelen bestaat, welke door den Vogel van
de bladen eener kleine soort van Aloé met eene verwonderlijke vaardigheid
gescheiden worden.’)
(See also Alberti 18106: 22, 23, 24 (English edition).)
1803-6 Lichtenstein (1811) pp. 449, 463 Xhosa: utensils
p. 449 Xhosa: baskets
‘Sie gewinnen alle diese Getranke aus den verschiedenen Graden und
Arten der Gahrung, in welche ihre Hirse tibergeht, wenn sie mit Wasser eine
Zeitlang in alten (schon Gahrungsstoff enthaltenden) Milchkérben gestanden
hat.’
p. 449 Xhosa: beer-strainer
Nothing more.
p. 463 Xhosa: fire-sticks
Nothing more.
1806-15 Carmichael (1831) p. 288 Xhosa: fire-stick
‘Every Caffre carries in his hand a bundle, consisting of five or six Assegays,
a Kiri and a long taper stick, of hardwood, which serves to kindle their fire
and decide their private quarrels.’
c. 1813 Campbell (1815) p. 369 Xhosa: kitchen utensils
‘The Caffres use no tables, dishes, knives, or forks at their meals, but
everyone helps himself by means of sticks, to the meat that is in the pot, and
eats in his hand. They obtain fire by rubbing one piece of wood of a certain
kind against another. Some however have tinder boxes, which they obtain
from the colony.’
1815-16 Latrobe (1818) p. 324 ‘Caffres’: ovens
‘The Caffres, when first permitted to settle at Gnadenthal, before they
could build ovens, according to custom of their country, availed themselves
388 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
of these tumuli (ant hills) and having expelled or destroyed the inhabitants by
fire and smoke, scooped them out hollow, leaving a crust of a few inches in
thickness, and used them for baking, putting in three loaves at a time.’
1821-24 Thompson (1827) 2 pp. 360, 361
Xhosa: grinding-stones, pottery, wooden vessels, baskets
p. 360 Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
p. 361 Xhosa: pottery
Nothing more.
p. 361 Xhosa: wooden vessels, baskets
‘They use also a few wooden vessels, carved out of soft wood; and their
rush baskets are well known, which are so closely woven as to retain milk and
other liquids.’
1824 Ross p. 212 Zizi: milk utensils
‘The milk from the cows is put into large calabashes with a wide mouth.
They use clay pots in milking.’
c. 1824-5 Smith pp. 87, 357-358, 367, 388 ‘Caffer’: utensils
p. 87 ‘Caffer’: pots, baskets
Nothing more.
pp. 357-358 ‘Caffer’: kitchen utensils
‘Sits on a mat on the ground. Has not any table uses the ground for a
table, uses a little basket to take his milk out of. When they kill a cow all eat,
one man cooks and then carries it round to all the people who sit by their
houses on a thing like a mat. They cut their meat when they fry it into long
stripes and lay it round on the coals. When ready take it up with long
sticks and give it to the people that stand by. They generally [boil] their meat
[and] when it is fat they fry it in the earthen pots which they use for boiling...
and fry it. As it is ready they eat it by itself. As they boil their meat, they put
it out on a thing like a table which the women make of rushes. They divide the
meat with the hassegay. When they make soup they boil the meat for a long
time then take out the meat and put some flour in and then put it in a basket
and drink it.’
p. 367 ‘Caffer’: milk-baskets
Nothing more.
p. 388 ‘Caffer’: milk utensils
Nothing more.
1820-31 Steedman (1835) p. 263 ‘Caffer’: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
1825 Phillips (1827) pp. 28, 141 ‘Caffer’: baskets
Thembu: fire-sticks
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 389
p. 28 ‘Caffer’: baskets
Nothing more.
p. 141 Thembu: fire-sticks
‘The Tambookies soon proposed to light a fire, which they do in a curious
manner. They invariably carry with them a peeled rod of about five feet long,
tied up in their bundle of assegais, which they sometimes use as a walking
stick. They collect a little dry grass, or rotten wood; laying this on the ground
they place on it one end of the stick, which has a little dent or hole half through,
with another stick of the same kind, which is sharpened in the end: this they
fix in the hole, and turn it rapidly round with the palms of their hands, relieving
each other, until the dry grass underneath, and around, is ignited.’
1815-37 Shaw (1840) pp. 59, 60 Xhosa: utensils
Peo . Xhosa: grinding-stones, oven
‘Of the millet bread is made, which is nutritive, and by no means unpleasant
to the taste. The mill used in grinding, consists of two stones, which are rubbed
together with the hand; and instead of an oven, the dough is placed amongst
the ashes.’
pp. 59, 60 Xhosa: pot, skewer
Nothing more.
1827 Hallbeck & Fritsch (1826) p. 307 Thembu: milk-basket
*... having tasted nothing all day, but a little sour milk, which the Tam-
bookkies had presented us with, in a species of basket, which is never washed.’
1825-9 Kay (1833) pp. 122-123, 126 Xhosa: baskets, grinding-stones
pp. 122-123 Xhosa: baskets, grinding-stones
Nothing more.
p. 126 Xhosa: baskets
‘The small baskets in which their food is usually served up are made from
a species of cyperus, a strong reedy grass that is frequently found growing
about fountains. They are of a circular shape, neatly wrought; and the texture
is so close as to render them capable of containing any kind of liquid. One
traveller tells us that it is into these vessels the milk is thrown for the purpose
of coagulation; while another, Vaillant, with still less accuracy, asserts, that
they wash them with urine, to make the milk coagulate more speedily.’
(1829) Rose p. 80 Kaffer: kitchen utensils
‘There are few arts among savages, for there are few wants: with the
Kaffers, the assegai and kirri, a small club, suffice for war and the chase, baskets,
beautifully made, to hold milk; a small rough earthen vessel for the fire, with
wooden and horn spoons... .’
1829 Bain pp. 95, 96, 110, 115 Bomvana, Mpondo, Xesibe: bread, pots
pags Bomvana: bread
‘We got plenty of milk to purchase here and for the first time some bread
390 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
made by the Caffres of Caffre Corn. It was very palatable, but the idea of the
filthy manner it was doubtless baked prevented us from relishing it.’
p. 96 Bomvana: cooking-pots
“There were two large pots boiling in the midst of the Kraal with the ox
feet, hoofs, hair and altogether with some most beautiful beef, but of such
filthy appearance as to disgust one with the sight of it.’
pelo Mpondo: bread
Nothing more.
pols Xesibe: bread
Nothing more.
1829 Boniface p. 75 Xhosa: pots
Nothing more.
1829 Holman (1834) 2 pp. 256, 262 Xhosa: baskets
Nothing more.
(1832) Anon. p. 151 Xhosa: fire-sticks, pottery, baskets
Nothing more.
c. 1831-2 Smith pp. 167, 186 Mpondo: utensils
p. 167 Mpondo: calabash spoon
‘As household articles they often cut the calabash in two and take water
with it as well as hold milk and other articles, both solids and fluids.’
p. 186 Mpondo: mats
‘The Amapondas use small mats to eat off; like plates.’
(1833) Morgan pp. 35, 48, 65 Xhosa: utensils
(Qs SS) Xhosa: grinding-stones
‘This they prepare for that purpose by rubbing it into meal on a flat stone
with one that is of a cylindrical form held in the hand; the meal so made is
formed into flat cakes with water, and baked on the embers of their fire.’
p. 48 Xhosa: baskets
Nothing more.
p. 65 Xhosa: fire-sticks
Nothing more.
18346 Bonatz p. 352 Thembu: baskets, pots, grinding-stones, fire-sticks
‘The women also manufacture baskets of various kinds, which will hold
both milk and water, and round earthen-ware pots, which they mould and bake
with great cleverness. For the grinding of Caffre-corn, they use a flat stone,
crushing the corn against it by the help of another pointed stone, or iron pestle.
It is astonishing to see, in what a short time they are able to fill a large jar with
flour, by means of such an imperfect apparatus. The flour they bake into little
loaves, kindling a fire, after the fashion of almost all uncivilised nations, by
rubbing together two pieces of wood.’
1835 Alexander (1837) 1 p. 394, 2 p. 146 Xhosa, Fingo: utensils
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 391
1 p. 394 Xhosa: baskets
Nothing more.
2 p. 146 3 Fingo: pestles
‘There was commonly a long roll of mat on their head .. . and large wooden
pestles for pounding grain.’
1834 Gardiner (1836) p. 384 Xhosa: milk-baskets
‘Shortly after our arrival, Kheeli made his appearance; it was about the
time of drinking milk; his councillors and principal men soon assembled near
his mother’s hut, and, seating themselves on the ground, formed a semi-circle
round him, while he sent portions of milk to each, the baskets being first placed
before him by two servants, who, strange to say, wore each a printed cloth
round his waist, the first attempt at civilised attire which has yet been made by
these inveterate sons of nature... .’
(1836) Martin p. 158 Thembu: grinding-stones, fire-sticks
Nothing more (taken from Bonatz 18345).
1837 Dohne p. 63 Xhosa: pots
Nothing more.
1820-56 Shaw (1860) pp. 368, 369, 413, 471 Xhosa: utensils
p. 368 Xhosa: meat tray
‘I afterwards noticed that the Chiefs were attended by their servants with
some form and ceremony. Their cooks broiled their beef on the burning embers
with particular care; and, when the steaks were ready, took branches from the
bushes, which they intertwined, and thus formed a kind of mat or receptacle
on which the meat could be placed.’
p. 369 Xhosa: baskets, calabash ladle
‘,.. from these they poured the sour and curdled milk into vessels made of
rushes or grass platted together, and then placed them at the foot of the principal
person in the group. A sort of ladle was provided, made from a calabash or
small gourd. The attendant, or master of the milk sack, who enjoys certain
privileges, dipping this ladle into the milk, drank a portion of it... .’
p. 413 . Xhosa: kitchen utensils
‘After your eyes have become familiar with the obscure light of the dwelling,
which with difficulty comes in through the open doorway, you may discover
a large milk-sack and some small baskets of platted grass cunningly constructed
to hold liquids; also two or three earthen cooking-pots; of late years superseded
by iron pots of various sizes, obtained from English traders.’
p. 471 Xhosa: basket, pot
‘During the interval a basket of milk and curds was set before us, of
which we partook freely. Soon after this there came boiled meat in an earthen
pot, without knife, fork, plate, bread, or any vegetable, served, however, to us
in the same manner as to the Chief himself.’
392 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1839 Backhouse (1844) pp. 225, 252 Xhosa: baskets
pe225
‘The milk baskets of the Caffers are made of the stems of a species of
Cyperus, a rush allied to the Paper-reed: these are sewed so closely together,
when dry, as to be watertight when in use for any fluid. After being used for
milk, the dogs are allowed to lick the baskets, and the cleansing is completed
by a small species of Cock-roach, Blatta, which eats the remaining portion of
the milk from the interstices between the rushes. So important are these insects
for this purpose, that on erecting a new hut, a Caffer will take a milk-basket
into an old one, and as soon as a sufficient number of Blattae have entered it,
will carry it to the place where their services are required.’
[Da LO
‘Our host sent us some sweet milk, and as soon as the sour was ready, a
basket of it was brought that would hold three or four gallons, and another
that would contain about half that quantity from the brother’s kraal.’
1838-40 Walker (Backhouse & Tylor, 1862) p. 360 Xhosa: basket
Same as Backhouse (1844: 252), see above.
1836-44 Dohne (1844) pp. 30-31, 42 Xhosa: utensils
pp. 30-31 Xhosa: milk-sack, calabash, whisk-spoon
‘Zum Essen der Milch, welche sie in ledernen Sdacken oder trockenen
Kiirbissen aufbewahren und zusammenrinnen lassen, bedienen sie sich eines
Pinsels aus Binsen, den sie in die Milch eintauchen und dann ablecken; das
Trinken derselben findet man selten.’
(Os! Xhosa: spoons, knife
‘Das Getreide verzehren sie in Loffeln, wozu aber entweder ein Span oder
Messer oder eine Muschel und dergleichen dient, was ihnen gerade in die Hand
kommt. Beim Fleischessen sind ihre Gabeln die Zahne; mit diesen beissen sie
ins Fleisch ein und schneiden die Bissen vor dem Munde mit dem Messer
oder der Assagaai ab.’
p. 42 Xhosa: food-mat
*,. . auch flechten sie eine Matte von zwei Quadratfuss mit vielen Stricken
so dicht, wie die Wasserkérbe, die ihnen zur Tafel dient, auf welche sie das
gekochte Fleisch oder den Kornbrei legen.’
1835-55 Ayliff pp. 5, 6 ‘Kaffraria’, ?Fingo: calabashes
pa ‘Kaffraria’, ?Fingo: calabash spoon
*, .. native spoons which are made by cutting a young calabash or gourd
into two parts lengthwise, the neck forming the handles and the larger part at
the bottom the bowl of the spoon.’
p. 6 ‘Kaffraria’, ?Fingo: child’s calabash
‘For the use of the younger children each mother keeps a calabash (ise/wa)
into which she pours the milk of certain goats allotted to her, and which she
herself milks> 725.2
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 393
1848 Baines (1842-53) 1 pp. 42, 43 ‘Kafir’: milk utensils
p. 42 Near Fort Hare—‘Kafir’: milk-basket and sack
*,.. a girl bearing on her head a basket containing more than a gallon of
Amazi, or milk curdled by exposure to the sun, in a leathern sack, which they
offered us for sixpence... ’.
p. 43 ‘Kafir’: milk-baskets
Nothing more.
1849 Baines (1842-53) 1 pp. 132, 136, 137, 138, 155 Xhosa: utensils
(Oe LEP, Xhosa: bow and arrows, milk-basket
*,.. soon after fell in with some Kafir boys with a bow and arrows, from
whom I got a basket of milk and their likeness.’
p. 136 E Xhosa: pottery, milk-whisk, hearth
‘After supper a large wooden bowl of milk was warmed upon the fire
which is made in a circular hearth about thirty inches in diameter in the middle
of the floor. The father then prepared two or three sticks by bruising the fibre
at their ends, and, handing one to each of the children, set the milk before them,
and immediately they commenced mopping it up with praiseworthy assiduity.’
(Editor of Journal notes: ‘In MS., v. 1. “wooden bowl’ is changed to ‘“‘clay
bowl’’.’)
joe UT Xhosa: milk-sack
‘The young man then brought in the remainder of the milk and poured it
into a skin sack with a wooden neck and stopper, and laying it upon the ground,
commenced patting it alternately with either hand till he caused it to curdle
and become sour.’ (Editor of Journal notes: ‘MS., v. 1. reads: “‘the young man
brought in the imbaava, or milk sack, which, I am informed, no woman is
allowed to touch .. .’’.’)
p. 138 Xhosa: water-basket, calabash ladle
“Then, taking the basket of water and a ladle made of a calabash split longi-
tudinally, I stood by to quench any spark that might fall on it. The frail tene-
ment was soon burned to the ground but the light embers were still flying
about, and I thought it advisable to send for water, which was only a mile
distant down the hill. The old man and his son performed three journeys,
bringing up each time a basket each; and with this, not ten gallons in all,
I contrived to quench the fire, or nearly so... .’
fo I) Xhosa: food-mat
‘As soon, however, as their own supper was served, a handsome portion
of well-cooked beef on a clean mat with as much milk both sweet and sour as
I could consume was set before me... .”
1848-52 Baines paintings of scenes near Fort Hare Fingo, ‘Kafir’: baskets
1851-2 King (1853) p. 164 ‘Kaffir’: milk-basket
Nothing more.
394 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
1851-5 Brown (1855) pp. 97, 115, 116 Xhosa: milk-baskets, pots
Nothing more.
(1853) Fleming p. 108 ‘Kaffir’: milk-baskets
Nothing more.
(1853) Kretzschmar pp. 239, 241, 242 Xhosa: utensils
p. 239 Xhosa: wooden vessels
Sie verwenden sehr viel Mihe auf die Anfertigung grosser hélzerner Napfe,
die sie aus einem Blocke Holz aushéhlen und in deren Aussenseite sie allerlei
Figuren graviren.’
p. 241 | Xhosa: baskets
Nothing more.
p. 241 Xhosa: mortar and pestle
‘Gewohnlich lebt er jedoch nur von einem Brei, gemacht aus der gigan-
tischen Hirse, dem Kafferkorn, und Milch. Kafferkorn pflegen sie in einem
harten hélzernen Morser mit einer hélzernen Keule groblich zu stampfen, und
in ein schwarzes Brod zu backen.’
pp. 241-42 Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more. 7
(1856) Fleming p. 223 Cape tribes: household utensils
Nothing more.
1856 Warner pp. 9, 13 Thembu: utensils
p. 9 Thembu: whisk-spoon
‘When milk is plentiful, their mode of eating it is by inserting a small
brush made of the stalk of the wild date, into the milk; the curd only attaches
itself to this brush, and when it is well covered with this beautiful white curd,
they convey it to their mouths. By this means all the curd is extracted from the
whey, which is then given to the children and dogs.’
pels Thembu: beer-strainers, pots
‘They put the grain into grass bags, and soak it in the River for two or
three days; after which they place it (still in the bags) in a warm place until
it is sufficiently grown; and during this process of germination they are very
careful not to move the bags or disturb the grain, lest the germination should
be checked. When it is sufficiently grown, nothing more is necessary than to
spread it out on mats in the sun until dry. It is then ground together with a
quantity of unmalted grain, into very fine flour; when it is mixed with water
and boiled to the consistency of thin water gruel. It is then strained into large
earthen pots kept for that purpose... ’.
(1858) Maclean pp. 152, 153-154, 155
‘Kaffir’: baskets, grinding-stones, serving meat
pp. 152-54 ‘Kaffir’: milk-sack, baskets, grinding-stones
Nothing more. |
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 395
p55 ‘Kaffir’: serving meat
‘The men assemble outside the cattle kraal, and the meat is placed before
them upon green boughs, or in baskets.’
1862 Anon. p. 87 Xhosa: pots
*... pots for cooking are, or were, made of baked clay.’
1863-6 Fritsch (1872) pp. 67, 73-74, 75, 76, 89 fig. 22
Cape Nguni: household utensils
p. 67
Figure.
p. 73-74 Cape Nguni: spoons, ladles
‘Die L6ffel zeigen wesentlich drei verschiedene Typen: Eine Art ist gross
und flach, mit stumpfer Spitze und einem kurzen einfachen Stiel, der zuweilen
eine Oeffnung nach Art eines Oehres zeigt; das Material, aus dem sie gefertigt
wird, ist Holz; Unterseite und Stiel sind meist mit eingeschnittenen Figuren
verziert, indem man die dunkel gebraunte Oberflache mit dem helleren unver-
anderten Grunde des Holzes contrastiren lasst; solche L6ffel dienen wesentlich
zum Austhuen der Speisen. Eine andere Art, die eigentlichen Essl6ffel, sind sehr
mannigfach in ihrer Gestalt, indem sie bald mehr die Form unserer Kellen
haben, bald wirklichen Léffeln von wechselnder Grésse entsprechen, der Stiel
ist langer (durchschnittlich 30 cm), im Allgemeinen gerade und die iiblichsten
Verzierungen sind spiralige Drehungen desselben mit vorspringenden Kno6pfen,
geringelten Absdtzen und Aehnlichem, wenn der Kiinstler nicht seiner Phantasie
freieren Spielraum lasst und eine Thierform wahlt. Die dritte Art sind Schépf-
l6ffel mit bedeutend langerem Stiel und tieferer Hoéhlung, um aus grossen
gerdumigen Gefdssen Fliissigkeiten auszuthun; man fertigt sie zuweilen eben-
falls aus Holz, meistens aber werden Flaschenktirbisse dazu verwendet, indem
man einen Theil des kolbigen Endes abtragt und das diinne als Stiel benutzt.
Diese Sorte von Gefassen werden wenn sie kleiner und kiirzer sind bei Zech-
gelagen in dem heimathlichen Bier zugleich als Becher gebraucht. Das Ober-
hautchen des Kiirbisses lasst sich, bevor derselbe ganz trocken ist, leicht ein-
schneiden, und solche Geradthe werden daher gern in dieser Weise verziert; die
Muster sind auch hier meist die gewohnlichen, schrag gestellten Karreaux oder
Dreiecke, doch kommen auch complicirtere Figuren aus Systemen von
geschwungenen Linien vor.’
p. 74 Cape Nguni: wooden vessels
‘Die Schiisseln, von denen die kleineren als Essschtisseln dienen, wenn
tiberhaupt eine solche Weitlauftigkeit beliebt wird, und man nicht, wie gewohn-
lich, aus dem Kochtopf direct zulangt, werden wie die iibrigen Gerathschaften
von solchem Material aus solidem Holz geschnitzt und zeigen eine mehr oder
weniger napfformige Gestalt; die grésseren, welche zur zeitweisen Auf bewahrung
mannigfacher trockner Nahrungsmittel verwendet werden, sind in gleicher
Weise angefertigt, haufig lasst man aber jederseits einen soliden Vorsprung der
396 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Substanz stehen, welcher dann die Stelle eines Henkels vertritt, zuweilen ist
es nur einer von betrachtlicherer Lange, der nach Art eines Stieles vorragt.’
> US Cape Nguni: pots
Nothing more.
p. 76 Cape Neguni: beer-strainer, baskets
“Von demselben Material, aber lose geflochten, findet man Sieber, an
Gestalt unseren Kaffeefiltern 4hnlich, nur grésser, welche bei der Bierbereitung
gebraucht werden. Ferner sieht man allerhand gewohnliche K6rbe von Stroh,
Schilf oder Ruthen geflochten, die in Form und Grosse sehr wechseln, indem sie
bald einfach napff6rmig (siehe Fig. 16 und 18) sind, bald sich oben nach Art
einer Kanne verengen und mit Deckel versehen sind. Damit ist aber die Reihe
der geflochtenen Utensilien noch nicht ersch6pft: denn Wood hat ganz Recht,
wenn er die Hauser der Kaffern ebenfalls als eine Art KGrbe bezeichnet, die
nur in grésserem Maasstabe ausgeftihrt sind.’
p. 89, fig. 22 Cape Nguni: grinding-stones, pots
‘Die gewohnliche Art, es zuzubereiten, besteht darin, dass es gekocht und
dann auf einem flachen, breiten Stein mittelst eines kleineren, walzenférmigen
zu einer dicken Griitze gemahlen wird, welche in Verbindung mit sauerer Milch
(eigentlich Quark) das Hauptnahrungsmittel der Kaffern ausmacht.
Das Mahlen und Kochen besorgt natiirlich wiederum die Frau, welche
die Speisen in dem von ihr selbst gefertigten, irdenen Topfe kocht, auf dem
ein anderer, mehr schiisself6rmiger als Deckel gestiilpt und durch Einstreichen
von Kuhmist dicht verbunden wird, an einem Feuer, zu dem sie ebenfalls das
Material herbeizuschaffen gehabt hat.’
1858-89 Stanford 2 p. 124 Mpondo: baskets
‘Kaffir beer in very clean baskets was set before the Chief.’
1845-89 Kropf (1889) pp. 99, 100, 101, 102, 105, 122 Xhosa: utensils
p. 99 Xhosa: household utensils
Nothing more.
p. 100 Xhosa: grinding-stones, mortars
‘Der Mais, wenn noch milchig, wird in Kolben entweder in Wasser gekocht
oder in der heissen Asche geréstet gegessen, oder auf dem Mahlsteine zerrieben
und eine Art Pudding daraus bereitet. Wenn er aber ganz hart ist, wird er in
hdlzernen Moé6rsern mit Stampfkeulen abgehiilst oder auch ungehilst
eekocht, = 5)
p. 101 Xhosa: spoons, pots, mats, baskets
‘Sie essen aus dem Topfe oder von einer aus Binsen geflochtenen Matte,
die ihnen als Tisch und Schiissel zugleich dient; den Kindern wird oft etwas
auf den flachen Mahlstein geschiittet, was sie dann auflecken. .. .
Zum Trinken der Milch bedienen sie sich kleiner aus Binsen geflochtener
K®orbe oder der halben Schale eines Ktirbisses. . . .’
p. 102 Xhosa: whisk-spoon
Nothing more.
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 397
p. 105 Xhosa: tinder-box, fire-sticks
‘... Stahl, Stein und Ziinderdose oder neuerdings eine Dose Schwefelhélzer
befinden, wahrend sie friiher harte und weiche Holzer aufeinander rieben,
um Feuer zu machen.’
pe l22 Xhosa: artificial teat
‘Stirbt die Frau im Kindbette, so wird das Kind nicht in jedem Falle
getotet. Es bekommt Milch in einem Brustwarzenhut, der von Antilopenhaut
gemacht ist.’
1877 Padel (1876 sic) p. 216 Hlubi: pots, stones as plates
‘A kind of greenish soup composed of maize with some vegetables, was
smoking on the table in a pot into which they dipped and then poured the
liquid on stones, which served as plates.’
1877-8 Norbury (1880) pp. 7, 13 Xhosa: domestic utensils
(oe Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
pals Xhosa: tinder-box, fire-sticks
*.. . fire they usually procure from a flint and steel, which they buy of the
traders, but sometimes by rubbing dry wood together; this is, however, a
tedious and difficult process.’
(1881) Nauhaus p. 345 ‘Kaffir’: wooden vessels, spoons
Nothing more.
(1881) Theal p. 68 ‘Kafir’: basket
‘indebe is a drinking vessel made of reeds.’
1875-87 MacDonald (1890a) pp. 174, 216-217
Cape Nguni: cooking implements
p. 174 Cape Nguni: spoon
As below.
pp. 216-217 Cape Nguni: fire-sticks
‘Two sticks, made of the Uzwati tree, and called the ‘“‘husband and wife”’
are given to him by the chief. These sticks are prepared by the magicians, and
are exclusive property of the chief, the ‘‘wife’ being the shorter of the two.
The doctor cuts a piece off each stick, and proceeds to kindle fire in the usual
manner, by revolving the one rapidly between the palms of his hands, while
its end rests in a small hollow dug in the side of the other.’
1875-87 MacDonald (18905) p. 278, 280
South African tribes: cooking implements
p. 278 Africans: fire-sticks
‘Africans obtain fire by preparing two pieces of wood. One has a hollow
dug in its side, the other is carefully rounded at the end so as to fit loosely
into the pit or hollow. . . . The upright stick is grasped between the palms of
the hands and revolved lightly and rapidly, men relieving one another in order
398 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
that the motion may not be interrupted. When once obtained fire is kept always
burning when possible.’
p. 280 Cape tribes: spoons
‘They are, however, supposed to be fed by the head of the village. It is he
alone who is responsible for hospitality. Often the same basin or tub is used
to hold the food of a considerable number of persons, and in that case each
has a large spoon, with which he lifts a portion, eating it with the aid of his
fingers. Giving a stranger a separate vessel apart from the family basin would
be regarded as an insult. It is supposed to indicate fear of some contagious
disease such as leprosy. In the evening the meal is taken in the hut, but otherwise
differs in no essential from the forenoon meal, except that flesh is more frequently
used at night than during the day, which however, may be regarded as equivalent
to late dining.’
1883-88 Bachmann (1901) p. 165 Mpondo: beer-basket
Nothing more.
(1887) Matthiae pp. 10, 11
Xhosa: milk-baskets, grinding-stones, mortars, wooden vessels
Nothing more.
(1894) Ratzel 2 pp. 68, 74, 98 ‘Kaffir’: spoons, skimmer, calabash
Figures.
1901 Scully p. 45 Hlubi: baskets
‘Then the milk-filled baskets are removed to the various huts to which
the respective cows are assigned, and the contents poured into calabashes, or
DD) 9)
skin bags, for the purpose of being turned into “‘koumis”’.
(1904) Kidd pls 26, 79 legend, pp. 51-52 Mpondo: pot
pl. 26 Mpondo: grinding-stones, grain mat
Figure.
pl. 79 legend
‘This woman is seen with a basketful of grain by her side. In front of her
is a stone which is slightly hollowed out. Some grain is placed on this, and the
mass is ground up with a round stone which she holds in her hands. As the
grain is ground it is pushed out on the dirty mat in front.’
p. 51-2 ‘Kaffir’: fire-sticks
Nothing more.
(1907) Sim pp. 166, 246 Cape tribes: fire-sticks
p. 166
[Sneezewood] ‘is still employed by the Kafirs as tinder, and was formerly
employed by them to produce fire by friction.’
p. 246
‘He also mentions that this [isiduli] is one of two timbers formerly used
for producing fire: ‘“These fire-sticks yield a kind of dust when a pointed stick
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 399
is moved rapidly forwards and backwards in a groove. The dust turns brown,
then red-hot, and can be blown with tinder into a flame. This process of fire-
making is called u-Zwati.”’ The other tree mentioned for this purpose is u-Luzi.’
(1919) McLaren p. 445 Xhosa: calabash
‘... for use as a milk-container, ise/wa. The calabash was often tied round,
tandela, with string or a thong to strengthen it. A mealie-cob, um-pa, served as
a cork.’
(1926a) Miiller pp. 23, 24, 41, 42 Hlubi: grain utensils
js 23 Hlubi: grinding-stones
‘Nun wird es mit Wasser angefeuchtet und in der rauhen Hohlung eines
besonders praparierten Steines ein oder mehrere Male ganz fein gemahlen,
indem die mahlende Person unausgesetzt einen ganz runden Stein in der
Steingrube hin und her bewesgt.’
p. 24 Hlubi: mortar
‘Die ausgewehten K6rner werden in einen oben ausgehohlten Baumstumpf
geschiittet, mit Wasser angefeuchtet und mit Hilfe zweier Kléppel aus Holz,
die zwei Madchen abwechselnd im Takt auf und ab stossen, gestampft, wozu
sie ihre eintOnigen, nur aus drei Noten bestehenden Weisen singen und
unaufho6rlich schwatzen. Das Herausspringen der K6rner aus dem ziemlich
flachen Loch wird durch Umbinden eines alten Sackes um den oberen Umfang
zu vermeiden gesucht. Durch dieses Stampfen I6sen sich die unverdaulichen
Schalen, die nachher zu Hiihner und Schweinefutter dienen.’
p. 41 Hlubi: grain mats, beer-strainers
Nothing more.
p. 42 Hlubi: baskets
‘Eine ziemliche Menge K6rbe der verschiedensten Grésse ist in einem
kaffrischen Haushalt noétig. Sie werden sdamtlich am Platz hergestellt, sind alle
rund, oben offen und weit, wie eine Schiissel, und haben, wie unsere Bierflaschen,
ein Gewissen, das beim Tragen des Korbes auf dem Kopf ausgezeichnet auf
den Schopf der Person einpasst.’
(1927) Poto Ndamase pp. 116-117 Mpondo: kitchen utensils
‘Njengokuba bekupekelwa kwakulendlu ibiba nezimpahla. 1. Umpanda
wokuka amanzi: ububa lodongwe olutshisiweyo. 2. Umcepe wokukelelela
nokusela. 3. Bekupekwa ngembiza yodongwe. Ibifana nompanda, ingenami-
lenze nayo, ibekwa emasekweni xa kupekwa. Isiciko sayo ibikwa ludongwe
olutshisiweyo, ebesiye sisetyenziswe xa kutyiwa sibe sisitya. 4. Umlilo ubu-
senziwa ngozwati. Lendlu bekukwadlelwa kwakuyo ize-ke ibe nezizinto zoku-
dlela. (i) Inkamba ezenziwe ngodongwe olutshisiweyo zokudlela. (11) Izitebe
zodudlela. (iii) Imicepe yokudlela. (iv) Imvaba zamasi. (v) Amatiniko, amacepe
enziwe ngomti. (vi) Imbiza zotywala.
Umbona namazimba ayesilwa ngamatye, utywala buhluzwa ngentluzo,
ezalukwe kakuhle ngoluzi, ize buselwe ngamalala, izitya ezenziwe ngorasi.
400 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Izitya zotywala bezihlala kulendlu yokuhlala, kuba notywala bekuselelwa
kona apo.’
[As this hut was also used as a kitchen, it had utensils. 1. The large clay
pot (umpanda) for drawing water; it was made of burned clay. 2. Half a cala-
bash (umcepe) for drawing and drinking water. 3. Cooking was done in a clay
pot. It was like the pot for drawing water, it also had no legs and when cooking
was done it was placed on hearth stones (iseko). Its lid was also of burned clay,
at meal time this lid was used as a dish. 4. Fire was kindled by means of a fire-
stick (uzwati). This hut was also used as a dining room and it had the following
things used for meals. (1) Pot-sherds (ukamba) made of burned clay to serve
food. (11) Mats (isitebe) to serve food upon. (iii) Half a calabash (umcepe) to
eat with. (iv) Leather milk-sacks (imvaba). (v) Wooden spoons (utiniko). (vi) Beer
pots (imbiza zotywala).
Mealies and sorghum were ground with stones, beer was strained with
strainers (intluzo), nicely woven with rushes, it was drunk from receptacles
(ilala) made of a species of grass (irasi). Beer vessels were kept in the living hut,
and the beer was also consumed there. |
(1928) Brownlee p. 180 Fingo: meat plate
*, . . meat was distributed to all the principal people, who, from their
portion, gave a share to those subordinate to them in rank. This applied also
to myself, and a liberal portion was laid before me, an aloe leaf serving for a
plate.’
(1929) Kawa p. 80 Fingo: pots
Nothing more.
(1931) Cook pp. 57, 68 Bomvana: implements
Do St Bomvana: calabash spoon
‘The boys must sleep on the floor. They don’t use spoons but wmcepe—a
little ladle made by cutting a small calabash down the middle.’
p. 68 Bomvana: skewer
“When given meat to eat she may not touch it. She uses a stick known as
the uluti lomshwamo (the stick for tasting). This stick is held by the nkazana or
attendant woman and the girl bites the meat off it.’
(1932) Soga pp. 210, 317, 399, 401, 406 Xhosa: utensils
p. 210 Xhosa: calabash spoon
Nothing more.
pesky, Xhosa: feeding-bottle
‘u-Twisha—feeding-bottle: when a Xosa man or woman was no longer
able to take the ordinary food an ox or cow was slaughtered, and the inner
lining of the skin, the dermis, was peeled off (uku-twebula) then pegged down
to stretch and dry. It was afterwards dressed or curried till soft and pliable,
and then sewn into a small bottle-shaped article, open at the one end. This
article was called u-twisha, a term derived from the verb uku-twisha—to gnaw
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 401
a bone. Into this miniature bottle was poured milk, either curdled or sweet
according to taste, and the aged person either fed himself or was fed by someone
detailed for that duty, much as an European child is fed with the bottle.’
p. 399 Xhosa: beer-strainers
Nothing more.
p. 401 Xhosa: grinding-stones
Nothing more.
p. 401 Xhosa: beer-strainer
‘When a suitable time has been allowed for the boiling, the preparation
is taken out and placed in open dishes to cool, and when cool is put through
strainers—i-ntluzo. Thus being completed it becomes beer—w-tywala, and is
ready for consumption. A certain amount of pressure and squeezing is exerted
on the strainers, so that a proportion of the yeast passes out along with the
liquid, and in consequence this beer has a certain food value, but in this respect
it is not equal to ama-rewu, which is not put through strainers.’
p. 406 Xhosa: baskets
Nothing more.
1932 Hunter (1936) pp. 17, 22, 53, 85, 170, 365, pl. 8b Mpondo: utensils
p. 17 Mpondo: meat trays, household utensils
“Within the great hut a fire glows on the mud hearth in the centre of the
floor. Maize is cooking in a three-legged trade pot. Piled up against the wall
on the left side . . . are two grinding stones and a mat to hold the meal ground,
a trade bucket with water .. . a grain basket, two beer baskets, two tin cans.
.. . Along the back wall are beer-pots, and next to them on the right .. . are
the milk bucket, bowl, and six calabashes.... Against the wall are... grinding-
stones, sieve for snuff, and meat trays. A basketful of spoons is hung on a pole,
and in the thatch over the fire is a bunch of sugar-cane seed.’
pe 22 Mpondo: stirrer
‘There are some prohibitions regarding the serving of food. It must never
be put into the men’s dish first, because a stick (iphini) is used for stirring
during the cooking, and it is an wmkhonto (spear).’
p. 53 Mpondo: pots
‘Because of the taboo on non-relatives drinking milk special utensils—
usually clay bowls and wooden spoons—are kept in which to serve milk food.
Occasionally when there is a shortage of dishes at a beer drink, a milk-pot is
used for beer, but only a relative of the owner of the uwmzi may drink out of it.’
p. 85 Mpondo: grain basket
‘A grain basket full of mealies weighed, on an assized scale at the store,
50 lb. Formerly the whole of the crop was transported from field to umzi in
this way.’
pl. 8b Mpondo: household utensils
p. 170 Mpondo: skewer
‘She cannot drink milk and must not touch food with her hands. She eats
402 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
meat with two wooden pegs, and dry food with a spoon, used only by her.
A mealie cob she spears on the end of her peg.’
p. 365 Mpondo: food mats
‘Important persons . . . are served first and given large portions and a
grass-plate to themselves, but they are expected to share what is given them
with their followers.’
(1939) Duggan-Cronin p. 28 Xhosa: food mats, pots
Nothing more.
1939 Fox pp. 68, 70
p. 68 Cape tribes: grinding-stones
‘The mealie is ground on a large flat stone by means of a small stone
rolled over it. This is one of the favourite ways of treating the grain, but it is
a slow process and requires a good deal of practice to perform properly.
Grinding is said to bring out the full flavour of the grain. Now-a-days machine-
ground mealie meal of uncertain age is being more and more used.’
p. 70 Cape tribes: mortar and pestle
‘The practice of pounding whole mealies by means of a wooden pestle in
a wooden mortar is of comparatively recent origin in the Territories. Natives
are often very definite about this though very vague as to its origin, which
presumably was from the East Coast. Stone mortars and stone pestles are also
used and the stone mortar may be a communal one. Stamped mealies are very
popular amongst the Xhosa, but less so in Pondoland, where grinding remains
the standard method. It is much quicker than grinding. During stamping the
fibrous coating of the grain is removed and this, together with any powdered
germ is then winnowed away by repeatedly pouring stamped grain from one
basket to another in the wind.’
1945 Makalima chap. 8 pars 3, 20, 21, 22, 55
Fingo, Thembu Mpondomise: utensils
pars 3, 20,21,55 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: grinding, stamping, milk
calabashes, drinking-vessels
Nothing more.
par. 22 Fingo, Thembu, Mpondomise: milk calabashes
‘Amaselwa anobisi agcinwa endlwini yomninimzi ahlala paya entla.’
[Calabashes containing milk are stored in the hut of the head of the kraal,
they are kept in the innermost part of the hut opposite the door.]
(1949) Duggan-Cronin pls 52, 53, legends Mpondo: beer-baskets
pl. 52, legend
‘Beer is made at home from mealies and Kaffir-corn, and traditionally
was served in beautifully sewn baskets. These girls are carrying baskets of beer
as a present to someone.’
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 403
pl. 53, legend
Nothing more.
1949 Hammond-Tooke (1953) pp. 79, 80 Bhaca: implements
ps 79 Bhaca: fire-sticks
‘Early on the Wednesday morning the inyanga yempi kindles the sacred
fire. This must not be lit with matches but in the traditional manner by using
fire-sticks called uvatsi. A piece of the very hard, black wood of the wvatsi tree,
with a conically rounded base, is swiftly rotated between the hands in a hole
bored in a section of soft wood . . . which has been placed on a bed of dried
grass mixed with soot (umle) and other tinder. Twirling the wvatsi is a very
laborious operation, as a steady pressure must be kept on the apparatus, and
the inyanga is relieved by his assistant and other helpers. As the stick rotates
backwards and forwards, the soot.in the hole begins to glow and is forced out,
grass and tinder is carefully added and the fire kindled.’
p. 80 Bhaca: stirrer
‘The herbalist now takes a clay pot containing certain intseleti medicines
and twirls (ukuphehla) a stick in the mixture until it is churned into a foam that
spills over the lip of the receptacle.’
1949-62 Hammond-Tooke (1962) pp. 28, 40 Bhaca: utensils
p. 28 Bhaca: mortars, spoons, wooden vessels
‘Stamping blocks are made from hollowed-out tree trunks lined with stones
to prevent wear. Pots and calabashes are preferred to wooden buckets for milk,
but wooden spoons, woven meat-trays, yokes and knobkerries are manufac-
tured by the more skilled of the men.’ (His note: ‘It is said that each man makes
his own wooden spoon.’)
p. 40 Bhaca: grinding-stone
‘Near it is the pecked grindstone.’
(1954) Duggan-Cronin pls 162, 163, 183, 191 Bhaca, Hlubi: utensils
pl. 162, legend Bhaca: mortar and pestle
Nothing more.
pl. 163, legend Bhaca: grinding-stones, mat
‘Note the flat, slightly hollowed grindstone and the pecked grinder. A grass
mat receives the ground mealies.’
pls 183, 191 Hlubi: garden basket
1963 Hammond-Tooke p. 305 Mpondomise: food mats
“This is the grouping of members of a location into what are called izithebe,
groups of people who sit together at certain feasts and are allocated meat and
beer as a group. The word isithebe means literally a grass tray or eating mat
made from the sturdy incema reed, which is found on the banks of rivers and
in marshy areas and is used for serving meat and other food. Nowadays these
mats are not as common as formerly, and people frequently cut a section from
the leaves of the agaves which so often form the wall of a stock-kraal, or use an
old piece of corrugated iron, for this purpose, but the word is retained for these
404 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
makeshift utensils and is applied to the groups who use them.’
(1964) Louw p. 110 Fingo, Thembu: utensils
p. 110 Fingo: beer-strainers
‘Intluzo Beer-strainer woven of grass. These strainers are given to the
pig to eat when they are worn out.’
p. 110 Thembu: grain mat
‘Tsithebe Large grain mat, round coarsely woven, for grinding grain, with
hole in the centre for winnowing.’
TERMS
ilala. 1. (a plaited thing D.) 2. strips of leaf of palm (Hyphaene crinita), general;
an object made from this material, X Mp Mpm Bh but also uwlala, Bo.
3. plaited drinking-vessel, or for milking into, T. 4. small closely woven
sedge basket (Bo-—Beukes). 5. beer-basket (Mp-—Poto). 6. basket, Mp.
7. small ingobozi basket or palm leaf mat, Xes. 8. grain basket (X—McLaren
1915) 534 (223)
ingcebe 1.nD. 2. small ingobozi basket, Xes. 3. thought to be Bh by T 535
ingceke 1. nD. 2. white clay used by abakhwetha to smear on body, general.
(Note: inceke (Em) white paint, D, is erroneous.) 3. small ingobozi basket,
X Xes Mp 536 (738, 941)
indebe 1. calabash, ladle, D. 2. calabash Xes. 3. wooden spoon, X Bo. 4. gourd
shell, (X—Lichtenstein 1811 1: 656) 537 (558)
ingobozi 1. large elastic basket for storing corn, D. 2. garden basket, general.
3. small pot-shaped closely woven basket, (Bo-Beukes) 538 (337)
ijoma 1.nD. 2. large beer pot or paraffin tin for beer; actually a measure,
one tin or four gallons (18 2), X Mp Bo. 3. large beer-basket or pot, but
uncertain whether really a Xhosa word, T 539 (583)
ijomo 1. vessel for holding beer, D. 2. basket made of imizi rushes, X. 3. large
beer pot, Mp. 4. otherwise not confirmed 540 (584)
isitya (from -tya ‘eat’) 1. vessel for eating and drinking from; basket, plate,
dish, basin, cup, etc., D, general. 2. sihtja milk-basket, (X—Lichtenstein
1811 1: 655). 3. beer-basket of palm leaf, Mp Xes. 4. food-basket, Mp
Xes 541 (358, 548)
ulala 1. nD. 2. basket, similar to ingobozi, only smaller, Bo. 3. not confirmed
elsewhere 542
isiludu (Xhosa pron. of Sotho word seroto) medium-sized basket for carrying,
Hlu Bh Fgo; style adopted from Sotho, Bh 543 (340)
umnyazi 1. coarse grass basket made of rushes, used as a fan or sieve for
winnowing, D. 2. small garden basket, (ingobozi) X Bo Mp Xes. 3. various
sorts of basket, ([-Makalima) 544
umzwazwa large basket made of little sticks, D, not confirmed 545
isithebe 1. small closely woven mat used as a kind of tray or dish to serve up
meat or other food, D, general. 2. or to receive meal falling from grind-
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 405
stone, general. 3. Bo, Xes, and probably others distinguish between
isithebe sokusila (grinding) and isithebe senyama (meat) 546
isixazi 1.nD. 2. wicker meat tray, X 547
isitya (from -tya ‘eat’) 1. vessel for eating and drinking from; basket, plate,
dish, basin, cup, etc., D, general. 2. sihtja milk-basket (X—Lichtenstein
1811 1: 655). 3. beer-basket of palm leaf, Mp Xes. 4. food-basket, Mp
Xes 548 (358, 541)
intluzo sieve, strainer, filter D, general except Bh (from -hluza ‘strain’) 549
isihlengo 1. nD. 2. sieve of European type, Bh (from -h/enga ‘assort, leave out;
separate good from the bad’, D) 550
isihlungulo 1. sieve, D (probably of European type, as a sieve was not known).
2. European sieve Xes. 3. any shallow article, e.g. dish or mat to hlungula
with, i.e. move to and fro, in order to winnow out, T (from -hlungula
‘shake, so as to bring the husks or chaff to the top; move a mass in a
circular way, hence, to sift out’, D) 551
isthluzo 1.nD. 2. European sieve, strainer, as tea-strainer (from -hluza ‘strain’)
552
ivovo (Zulu word) 1. nD. 2. strainer, Bh 553
umlala 1. (a) (Em) fibrous plant, (b) beer-strainer made from it, D but not
confirmed. 2. old grass and maize stalks of last year, not grazed, T Xes Bh
554 (227)
idliiwa 1. nD. 2. milk calabash, Mp Bo 555 (149)
igubu 1. dried calabash prepared for use as a musical instrument, connected
by a bow to a single string, which is beaten and resounds in the calabash
with a sound like gubu gubu, D X Xes (X—Kirby); string is of horse-hair,
X. 2. also calabash for drinking beer, Mp. 3. calabash for salt, Bh. 4. drum
(i.e. European drum, as of Zionists), D X 556 (1032)
igula 1. species of milk calabash, so called from the noise made by fermen-
tation within it, D Xes Hlu (as in Zulu). 2. large calabash for snuff (not to
carry around), Mpm T. 3. calabash as container for white clay, used by
abakhwetha, Bo 557 (990)
indebe 1. calabash, ladle, D. 2. calabash, Xes. 3. wooden spoon, X Bo. 4. gourd
shell (X—Lichtenstein 1811 1: 655) 558 (537)
ingwetshe 1. nD. 2. half calabash shell used as ladle, Bh. 3. not confirmed
559 (150)
igaku 1. calabash, D. 2. small drinking-cup made of rushes, D. 3, small cup
made of iJala, X Mp. 4. any small thing, Bh. 5. generally unknown 560
isigoko (Fingo form igoko) bowl, jug, calabash with handle, used for drinking
Kafir beer, D. 2. not confirmed 561
iselwa 1. calabash that has been dried and perfectly cleaned out; it is then
used for holding amasi (curds), D, general; actually also the plant and
fruit. 2. not Mp (who use idliwa) nor Bh (who use itshalo pron. itjalo)
562 (151)
isigubu 1. bowl out of which beer is drunk, D. 2. wide-mouthed calabash,
406 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
medium-sized 15-20 cm diameter, for salt and other dry substances, e.g.
seed, Mp. 3. large calabash for beer, Mp. 4. calabash for beer, obsolete X.
5. calabash wash-basin, X. 6. calabash not used for milk, Kes Bh 563
(1012)
itshalo (pron. itjalo) 1. nD. 2. milk calabash, Bh only 564 (152)
iwara 1. calabash, the milk of which is used only by nursing mothers, D.
2. not confirmed 565
umcakulo (Em) drinking-vessel made of a calabash (=umcephe), D Mp 566
umcephe half a calabash, used as a ladle, for drawing water, milk, beer, D,
general except Bh 567 (153, 1014)
umgqephe 1. cup from a calabash, a great drinking-vessel, D. 2. not confirmed
anywhere 568
umnggephe 1. cup made from a calabash, a great drinking-vessel, D. 2. not
confirmed anywhere 569
uzwathi 1. process of fire-making by friction; fite-stick, D, general. 2. wood
from which fire-sticks are made, X Xes (X-MacDonald 1890a) 570
uvathi 1. nD. 2. fire-stick, not confirmed today but cf. 3. vethe wood used for
fire-sticks, (X-Van der Kemp). 4. veethe fire-sticks, (X—Lichtenstein
1811 1: 655). 5. cf. uvatsi, Bh, uzwathi, X 571
uvatsi male fire-stick, Bh pron. for uvathi, uzwathi 572
igangalaba 1. nD. 2. (or igangalabe) species of low bush, pith of which used
for tinder, X T Mp 573 3
icwilika 1. steel used for striking fire, D, general. 2. origin unknown and now
used for steel of all kinds 574
uluzi 1. fine inward bast of trees of genus Ficus, used to make baskets, mats
and string; the creeper when dry is used as a fire-stick, D. 2. also any other
smooth bark that is sufficiently fibrous to make rope and binding, general,
whence 3. such binding material, string, cord 575 (206)
iduku stone for grinding upon, D X Bo only 576
ilitye 1. stone, (lower) grindstone, D, general. 2. flat stone, as used for grain-pit
cover, general 577 (106, 265, 961)
imbokotho, imbokothwe, imbokothwa, imbokodo, imbokodwe, imbokodwa round
or oval stone, especially upper grinding-stone for grinding corn; smoother
for clay, general 578 (144)
isingqusho (-ngqusha stamp in mortar) 1. mortar, D, general, but also isingqushu,
ingqutsho Mp, ingqusho Bo. 2. pestle (Xx-McLaren 1915), general 579
isintilo (-ntila stamp, pound) 1. pestle, stamper, D. 2. not confirmed 580
iphini 1. stick for stirring porridge, D X Bo Mp, general. 2. pestle of wood
or iron, X Bo 581 (608)
intonga yesingqusho pestle, Xes Bh (lit. ‘stick or club of the mortar’, a descrip-
tive comed expression, not a term) 582
ijioma 1. nD. 2. large beer pot or paraffin tin for beer; actually a measure,
one tin or four gallons (18 €), X Mp Bo. 3. large beer-basket or pot, but
uncertain whether really a Xhosa word, T 583 (539)
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 407
ijomo 1. vessel for holding beer, D. 2. basket made of imizi rushes, X. 3. large
beer pot, Mp. 4. otherwise not confirmed 584 (540)
ikhanzi 1. nD. 2. large beer pot, Mp. 3. not confirmed 585
imbiza 1. formerly, earthen pot for cooking as distinguished from an iron one;
now any pot for cooking, D Mp (X-Lichtenstein 1811 1: 655). (This is a
misleading definition, as formerly there were only earthenware cooking
pots, and no iron ones from which to distinguish them.) 2. the introduction
of iron pots has caused the term to be generally applied to them. 3. the
Bh pron. imbita is a regular sound shift. 4. no longer general, X. 5. three-
legged iron pot, Bo. 6. pot for cooking, Xes. 7. large pot for beer, Xes
(derived from a causat. of -bila boil, therefore means ‘article in which one
causes things to boil’, and is the equivalent of pitsa, pitSa of the Sotho—
Tswana tribes of the interior 586 (146)
impiso (from obsolete vb -phisa ‘heat’) 1. (Em) large clay pot for holding beer,
D. 2. not confirmed 587
incagu 1. (Em) jug for drinking Kafir-beer, D. 2. X informants think it is Mp.
3. Mp informants think it is a half-calabash in some other dialect not Mp.
4. Griqualand East and Hlu informants know it, but pron. it ingagu 588
ingcaza 1. nD. 2. small pot, Xes Bh Mp Hlu 589
inkongo (No. 2) 1. nD. 2. large pot, Mp. 3. collar-topped pot for small bits of
foodstuff (Mp-—Clarke) 590 (see 11)
inggayi 1. round earthen vessel, an earthen bowl, D, general. 2. small spherical
pot, general. 3. large pot (I—-Makalima) 591 (147)
igqgongo, uggongo, igqongwe empty paraffin tin, box, bag, D and general, with
local variants of shades of meaning 592
ugcedeyu 1. piece of an old pot of flat shape; piece of tin used for roasting
maize or coffee, D Mp. 2. potsherd, piece of iron or tin; flat dish, platter
(X—McLaren 1915), but not generally known 593
ukhamba 1. old pan or pot; potsherd, D Xes Bh (Mp—Poto Ndamase). 2. for
roasting maize, obsolete X. 3. for eating from, or iron pot lid for roasting
maize, Mp. (This word is from the root -kamba, very widely distributed
over the Bantu area. Zulu ukhamba etc.) 594
umphanda_ 1. earthen pot or vessel; pitcher in which water is kept for use;
cask, D. 2. large pot, X Bo Mp. 3. large pot for water, Xes 595 (1027)
umtila 1.nD. 2. small pot, Bh 596
intshulana (pron. intjulana) 1. nD. 2. middle-sized vessel, (Mzamane). 3. not
confirmed 597
umchula 1. sharp, pointed stick or iron (needle, assegai), often used as a fork
for picking up meat etc., D (from -chula ‘hold by the end, not firmly;
take up on a fork’). 2. not confirmed 598
incula 1. nD. 2. sharp, pointed stick or iron used as fork for picking up meat
etc., Xes. 3. spear with round awl-like blade, also used for picking up
meat, Mp 599
isikhetho 1. (partiality, D.) 2. skimmer, Mp (Mp-—Beukes) but other Mp say
408 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
they call this item isihlenga. 3. skimmer of branch with about three twigs
at tip interlaced with bark to form strainer, Mp. 4. obsolete as skimmer, X
(from -khetha ‘choose’) 600
isongulo (-ongula skim off cream, etc.) 1. skimmer, D. 2. now obsolete; it was
for skimming off cream; had a wicker head and wooden handle, X 601
isihlenga 1. float made of reeds, a raft, D. 2. not confirmed. 3. beer-skimmer,
Mp, known to T who regard it as Mp and Bh (from -hlenga ‘assort, leave
out, separate good from bad’) 602 (1100)
icephe 1. chip or concave article used as a spoon; a spoon, D. general. 2. spoon
of horn or wood, Xes. 3. spoon of horn, Mpm 603
igxebeka 1. spoon, ladle, D, general. 2. ig*abbehka ‘Loffel’ (X—Lichtenstein
1811 1: 655) 604
imbombe 1. fruit stalk of palm grass, stripped into small shreds, made into a
brush, used in supping sweet or sour milk, D X. 2. brush of vegetable
fibre for eating milk (X—McLaren 1915). 3. not confirmed outside X area
605
umhlunza 1. brush with a bushy end, made of rushes, with which milk is eaten,
D. 2 umslonsa ‘Pinsel-Loffel’ (X—Lichtenstein 1811 1: 655) (from -hlunza
eat milk with umhlunza=-ncunza, D) 606
ingora 1.nD. 2. wooden spoon, X only 607
iphini 1. stick for stirring porridge, D X Bo Mp, general. 2. pestle of wood or
iron, X Bo 608 (581)
ubondo 1. big wooden spoon for stirring food, D. 2. spoon or piece of wood
for stirring (X—McLaren 1915). 3. may be either spoon-shaped with bowl,
or just a stick, X. 4. a stick, not a spoon, Mp (from -bonda ‘stir round’) 609
ucwecwe 1. any flat shell, such as a limpet. Such shells are used as spoons, D X.
2. thin disc-like thing, Mp Xes Bh 610
udukudo 1. large wooden spoon for stirring food, D X (from -dukuda stir, as
porridge). 2. hlonipha for ubondo, Xes. 3. not Mp nor Bh 611
ukhezo wooden spoon, D Mp Xes Bh 612
uthiniko 1. (that which is hard and does not bend, D.) 2. spoon of horn or
wood, Mp Xes Bo 613
uzamiso (-zamisa cause to move, stir) 1. porridge stick, D X. 2. hlonipha for
iphini porridge stick, Mp Xes, but other (or the same?) Mp, Xes say
izamiso instead of uzamiso 614
uthwisha (-thwisha gnaw a bone) 1. nD. 2. feeding-bottle for old infirm people,
made of skin, (X—Soga), confirmed but practically unknown today 615
isiciko 1. lid of any kind, D, general. 2. also, e.g. stone cover of grain pit 616
(102, 148)
isivingco (-vingca ‘close up, stop’) cork, stopper, D X Mp 617
isivingcwa (Em) stopper, D 618
isivimbo (Em) cork or stopper for bottle or jar, D X Mp 619
unqheba handle of cup or dish, fixed (as opposed to swinging handle of pail,
umphambo) D, general 620
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 409
umphambo_ |. anything circular and binding; handle attached to both sides of
a vessel, D; as of bucket, jug, X Mp. 2. repair or binding of a pot, Mp 621
DISCUSSION
In addition to the household utensils described in the last section, there
are others that are connected specifically with the preparation of food.
BASKETS
The use of baskets to carry grain and other produce from the fields has
already been noted under ‘agriculture’ in Shaw & Van Warmelo (1974: 158ff).
The same sort of basket (ingobozi, ingceke) (Pl. 35: 2, 5—average height 35 cm)
and its smaller variants (Pl. 61: 1-2) in most tribes, and isiludu in others
(Pl. 35: 3) serve to store food in the hut, or as a container when preparing
food and also for winnowing threshed corn and stamped maize. Winnowing
is done by pouring the grain to the ground from a basket held high, so that the
chaff blows away during the drop (PI. 35: 1). Jngobozi is woven in a split-warp
twine (Pl. 27: 5), the warps being of sedge or grass and the wefts nearly always
sedge. It is light and flexible, and often has a concave base, which makes it
easier to balance on the head. A double loop of twisted sedge for hanging is
generally attached to the base. /siludu is coiled, with a grass foundation simply
oversewn with the same sort of grass (PI. 27: 3).
Baskets were formerly used considerably in the actual preparation, and
particularly serving, of food and drink.
In the west of the area, as has already been mentioned under ‘animal
husbandry’, the common milking-vessel until the beginning of this century
was a basket (imbenga?, ithunga). The baskets are said to have been shaped
like an inverted beehive, and as far as can be deduced from the descriptions
and from Sparrman’s Gonaqua basket, were closely coiled with simple or fur-
cate oversewing (see Pl. 27: 1); both foundation and sewing strand were of
sedge stems. The swelling caused by dampness, together with a certain amount
of accumulated grease, made them impervious to liquid.
Sour milk was served in other baskets of the same kind which varied in
size from a diameter of about 40 cm at the mouth and holding a number of
litres, to quite small. From these the milk was either scooped with a calabash
or a whisk, or, in the case of the smaller ones, drunk directly.
All early authors comment on the extreme dirt of the milk baskets, and
most agree that they were never washed and that the only cleaning they got
was a licking by dogs. Backhouse, however, has a story that a special type of
cockroach was prized because it cleaned up the grease in the interstices.
Some authors seem to have been under the impression that the milk was
put into the baskets to curdle and that for this reason they were never washed,
but there is no reason to suppose that this was the usual practice. Curdling took
place in the milk sacks or calabashes into which the milk was poured from the
milking-basket after milking.
410 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Alberti states that the milk-baskets were used for holding boiled meal
that was put to ferment in the process of making beer, to which Lichtenstein
adds that the process was aided by the bacteria of fermentation already in the
basket. Informants denied that this was done, and in view of the restrictions
regarding milk (see p. 266), it is more likely that they were similar baskets
but confined to that use.
Similar baskets were used as water vessels, and presumably for beer,
though this is not mentioned in the literature. The likelihood that beer was
also served in baskets in the west is suggested by surviving examples from the
Bomvana (Pl. 56: 2, 5).
The type of basket that was used for serving soup, porridge, and other
food, is not described, but is likely to have been the same coiled type as the
above, or may have been closely woven (PI. 59: 3).
The eastern tribes appear to have used wooden pails for milking
(Mpondo) and pots for most liquids. For beer, however, a large beaker-shaped
vessel was coiled in a simple oversewn technique of finely split palm-leaf (Pl. 56:
6, Pl. 57: 1-2, 4). The same technique was used for making a shallow food
bowl (PI. 57: 3, 5). Modern informants are of the opinion that the technique
came from Natal. (If this is so surely it was with the Mpondo themselves.)
The name isitya applies to both these vessels, which are still made by men.
Ingobozi is still used as before through the greater part of the area, as are
isiludu in the north-west, and both forms of isitya in the east, but for most of
the uses mentioned above baskets have been replaced by modern store-bought
utensils. As early as 1927, Davies (1927: 521-524) recorded the use of tin cans
for drinking beer among the Bomvana.
FOOD-MATS
The food-mat (isithebe) has two functions and is made in two sizes
accordingly. Jsithebe senyama (Pl. 58: 3, Pl. 59: 5-6, Pl. 60: 1-5), which is
used as a plate for serving food for one or more persons, is the smaller of the
two, on an average 35 by 40 cm, and may be square, rectangular, semicircular
or round. (This name was also given by the Bomvana to a very shallow woven
bowl (PI. 59: 3).) Isithebe sokusila (Pl. 58: 1-2, Pl. 59: 1) which is placed in
PLATE 56
Iron pot and baskets.
Homestead, late afternoon, Mpondomise; Tsolo 1955.
Beer basket, diameter mouth 165 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/454).
ingobozi, diameter 200 mm, Thembu; Xalanga 1935 (TM 35/482).
‘Tambuki’ basket, diameter 185 mm, Thembu (‘Kurve til opbevaring af smykker’), collected
by H. M. Naested 1856-7 (National Museum, Copenhagen Gd52).
Beer basket, diameter mouth 141 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/390).
isitya, in use at Mpondo party; Tshonya, Lusikisiki 1948.
Sa Sa a
Syn
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 411
weve
ba
mo
Late dee bites . 7
dapat 10h Fes mo
serene peng et mree
-
s
f
Ay # 2. :
‘tadddden #.
(taseeted
‘yy
412 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
front of the grinding-stone to catch the ground meal as it comes off, is larger,
on an average 45 cm long by 55 cm at its widest, with flanging sides and the
front edge wider than the back, which is tucked under the stone. The front
edge usually has a convex curve, and the back is sometimes concave to match.
One of the grain-mats seen at the place of the paramount chief of eastern
Pondoland was large enough to take four grinding-stones (127 cm long by
72 cm back and 184 cm front).
Both sorts of isithebe are woven in the same technique, a close twine,
frequently decorated in a diaper pattern. The side edges of the angular shapes,
and usually the larger curve of the semicircular shapes, are reinforced by
thickening the last warp. The weft is always of sedge, and the warps sometimes
sedge and sometimes grass.
In addition to the small twined food-mat, there was, in western Pondo-
land and possibly Bomvanaland, a heavy twined wicker meat tray, with wooden
rods as warps and creeper stems as wefts (PI. 63: 1). According to Mrs Fred.
Clarke these were used only by men—women used the isithebe. Shaw, in 1860,
described a Xhosa chief’s meat being served on trays or mats of intertwined
branches of bushes, but this was on a journey and the trays were evidently
improvised by his attendants. The same method, or a basket, was reported
by MacLean (1858: 155) as being used for serving all men with meat, and it was
mentioned by Xhosa informants in 1955.
Informants of other tribes appeared to know this type of tray even if they
did not use it. The Xhosa called it isixazi, the Bomvana ucango, the word for
wicker door which it resembles in everything but size, the eastern Mpondo
uhlango, and the Xesibe simply isithebe senyama. The Bhaca did not know it.
In lieu of food-mats, Padel reports of the Hlubi in 1877 that they used
stones as plates, and Brownlee, when among the Fingo in 1928, was served
meat on an aloe leaf, as were Mpondomise and Bhaca men until recently.
STRAINERS
Strainers are used primarily for straining the fermented beer during the
process of manufacture, but also for straining thin porridge for children. The
earliest strainer mentioned in the literature was a nest of the weaver bird,
which consists of a bulb about 10 cm diameter and a long cylindrical neck
about 16 cm long and 5 cm diameter. According to Alberti, repeated by Lichten-
PLATE 57
Basketwork utensils.
isitya, diameter c. 265 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
isitya, diameter 220 mm, Mpondo; Bizana 1935 (TM 35/420).
isitya, diameter 200 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
isitya, diameter 220 mm, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/422).
isitya, diameter 230 mm, Mpondo; Nyandeni, Libode 1942 (FH 369).
Se aS
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 413
RS
Ai
ee sachs
ps
fede 9AI42
aa ead aid
aoa “4%
oh rt
sade rie
; JANES ae
Sere PeECT ETS
Rao hae oe raat
S RECT
4 Breer ey
4 3
*
x
2.
Re a
PCS Uk SRO eR ee
ne a
Spy EOP SSS SP SO Seen yee
beh
Base ee FERRE FEE FE 6 Gy,
< Saas ow *
PEE S Geer PRE E ERE HT we
PF EET SR ER ERE EO eS ee
ere tt
Biee pes OF
pare eecr ees
PERE Ry §
VEE EE
414 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
stein, this was customarily used by the Xhosa for straining beer. From then
until Warner and Fritsch, 60 years later, beer-strainers do not appear to have
caught the eye of the travellers. Fritsch’s very slight description would still fit
the type wherever used throughout the area today.
The strainer (intluzo) is shaped somewhat like a jelly bag, and averages
50 cm in length and 15 cm across the mouth when open. The closed end has
a strap for hanging. It is a loose fabric of sedge, grass, or split palm leaf, and
three techniques are used. The most common is straight sewing; the foundation
strands are two- or three-ply cords of split sedge stems, and they are sewn in a
spiral at about 2 cm intervals by a similar cord of sedge or grass, which passes
through the twists of the foundation strands (Pl. 28: 4). The work starts at the
mouth, the widest part, and the width is reduced towards the base by knotting
the strands on the inside, until a point is reached and tightly bound. This type
of strainer was seen in use by Xhosa, Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondo, and Xesibe,
and is made by women (PI. 61: 3, 5-6).
The second technique is a diagonal open split-warp twine (Pl. 30: 2), the
twining being again at intervals of about 2 cm, and both warp and weft being
sedge stems. The work proceeds in the same manner as before mentioned. This
type was found among Thembu, Bomvana, and Bhaca, and is also made by
women (Pl. 61: 4, Pl. 62: 4~5).
The third technique is a diagonal twill of split leaf of the palm Hyphaene
crinita (P1. 30: 4), and is found only in the eastern part of the area, where it is
the more common variety among Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca. The work
commences at the mouth by knotting the wefts together in pairs and at right-
angles, and commencing the twill straight away. The narrowing is brought
about naturally by the narrowing of the strips of leaf foliole. This sort of strainer
is made by men (PI. 62: 1, 3). An entirely different type of strainer was seen at
Lugangeni (Bhaca). It was like a small ingobozi, but was said to be a strainer.
According to Hamilton-Welsh (Louw 1964: 110) the Fingo gave the beer-
strainers to the pigs to eat when they were worn out.
CALABASHES
Calabashes, made from the gourd Lagenaria sp., are very useful kitchen
utensils and have not yet been entirely ousted by store goods. (Shaw & Van
Warmelo 1974: 148f. See also Bohme (1976) for further discussion.)
The most important is the milk-calabash, into which milk is poured after
PLATE 58
Grain mats and their fabric.
1. isithebe sokusila, base 640 mm, and fabric, Xhosa; Qwaninga, Willowvale 1948.
2. isithebe, base 693 mm, and fabric, Mpondo; Bizana 1935 (TM 35/481).
3. isithebe, straight edge 406 mm, and fabric, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/410).
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 415
Sees
SAS,
Peete
Serna et
Rapes
erie eteh es
eke te
es
irre,
i
‘Sage. Hes
Nie
Leteen
ret
Blinn cite
th
h
Ne
att
hin
g
na
pprinod +
Me
SN ehK
Ne apis,
sedan
ANE bet
ef
ih
POLI Ha
NR
vee,
Sethe
ENN
Herb
edie Hat
ares
iN
ny
if
pi
pow pe
pentr®
Cee
Re etanee rs
actos
i
Si
is Sess Ly
Lyared bok -
pbagans Fa ite Bs SAN
pt Voghns PNET ake
PERL K PR
SAA
eae
° SPN aL Lae oe ra tet
e: Beats HPT: Nie} CHa
rave LITER PIAA EAA Ie
_ m .
Rg H St CPT EN
MATE CIA ROT
ba
Re tateea ete ee
A oe pohly pen
et nad
pA CSN
ts pte:
gdinte rk
Eg SOS NPE,
err
aiottiatsit e's
Eagan ties
soe Nemnperere
ae
416 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
milking and allowed to go sour (Pl. 63: 5). In former days it was only the
poorer households that used calabashes for this; the others used skin sacks.
Nowadays, however, calabashes may be used by all and, according to Makalima,
are stored in the innermost part of the hut of the head of the homestead. Nursing
mothers have a special calabash set aside for them and a small one is kept for
each baby (PI. 64: 2). This small one is carried by mothers when they go on
journeys. A mealie cob is generally used as a cork (PI. 26: 3), though Ratzel
depicts a nicely carved wooden stopper.
The flask often has a network of cord or thong by which it is supported
and carried (PI. 63: 3, 6, Pl. 64: 2). One seen had a fibre cord passed through the
mouth, and out at the base, where it was fixed to a toggle. This was to drain
away the whey (PI. 63: 5).
The long-stemmed calabashes used to have one side cut out of the bulbous
part and were used as drinking-cups for beer and other liquids, but they have
mostly been replaced in this function by store-bought mugs.
Small long-stemmed gourds are cut in half to serve as ladles or scoops
(Pl. 64: 3-4, 6) and the smallest used to be cut in half to serve as spoons. These
latter are not often seen now, except in initiation schools.
Makalima mentions that pumpkin seed is stored in a calabash.
FIRE-STICKS
Fire-sticks are no longer in use for ordinary purposes. As early as 1782
the survivors of the Grosvenor saw a Hottentot using flint and steel, and Alberti,
in 1802, observed that the Xhosa near the Colony had tinder-boxes. But fire-
sticks survived for about a century after that before giving way first to flint
and steel, and then to matches. They were still used in 1949, however, for
kindling the sacred fire at the Bhaca feast of the first fruits.
Two types of fire-stick are described. The first and most commonly men-
tioned consisted of a pair of sticks, about 30 cm long, one of hard wood and
one of soft. A small circular depression was made in the soft one, which was
held on the ground between the feet. The hard one was held between the palms
of the hands with its end in the depression, and made to rotate rapidly. The
PLATE 59
Food mats, stone knife and cupping-horn.
isithebe sokusila, grinding-mat, base 650 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
isilumeko, cupping-horn, 142 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
isithebe, food mat, diameter 315 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/507).
intshengece, stone knife, for severing umbilical cord, ¢. 100 mm; Fingo, Hogsback 1940-50
(Alb. no no.).
5. isithebe, diameter 360 mm, Mpondomise; Zingcuka, Tsolo 1963 (collected by W. D.
Hammond-Tooke).
6. isithebe, no measurement, Xhosa; Ntlabane, Willowvale 1948.
AYNS
417
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
Or Pigted chad
> Monk alabit
AS ania Ay
PUR ai
ay YOO PAET eal rh rmayiaihaie a
FN anal briny pe AOA AAT AL AA AE
Deas OMAaRiehAn WOES TSOP Peart tartrate rarer er tree
at Mao Ae hoaot mapas idea dt
yay ee Bap Parle yp
ret eae
rere teers .
shases
: ie
ae SAAT AAA ada nat ane
cert ew oe We GUAN tnd A
Wi Aimaleaseees . sb
Fes cay MARE td ee vig aaa ,
IAA Areante Ch
id
igs
i
Se “i
ss SISA IO ISS
H Petes iM le sm
bag eS FEISS TIS es
Pikes
Ms
Brass
pana nee te
&
ig
fi 4
Pigee ery)
Wheas cacais i é
418 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
depression was surrounded by dry grass, among the Bhaca mixed with soot,
or an inflammable pith as tinder. (Stout mentions the Thembu use of a highly
inflammable ‘pitch’ from a reed, but surely this should read ‘pith’.) When the
wood dust in the hole began to glow, the tinder was added carefully and the
fire kindled.
The other type described by Alberti and Lichtenstein, had the same hard
drill but, instead of a stick on the ground, a flat piece of wood ‘laid deep in the
ground’.
According to Phillips, the Thembu, when on a journey, used as the lower
fire-stick one of the straight 150 cm long sticks that they always had as walking
or defence sticks tied up with their spears. Carmichael speaks of this as common
Xhosa practice when away from the homestead.
The woods used were said to be umthathi (sneezewood, Ptaeroxylon utile)
according to Sim the most common, isiduli (Brachylaena elliptica, bitterblaar),
and uluzi (Ficus). The wood shown and named uzwathi by an elderly Xhosa
informant was identified as Ficus burtt-davyi, and the shrub which provided the
pith for tinder, as Berkheya (Stobaea) seminivea.
GRINDING-STONES
Grinding-stones (Pl. 64: 5) are mentioned in the earliest records of this
area, and although Fox states that by 1939 machine-ground meal was being
more and more used, grinding-stones are still in use in the great majority of
homes even of the westernized people. The reason is that stone-ground meal is
preferred to machine-ground.
The lower stone is an oblong piece of granite, which is lower at the on
than the back, and has a hollowed surface which is pecked out when the stone
is new and increases with wear. The pecking used to be done by the women
with a sharp, hard stone, but now some use an iron crow-bar.
A conveniently shaped hard pebble is chosen for the upper stone.
According to Bonatz, the Thembu in 1834 were using alternatively an iron
pestle. This sounds strange, as it involves a different action, but Bonatz was a
careful observer. It is possible that it was a careless use of the term.
The women sometimes damp the grain (maize or sorghum) before grinding
PLATE 60
Food mats.
Food mat, base 394 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1935.
isithebe senyama, greatest width 500 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
isithebe, diameter 317 mm, Bomvana; Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
isithebe, base 455 mm, Mpondo: Bizana 1935 (TM 35/478).
isithebe, 362 mm between corners, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1935.
Women eating food from isithebe, Mpondo; Umvume Springs, Port St Johns c. 1939
(photo Mrs F. Clarke).
By NS
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
420 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
it, depending on the dish to be prepared. Damp or dry it is placed in the hollow,
and the woman kneels behind the stone, takes the small stone in both hands,
and bears down with all her weight in a rhythmic motion from back to front
(Pl. 64: 8). A mat is placed in front of the stone to catch the meal. Corn is
ground for flour or for making malt for beer.
The Xhosa and Bomvana have their stones fixed on a sort of clay pedestal
in the back of the kitchen hut. The others do not have them fixed, but can
move them wherever they want them.
MORTARS AND PESTLES
Despite the fact that wooden mortars were seen by the survivors of the
S. Alberto in 1593, though among a people who seem to have been predominantly
Hottentot, writers of the late nineteenth century and modern informants all
assert that the use of mortar and pestle by the Cape Nguni is a recent thing
learnt from Hottentots or Europeans. Certainly the early descriptions of the
Xhosa make no mention of them, nor are there specific terms for mortar and
pestle; isingqusho is a derivative of the verb wkugqusha, to crush, and is used
for both mortar and pestle. The earliest description after that of the S. Alberto,
is Alexander’s report that he saw Fingo women on the march carrying pestles.
There is, however, no evidence that the Hottentots used wooden mortars—
they did not cultivate grain, and such pounding of foodstuffs as they wished
to do could be done on stone. Mortars seem to be characteristic of the non-
Nguni peoples of the interior, who have specific and very old terms for each
of the articles.
At all events mortars are now generally used, in addition to, not instead
of, grinding-stones. They are used for stamped maize, which is a different dish
from the ground meal. After stamping, the husks are winnowed out by pouring
from basket to basket, or to the ground, in the wind.
Mortars may be made either of stone or wood. The stone mortar is of
variable but substantial size with a hollow at the centre, pecked out to start
with, and increased with use (PI. 65: 1-2, 6). The wooden mortar is a hollowed
tree trunk shaped roughly like an egg-cup, about 90 cm high and 30 cm in
diameter at the top (PI. 65: 3, 5, 7). In 1948 among coastal Xhosa, Bomvana,
eastern Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca, only wooden mortars were seen (PI. 63: 2),
PLATE 61
Baskets and beer-strainers.
ingceke, diameter 276 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
ingceke, diameter 241 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
intluzo, 551 mm, Xhosa; Qwaninga, Willowvale 1948.
intluzo, 690 mm, Thembu; Mqanduli 1935 (TM 35/325).
intluzo, 7220 mm, Bomvyana; Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
intluzo, 710 mm, Mpondo; Umvume Springs, Port St Johns 1939 (SAM-6053).
Bye tor
421
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
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422 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
and in 1955 eastern Mpondo confirmed that they used wood only. In 1955
among Thembu, Mpondomise and Fingo, stone mortars were far in the majority
—it seemed that every household had one—and the Thembu of Herschel, in
1961, used stone mortars exclusively. This may have been fortuitous, or possibly
that the increasing shortage of suitable tree trunks had made them necessary.
Wooden mortars are obtainable at the stores, nevertheless some informants
mentioned the difficulty of obtaining them, and said that the use of stone
mortars had started as a necessity and become a preference, because women
found it quicker. That stone mortars are not a new idea is emphasized by the
finds on old homestead sites in the Ciskei, and the opinion has been given that
it is the old-fashioned families that use the stone mortars.
The pestle for use with wooden mortars may be a heavy pole of wood,
about 90 cm long and 10 cm in diameter. With stone mortars, a short cylindrical
stone, about 25 to 30 cm long and 8 to 10 cm diameter is used. With both
sorts of mortar, however, iron crow-bars of various lengths and narrower
than the other pestles may also be used, and are the more common with stone
mortars. According to Miiller, among the Hlubi two girls work together, and
each brings down her pestle alternately. Informants, including Hlubi, said
that it was a matter of taste whether one or two worked at a time, but not
more than two would do so.
POTTERY
The most important uses of pottery in food preparation were for cooking
food, and brewing beer.
The cooking-pot (imbiza) was of fairly large to medium size, and is men-
tionea voth for frying and boiling meat, and cooking porridge and other food.
Fritsch and Ndamase mention the use of a shallow food bowl as a lid for the
cooking-pot, and Fritsch adds that when it was desired to exclude air, a coating
of dung was put over the join. No information about this is obtainable today
because earthen pots are no longer used for cooking.
Very little mention is made of beer-pots in the literature, but they must
have been, as they are today, those of the largest size (umphanda) (40-70 cm
high) (Pl. 20: 1, 3-4, Pl. 22: 1-4, Pl. 24: 4). The beer is stood in these to ferment,
and is later strained off into somewhat smaller, but still fair-sized pots.
PLATE 62
Beer-strainers.
—
intluzo made of palm leaf, 596 mm, Mpondo; Umvume Springs, Port St Johns 1939
(SAM-6054).
intluzo, 643 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1944 (EL 986).
intluzo, 605 mm, made of palm leaf, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
intluzo, 228 mm, Thembu; Mqanduli 1935 (TM 35/341).
ivovo, 173 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
Woman straining beer, Qwathi; Qebe, Engcobo 1965.
ain Goats
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
OPS NOH a Sat
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—
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424 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Large-sized pots were also used for storing water, which was drawn daily
in smaller pots.
Small pots (15-25 cm high), spherical or with everted lip, were used as
drinking-vessels for beer and milk (PI. 20: 5-9, Pl. 21: 1-3, 5, 9-10, Pl. 24:
2, 7). According to Hunter those used by the Mpondo for milk are kept apart
from those used for beer, because of the restrictions regarding milk-drinking.
Food was served in shallow basin-shaped bowls (Pl. 20: 7, Pl. 24: 1).
Finally, pots might be used for the storage of dry foods—grain or the
left-overs of food.
Today, among Xhosa and Thembu, pottery has completely disappeared.
Its place for cooking and beer-brewing was taken as early as the middle of the
nineteenth century by the three-legged, lidded iron pot (PI. 56: 1), and tin or
enamelware utensils serve its other purposes. In the 1960s, however, some Xhosa
were importing pottery made by South Sotho potters settled in Griqualand East.
The only potter seen in Bomvanaland in 1948 made a fairly large range
of shapes for different uses (PI. 20).
In Pondoland and Griqualand East, pottery is more common, and though
the iron pot is generally used for cooking, earthen pots are preferred for
beer-making.
SKEWERS
There is little more to be said than appears in the vocabulary about these
sticks or pegs. They were presumably in general use, in lieu of forks, for serving
meat, as mentioned by Campbell and Smith. It is recorded that Bomvana and
Mpondo intonjane eat with sticks, as they are not allowed to touch food with
their hands. Xesibe, eastern Mpondo and Xhosa informants said sticks were
used to take meat out of the main pot but others said they were not used for
any purpose at all.
SKIMMERS
The skimmer (PI. 66: 4-6) is a small basketwork spoon made and used
primarily for skimming flies and scum off the top of beer. Its use does not
appear to have been very widespread in the west of the area. Except for Ratzel’s
PLATE 63
Meat tray, mortar and calabashes.
1. Men’s meat plate, width 416 mm, Mpondo; Umvume Springs, Mantusini, Port St Johns
c. 1939 (SAM-6091).
ingqusho, mortar, 440 mm, Bomvana; Guse, Elliotdale 1948.
iselwa, calabash, diameter 150 mm, Abelungu; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/384).
Calabash, diameter 173 mm, Xhosa; no locality, no date (EL 471).
iselwa, nO measurement, Xhosa; Bojeni, Willowvale 1948.
idliwa, calabash with strapping, diameter 240 mm, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/453).
DARWN
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 425
A
426 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
figure it is not mentioned in the literature. It may still be seen, however, and
apparently is well known in Pondoland and Griqualand East. It seems likely
that it may be an item adopted from the Natal tribes, by whom it is commonly
used.
SPOONS
From the literature one gains the impression that spoons were possibly
not an indigenous feature of Cape Nguni culture, and that they may have been
adopted after contact with Europeans or Fingo. The vocabulary, however,
seems to deny this. Early records of the Xhosa and Thembu mention only
the whisk (imbombe) which was used for supping sour milk. This is described
variously as the flat stem of a fibrous plant or of the wild date, pounded to
loosen the fibres at one end, or as a small bundle of rushes or little twigs.
A whisk (umhlunza) for the same purpose, seen at the Albany Museum (G 1401),
is made of strips of palm leaf bound together in a bundle. In use the whisk
picked up the curds of the milk and left the whey.
Besides this, Alberti and Doéhne record only that shells, slivers of wood,
half-calabashes, or any other handy objects, were used as spoons for milk or
other food.
Wooden and horn spoons were mentioned by Rose in 1829, but the first
real description is by Fritsch in 1872, when spoon-carving was evidently
flourishing. He mentions three types—a large short-handled wooden spoon
for serving, a small, long-handled spoon (material not given) for eating, and a
deep-bowled ladle, sometimes of wood, but more often of calabash, for serving,
and sometimes drinking, beer.
According to MacDonald, individuals used the large spoons to help
themselves from the common bowl, and then ate from the spoon with their
fingers. :
From early illustrations and from modern examples seen and photo-
graphed the following styles seem to be distinguishable:
1. A rather deep, sometimes circular sometimes oval bowl, in the same
plane as the handle, which is straight (Pl. 66: 1 right).
PLATE 64
Calabash utensils and grinding-stone.
Calabash with mended crack, diameter 190 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/431).
itshalo, child’s calabash, height 140 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
umcephe, calabash scoop, 115 mm, Xesibe; Elubaleko, Mt Ayliff 1948.
umcephe, calabash scoop or ladle, 222 mm, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1948.
Grinding-stones, c. 400 mm square, Xhosa; Willowvale 1948.
umcephe, calabash scoop or ladle, 218 mm, Mpondo; Ntontela, Lusikisiki 1943 (Alb.
C 1307).
umcephe, no measurement, Bomvana; Nkanya, Elliotdale 1948.
Women using grinding-stones, Mpondo; Mpimbo, Nggeleni 1958.
oR ro esac Na
oon
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 427
428 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
2. An oval bowl set at an obtuse angle on the handle which may be curved
(Pl 6621 left; 3; 105 10):
3. Bowl and handle in one, somewhat like half a calabash (PI. 66: 8, 9).
4. Oval, leaf-shaped bowl, not divided from the straight handle, but bowl
curved slightly towards the front (Pl. 67: 3).
5. Large oval bowl in the same plane as a short handle (Pl. 66: 13).
All these styles were seen in wooden specimens but those made of horn
were of shapes 2, 3 and 4. In wooden specimens the handle, the underside, and
sometimes the rim of the bowl were decorated with incised and/or branded
patterns. The handle in both materials was frequently decorated with raised
ridges and spirals, which in the case of wooden specimens might also be branded.
Examples of all the above types are still to be found generally, in either
wood or horn, but in the west, particularly, they are not as common as they
were early in the twentieth century, and are giving place to store-bought spoons
(Pl. 66: 2).
Stirrers for porridge instead of being spoon-shaped may have a narrow
blade in the same plane as the long handle or may have a bowl and a blade
(Pl. 67: 1). Sticks are mentioned for stirring, but there is no indication that
they were specially shaped.
WOODEN VESSELS
There is no word in the Xhosa vocabulary for wooden vessels and the
fact that they are not mentioned in lists of domestic utensils recorded by several
reliable observers seems to indicate that they were not a general feature of
Cape Neguni culture. Nevertheless, they are mentioned in the literature and
the first record is in 1593. Of the six records, five are for the Xhosa and
one for the Bhaca. Of the first five, three are by writers who use the term ‘Kaffir’
rather widely or are writing general descriptions. While they are mentioned
again by Thompson (1821-4), 230 years after the first record and by Kretzschmar
(1853) and later by Nauhaus (1881) and Hammond-Tooke (1949) for the Bhaca,
the only adequate description is by Fritsch (1872), one of the generalizers, who
describes shallow bowls for food, and large spherical vessels for storing dry
foodstuffs. He describes them as cut out of the solid, sometimes left plain, and
sometimes decorated with raised and/or branded, or incised patterns, mostly
PLATE 65
Stone and wooden mortars.
1-2. Stone mortar, Thembu; Idutywa 1955.
3. isingqusho, mortar, no measurement, Bhaca, Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948
4. Beaded calabash scoops, ornamental and not for kitchen use, Xhosa; no locality 1931
(PEM 229).
Worn-out wooden mortar, no measurement, Fingo; Tsomo 1955.
Stone mortar and crusher inside hut, Mpondomise; Tsolo 1955.
Mortar and pestle, 787 mm, ? Xhosa; no locality, no date (McGregor Museum ?211).
loss
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 429
430 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
conventional. On the large vessels a projecting lug was left on each side to take
the place of handles, or even a single projecting handle might be left.
Of the five specimens seen surviving in museums, none is very well authenti-
cated. Three are shallow dishes, and two are fairly large bowls standing on
three feet. All but one of the five has incised and branded decorations.
OVENS
There is no word for oven in the Xhosa vocabulary, although two authors,
Paterson and Latrobe, mention the ‘Caffres’, who were evidently Xhosa, using
ovens to bake bread. The statement of several early authors that, instead of in
an oven, the dough is placed among the ashes of the fire, seems to be correct.
Modern informants did not know of the use of ovens.
MISCELLANEOUS
Soga’s uthwisha is a feeding-bottle made of the ‘inner lining’ of an ox-skin,
peeled off, dressed, and sewn into a bottle-shaped article. Although one
informant in 1948 knew this article, there was no confirmation of its use then
or later.
Kropf stated that if a woman died in childbirth the baby was fed by means
of a teat made of antelope skin. This was not confirmed by modern informants.
Lids, stoppers and handles were generally known for their functions.
SUMMARY
The Cape Nguni depended for their subsistence both on agriculture and
animal husbandry, augmented by hunting and the collecting of wild plants and
fruits and, along the coast, sea-food. The implements used and the household
furniture and cooking utensils were simple. More important and varied were
the weapons used for war as well as for hunting.
PLATE 66
Spoons.
1. Spoons, ‘Léffel der Kaffern’, 250-190 mm, at 3 not @ natural size, as erroneously stated
(Ratzel 2 1895: 682-5).
2. icephe, tin spoon decorated with beads, c. 140 mm, Bhaca; Lugangeni, Mt Frere 1948.
3. Horn spoon, 207 mm, Mpondomise; Tsolo 1936 (SAM-S5553).
4. Skimmer, ‘Schauml6ffel der Kaffern’, 192 mm (Ratzel 2 1895: 74).
5. isikhetho, skimmer, 210 mm, Mpondo; Nkunzimbini, Lusikisiki 1948.
6. isikhetho, skimmer, 200 mm, Mpondo; Bizana 1935 (TM 35/436).
7. uthiniko, 282 mm, Mpondo (UCT 23/163).
8. Sour milk ladle, 400 mm, Mpondo; Nggeleni 1939 (TM 8034).
9. Ladle, ‘Schépfgefass der Kaffern’, 255 mm, scale as 1 above (Ratzel 2 1895: 681).
10. Spoon, 244 mm, ? Xhosa; no locality, no date (KM 175F).
11. Horn spoon, 300 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff, presented by F. Brownlee 1945 (TM 8634).
12. icephe, 300 mm, Mpondo; Lusikisiki 1935 (TM 35/400).
13. Ladle, 362 mm, Xesibe; Mt Ayliff 1944 (EL 1001).
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 43]
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4
432 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
Although the Cape Nguni had a tradition of agriculture, the methods that
were used prior to the introduction of the hoe and the plough were very elemen-
tary and relatively few crops were grown. Until the end of the eighteenth
century the only implements mentioned in the records were the wooden spade
and a pointed stick for digging, a spear-blade for reaping and a stick for thresh-
ing. The crops mentioned during that period were sorghum, pumpkins, melons,
sweet potatoes, gourds (for use as utensils only), beans, hemp and tobacco,
and right at the end of the century, maize. All except maize, hemp and tobacco
are indigenous to Africa. Judging by South African Bantu names which derive
from the Hindi bhang, hemp came from an Indian source via the east coast of
Africa. It is an open question when and by which route maize and tobacco
arrived from America.
Early in the nineteenth century the more efficient iron-headed hoe was
introduced. The European style was introduced by the missionaries from the
west, and the northern Nguni style was introduced from the east by the immi-
grant tribes from Natal to whom agriculture was more important. The latter,
however, could only have brought hoes for their own use, and there is no
evidence that they manufactured hoes in the Cape. The former type of hoe was
therefore easier to obtain and so became the dominant and, finally, the only
type used.
Among the older settled tribes—Xhosa, Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondo,
and Mpondomise—agriculture was almost entirely the domain of women,
but among the later immigrant tribes the men were accustomed to help with
the hoeing, and when the missionaries in the west introduced the plough, to
be drawn by oxen, men everywhere became involved because women did not
work with cattle. The early nineteenth century, therefore, saw a considerable
revolution in Cape Neguni agricultural method, which then remained fairly
static until the recent introduction of modern methods.
Animal husbandry, especially cattle-keeping, was the most important
factor in the economic life of the Cape Nguni, whether the first settlers or the
later immigrants. The Xhosa are said to have had a sacred herd for ritual
purposes, and as late as 1927 the Bomvana still had one. The importance of
cattle over all other stock is shown by the fact that their care was exclusively
the domain of men and that women were restricted from having anything to
PLATE 67
Spoons.
Combined spoon and stirrer, 428 mm, Thembu; no locality, no date (EL 209).
uthiniko, 286 mm, Bomvana; Elliotdale 1935 (TM 35/433).
inkezo, 277 mm, Mpondo; no locality 1935 (TM 35/434).
icephe, 310 mm, Bhaca; Mt Frere 1948.
umhlunza, reed food-mops for eating thick milk, upper 400 mm, lower 375 mm, Xhosa;
Aylesby farm, Grahamstown, presented by F. Schonland, no date (Alb. G1401).
Se a
433
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI
434 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
do with them. Milk was a staple item of diet. It was milked into baskets or
wooden pails and emptied in earlier times into skin bags, later into calabashes,
to go sour. Only old women and young children drank fresh milk. There were
restrictions on individuals drinking any milk under certain circumstances.
According to the records of the survivors of shipwrecks in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries, goats and sheep were known to all, but were more
numerous east of the Bashee River. Goats, particularly, have increased in
number in all areas and take the place of cattle in poorer families.
Before the nineteenth century, fowls, a small breed, were encountered
only east of the Bashee.
The existence of pigs in the area before their introduction from the west
is ruled out by the fact that the only names for them derive from English and
Afrikaans.
Dogs have always been kept as hunters. Only mongrels are seen today,
but there are several records of a large greyhound type, that has disappeared
since the imposition of restrictions on hunting.
The Cape Nguni had few formal tools besides stones of suitable size and
shape which were used for many purposes. The iron blade of the domestic
axe could be used in the other plane in a different haft-head to make an adze
for skin-dressing and wood-carving. An iron awl was used in skin-dressing,
basketwork and for many other purposes where a sharp point was needed.
Its value is indicated by the fact that it was usually hafted and sheathed in wood
and the finer sort hung on a strap round a man’s neck or upper arm, or was
attached to a cloak.
Knives were not an indigenous item, but spear-blades, occasionally given
a short handle, served their purpose. A curved blade for hollowing out wooden
utensils was said to be used by Xesibe and Bhaca.
Smithing had its own tools, mainly of stone.
All sorts of modern tools are used now and, in addition, craftsmen, pipe-
makers in particular, make for themselves specialized tools, using modern
materials.
The very large vocabulary for weapons and particularly for clubs and
spears shows a preoccupation with war and hunting, at both of which the Cape
Nguni, and especially the Xhosa, were very skilled.
Battle-axes, bows and arrows were not indigenous to the Cape Nguni.
Those found must have been obtained from elsewhere.
There are names for a variety of clubs and sticks, not all identifiable
at this stage. Sticks of various sorts were used for support and protection.
There was only a slight border-line between some of them and the club, which
was a definite weapon that was handled with great skill both in war and in
hunting.
For protection in both those arts a large ox-hide shield was carried, with
which to parry the opposing weapon or foil a lion’s spring.
The spear was the Cape Nguni weapon par excellence. In the west great
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 435
skill was shown in throwing it; in the east greater reliance may have been placed
on the stabbing spear for close combat. Twenty-seven different names are
recorded, six of which are reasonably identifiable and seem to have been
commonly known to all. The rest may be dialectical terms.
The game that abounded in the eastern Cape in former times was hunted
vigorously by the Cape Nguni, but, at least latterly, as much for sport as for
subsistence. Hunting was, of course, confined to men and it was considered a
great distinction to be a good hunter. A great deal of trapping of single animals
and birds was done with snares by individuals. The special sporting events
were the great drives where the game was surrounded by a cordon of hunters,
ambushed in a kloof or driven into pitfalls. Autumn and winter were the main
hunting seasons and some chiefs declared certain stretches of veld and forest
closed to hunters for the rest of_the year.
The inference from the historical records is that fishing and the eating of
fish were taboo throughout the area. Shellfish were, however, collected on the
coast, where the practice continues today. The Mpondo, at least, in this century,
have fished as well. Shipwrecked people in the seventeenth century reported
finding ‘fish garths’ full of fish, which they took. The garths might have been of
Hottentot origin, although the people amongst whom they found themselves
appear to have been Bantu-speaking.
All the Cape Nguni collected wild plant foods.
Cape Nguni household equipment was of the simplest. Mats of sedge
served to sleep on or to sit on, and the skin cloak was used as a blanket at
night. Stools were rare and encountered only latterly. Some persons used the
skull of an ox or sat on the wooden headrest that at night served as a pillow.
In general, the fire on the hearth was the only light at night, but sneezewood
torches were used by some people. Brooms were made of twigs or strong grass.
Large baskets are said to have been used to store clothing and valuables, but
they have not been recorded for a very long time.
The utensils used in the preparation of food and drink were equally few
and simple. Of basketwork were made baskets, food-mats and trays, strainers
and skimmers. Fire-sticks, skewers, spoons, dishes, and, rarely, mortars and
pestles were made of wood. Gourds provided calabash containers, spoons and
ladles. Spoons were also sometimes made of horn. Cooking-pots and containers
were made of earthenware.
The passage of time and the fact that most of the earliest records refer to
the Xhosa, have, as has been stated, made it difficult to distinguish tribal
differences that may have existed in the methods and implements of subsistence
before the influx of refugee tribes from the north-east at the beginning of the
nineteenth century. One cannot distinguish in the record differences in agri-
cultural method amongst the old Cape Nguni. In animal husbandry there
seems to have been a difference in that those east of the Bashee River are said
t> have had plenty of sheep and goats, and also fowls, while those west of the
river had few sheep and goats and fowls were not mentioned.
436 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
As regards weapons, the impression one gets is that the thin, finely tapered
and flexible spear-shaft was characteristic of the Xhosa and Thembu while the
stouter, blunt-butted shaft was favoured by the others. Shields, too, seem to
show some evidence of tribal style, with larger oval shields being characteristic
of the west. But these impressions are based on a minimum of evidence.
There are still some indications of former differences in style of a few
household articles. The fine, coiled basketwork of the Xhosa, Thembu and
Bomvana, impervious to liquids, had disappeared by the end of the nineteenth
century, having been ousted by alternative store-bought containers and intro-
duced basketry techniques, though a rougher variety was found among the
Bomvana in the 1930s. The Mpondo, Mpondomise and Xesibe used an equally
distinctive coiled technique, with simple oversewing, for their beer-beakers.
The woven work of the Mpondo, Mpondomise, Xesibe and Bhaca survives,
though its usefulness is declining with the changing way of life of the Transkei.
It is not impervious to liquids.
There are three sorts of beer-strainer, one made of sedge and straight-sewn
and found throughout the area and throughout southern Africa, one woven
of sedge in split-warp twine and not very common, and the third of twilled
palm leaf, made and used by the Mpondo, Xesibe and Bhaca, who live near
the area where the fan-palm grows. The latter type is made all the way up the
eastern coastal area of southern Africa and beyond.
Pottery must originally have shown definite local styles, but by the time
this survey was commenced it was not possible to find pottery at all among
the Xhosa and Thembu. The few museum specimens attributed to Xhosa are
very rough ware, and, considering the use that was made of baskets for holding
liquids as well as solids, it seems likely that pots were used by the Xhosa for
cooking only. A good series of pots was seen both among the Bomvana and
the Mpondo, and a few amongst the Xesibe and Bhaca, and these showed
differences in style and decoration (Shaw & Van Warmelo 1974: 137). The two
latter tended to blacken their finer pots.
An influence that it is not possible at present to evaluate could be from an
earlier population whom the southern Nguni overran. There is nothing to
suggest this in oral history, but archaeological material is yielding dates of
seventh and eighth centuries A.D.
Influences from outside have brought about great changes. The most
revolutionary were in agriculture in the nineteenth century, with the intro-
duction from the east of the iron hoe and the habit of working harder in the
fields, and from the west the European hoe and the plough. The latter super-
seded other implements for the initial preparation of the ground and, through
the use of oxen, brought men into the agricultural sphere everywhere. Soga
suggests that the plough was important not only economically and socio-
logically, but as regards nutrition as well, since better crops were obtained from
better prepared ground. Improved agricultural method was taught first by
missionaries and later by government demonstrators. Europeans also brought
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 437
in other food plants and, eventually, private ownership of land—a totally new
concept.
Contact with Europeans in the west also had great influence on animal
husbandry, in that the obtaining of cattle, legally or illegally, from the colonists
greatly affected the Nguni strain, so much so that the latter is no longer recog-
nizable. In addition, poultry, horses and pigs, and a new strain of sheep were
obtained from Europeans. The earlier origin of sheep in the Transkei is a
problem. The derivation of the two terms for sheep, imvu and igusha, suggests
that sheep were obtained from Hottentots first at some distant time and again
more recently.
The only non-indigenous tools appear to have come from European
sources, either by inspiration, for example thatching tools and needles, or by
direct purchase, for example axes, chisels, drills and knives.
There may have been a few isolated borrowings of weapons from outside
before contact was made with Europeans. Bows and arrows may have been
inspired by the Hottentot weapon, but the bow is really only a boys’ plaything.
An occasional axe of Sotho style, but said to be Cape Nguni, is preserved in
museums, and the spear quiver may have been adopted from the South Sotho
or may have been a local improvisation after the introduction of horses, to
hold the spears when mounted. The most important introductions in this
sphere were, of course, guns, gunpowder and powder-flasks from Europeans
in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.
The introduction of fire-arms had a great influence on hunting and, together
with the enormous stimulus of trade with the west in skins, horns and ivory,
helped to bring about the virtual extinction of game in the area. Later
government prohibition of hunting could not restore game to any importance
in the economy.
It is possible that the practice of eating fish as distinct from shellfish was
learnt from Hottentots and Europeans.
Outside influences are very obvious in household furniture. The sewing,
as distinct from weaving, of sleeping-mats may have been taken from the
Hottentots, but, later, chairs, tables, beds and bedding have been imported
directly from Europeans, while clay shelves have been built into the walls of
the huts.
There is nothing to show outside influence in the utensils used for food
and drink before contact with Europeans, except for two items, beer-skimmers
and mortars and pestles. Beer-skimmers are used only by those who are near
the Natal Nguni, among whom they are in common use. The absence of special
terms for mortar and pestle, such as are found in all groups of the interior, is an
indication that, though now widely used, these are relatively new things among
the Cape Nguni. It is suggested that they were adopted from Sotho neighbours,
possibly strengthened later by European influence. The really revolutionary
influence in domestic utensils came from the contact with Europeans. Starting
with the three-legged iron cooking-pot, a whole range of kitchen utensils has
438 ANNALS OF THE SOUTH AFRICAN MUSEUM
been introduced.
Indications of the secondary importance of agriculture in comparison
with animal husbandry are the very elementary tools and methods used, and
the fact that it was, at least among the Xhosa, Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondo
and Mpondomise, not considered important enough for men to be involved.
Possibly the remarkable lack of tools may also be considered a charac-
teristic of a mainly pastoral rather than a settled people, just as the great
importance of weapons, especially the spear, may indicate the need for skill in
protecting a people on the move. On the other hand, the fact that, at the time
the first records were made, hunting appears to have been looked on rather as
a sport than as a means of livelihood, suggests a certain security of life.
The extreme paucity of household furniture and the simplicity of the
vessels for food and drink are pointers to a people used to moving on, as
pastoralists do, and taking with them only what a pack-ox could conveniently
carry. The emphasis on grinding-stones, which can usually be found locally,
instead of heavy wooden mortars, which are difficult to carry, and the use of
light and tough basketwork, even for liquids, suggest a people who needed
to be prepared to travel light, and not to burden themselves with heavy items
such as mortars and pots. The original Cape Nguni settlers would seem, there-
fore, at the time of their arrival, to have been only little removed from nomadic
pastoralism.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
Acknowledgement is hereby made of the financial assistance of the Human
Sciences Research Council towards the publication of this work. Opinions
expressed or conclusions reached are those of the authors and should not be
regarded as representative of those of the Human Sciences Research Council.
Thanks are due to the Directors of the Africana Museum, Johannesburg,
the Albany Museum, Grahamstown, the McGregor Museum, Kimberley, the
Cape Archives, the East London Museum, Fort Hare Ethnological Museum,
the Queenstown and Frontier Museum, the Transvaal Museum, Pretoria, the
National Cultural History and Open-air Museum, Pretoria, the British Museum,
London, the Royal Scottish Museum, Edinburgh, the State Ethnographic
Museum, Stockholm, and the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, and to the University
of Cape Town and the University of Stellenbosch for permission to use material
in their charge; to the late Sir Ernest Oppenheimer and the late Mr Hugh
Solomon for permission to consult unpublished material in their libraries; to
the then Bantu Commissioner, Cape Town, the Manager and assistants of the
Cape Town Municipal Administration at Langa, the Manager and staff of
African Explosives and Chemical Industries, Ltd, Somerset West, the Manager
and Compound Managers of Randfontein Estates, and the Magistrates of
Willowvale, Mt Frere, Mt Ayliff, Bizana, Flagstaff, Libode, Ngqeleni, Mqa-
nduli, Kentani, Idutywa, Engcobo, Elliotdale and Umtata for assistance in
THE MATERIAL CULTURE OF THE CAPE NGUNI 439
obtaining information; to the National Botanic Gardens of South Africa,
Kirstenbosch, for identification of plant material; to the late Dr A. W. Burton
of King William’s Town, Mr H. W. Pahl, Prof. W. D. Hammond-Tooke and
Mr Mda, of Umtata, for information; to Mr C. C. Biden, Mr R. E. Carter,
Mr C. C. Clarke, the late Mrs F. Clarke, Mrs B. Jurgens, Mr G. Velcich, the
State Information Office, and the Director of the British Museum for per-
mission to use photographs; and to all others who have assisted in one way or
another.
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